CHAPTER VIII

THE STORY OF THE REPUBLIC

“GOLD,” said Columbus in a letter to King Ferdinand, “is the most excellent of metals. With gold we not only do whatever we please in this world, but we can employ it to snatch souls from Purgatory and to people Paradise.” This was the keynote to the Spanish character and explains the difference between the civilizations established by Spain and other colonizing nations. Thrifty activity was regarded with disdain by the cavalier and each man sought only enough money to live on the interest of it, or to establish a trust fund for his family. The government imposed on each of its colonies a multitude of officials, since nowhere in the world were there so many nobles for whom it was necessary to provide honourable employment, and an opportunity to acquire the riches that were deemed so desirable. This greed for gold and contempt for all industrial and agricultural pursuits is perhaps the most remarkable feature of Spain’s colonial policy.

“The Spaniards,” says a historian, “conceived the Americans to be animals of an inferior nature, who were not entitled to the rights and privileges of men. In peace they subjected them to servitude. In war they paid no regard to those laws, which, by a tacit convention between contending nations, regulate hostility and set bounds to its rage.” The history of the conquest of Guatemala is but another story of war, rapine and slavery similar to the other conquests of Spain. We have the testimony of Alvarado himself upon this point. On one occasion he wrote to Cortez: “That day I killed and captured many people, many of them captains and persons of rank.” At another time he wrote: “That I might bring them to the service of His Majesty, I determined to burn the lords; and I burned them and commanded their city to be burned and razed to its foundations.” Prisoners were branded on the cheeks and thighs and sold as slaves at public auction, one-fifth of the money realized going to the Spanish crown in all cases. It was not many months until Guatemala acknowledged the sovereignty of Spain, and, with Chiapas, now the southernmost state of the republic of Mexico, was made a province with a resident captain-general.

The rule of Spain lasted for nearly three centuries, from 1524 to 1821. Under their system of government the natives were looked upon as lawful prey and were oppressed in every possible way. Las Casas, and a few of the other priests, endeavoured to prevent extreme cruelty, although even their methods would not appear very high, according to present standards. The policy of Spain was always narrow and selfish. The unlimited power of the clergy and their immunity from the civil laws made them arrogant and intolerant. Even before the death of Alvarado, in 1541, there were numerous uprisings of the Indians which were crushed with an iron hand. The false system of government created distrust in all, so that no man put confidence in his neighbour. The Inquisition, that terrible institution of blind hatred and bigotry, flourished here with all its malevolence and many were its victims. Although the Indians were exempt from its action, it gave a ready way to dispose of anyone who made himself particularly obnoxious to the powers that were, and the offenders were turned over to the tender mercies of those who seemed to rejoice in human suffering and misery. We turn with horror from the sacrificial altars of the Aztec and Toltec races; and yet a careful search by historians has not found any persecution for opinion’s sake among these people, but their offerings were all made to please their deities.

As generation after generation of American-born but European-descended Guatemalans arose and a certain national spirit and feeling was developed, these persons demanded some recognition and at least a limited degree of home rule. This Spain would not grant, but continued to send her viceroys, captains-general, archbishops, etc., from the mother country. Of the one hundred and seventy viceroys who ruled in the Americas, only four were of American birth, and those were reared and educated in Spain. It was the same with the archbishops, bishops, captains-general and other chief officials.

The opening of the nineteenth century was pregnant with important events both in Europe and America. The success of the English colonists in overthrowing the foreign yoke acted as a leaven in spreading dissatisfaction throughout the Spanish colonies. Napoleon was at the height of his power and was upturning monarchies with a reckless hand. Affairs in Spain culminated in the detention by this Lord of Europe of the King of Spain, Ferdinand VII, and the other members of the royal family at Bayonne, France, until he forced them to resign their rights to the Spanish crown in his favour. Joseph Napoleon, brother of the emperor, was crowned as King of Spain. Heretofore the Audiencia, captain-general and archbishop of Guatemala, though many times wishing for freedom, could not bring themselves to discard the country that gave them birth, religion and civilization. Even educated Indians, though desiring independence, looked upon the ruling power with fear and an almost superstitious reverence. Napoleon’s acts of violence and usurpation of the throne upon which all Spanish subjects looked with such veneration broke this enchantment, greatly stimulated the desire for freedom and gave it new impetus. Up to this time the subjects of Spain in Central America had been allowed no voice in their own government save as timid petitioners. At last the right was granted to Guatemala to choose a deputy who should reside at the court, and on March 3rd, 1810, Manuel Jose Pavon y Munoz was chosen for this position. Promises of reform were held out by the Spanish Cortes, but nothing seemed to be done in good faith and the patience of those governed was gradually exhausted.

A constant espionage was maintained by the police by way of intimidation. Informers and spies seemed omnipresent. Jose Bustamente, of Guerra, the newly-appointed captain-general, adopted stringent measures to stem the rising tide of insurrection. No intelligent native was free from suspicion which frequently resulted in his imprisonment or exile. A long memorial sent to the Spanish Cortes setting forth the causes of discontent resulted in the adoption of an organic code which promised reform and for a few months had a beneficial effect.

It was on the 15th of September, 1810, that the patriot-priest Hidalgo issued his famous _pronunciamento_ declaring the sovereignty of Spain at an end in Mexico. The news of his success again stimulated the germs of independence in Guatemala and they began to germinate in secret among the more intelligent of both Creoles and natives. The government used every means to keep the people in ignorance of the real events in Mexico and South America and spread reports of great government successes in putting down the insurrections. Restiveness and despair fell upon many and the hopes of a better government by Spain evaporated. Men were unwilling to live longer under such despotism, and they began to look upon even death as a relief.

In 1811, _pronunciamentos_ began to appear in a number of cities in the Kingdom of Guatemala, and on November 5th of that year the first blow was struck for freedom by the capture of several thousand muskets and a large sum of money in the Salvador treasury. The Archbishop granted eighty days indulgences for those not participating in the revolutionary movements, but this promise had little effect among the thinking classes. The masses, on the other hand, were in a degraded condition, socially, intellectually and morally, and controlled by an ignorant fanaticism. The most absurd doctrines and miracles were implicitly believed in, and fealty to the sovereigns, so they were taught, was a high virtue.

Spain was practically helpless because of her troubles in Mexico and South America where formidable revolutions were in progress. Because of this no large armies were sent and there was no great war for independence. During the years from 1811 to 1821, however, there were thousands of victims to the cause of independence throughout all of Central America and Chiapas—men who sacrificed life, liberty and freedom. Even if there were no great bloody fields of carnage or brilliant feats of arms, as in Mexico, there were tragedies in abundance, and the lives sacrificed upon the sacred altar of patriotism were as precious as those slain in battle in other countries. The Betlen conspiracy, in 1813, led by a patriotic priest, gained considerable headway, but the conspirators soon found themselves in prison through a betrayal of their plans. In 1814, a national constitution was proclaimed by Spain through her representative, Bustamente, but few believed that it was in good faith. The desire for separation from the galling yoke of Spain had taken too strong a hold to be appeased by a little sop.

Finally, in 1821, Spain’s representative, Señor Gavino Gainza, joined the rebels. On the 14th of September of that year the government house in Guatemala City was thronged by representatives of the people who came to attend a meeting that had been called by Gainza. Immediate independence was advised by the majority of those representatives and every attempt at a vacillating policy was defeated. Every vote for independence was received by the citizens who had gathered on the plaza with loud applause and those against it with groans. The anti-independents fearing for their lives retired from the palace, but they were not molested. An _Acta de Independencia_ was then drawn up, adopted, signed and sworn to by all those who were present, and publicly proclaimed on the following day. This act declared Guatemalans to be a free and independent people and invited citizens of the provinces to elect at once representatives to a national congress to be convened on the 1st day of March, 1822, on the basis of one representative for each fifteen thousand inhabitants. This was just two hundred and ninety-seven years, three months and nineteen days from the time Alvarado and his followers took possession of the country.

A provisional _junta_ was formed to advise with Gainza, who had apparently thrown his die with independence, but secretly—so it is claimed—intended to deal doubly. Chiapas had proclaimed independence a few days earlier and was the first province of the Guatemala captain-generalcy, or Kingdom of Guatemala, as it was called, to throw off the Spanish yoke. San Salvador followed on the 21st of September, Honduras on the 16th of October, Nicaragua on the 21st of October and Costa Rica on the 27th of October. All of these provinces formally accepted the Plan of Iguala proclaimed by Iturbide of Mexico, which provided as follows: preservation of the Roman Catholic Church; independence under a monarchical form of government with a prince of the royal house of Spain as ruler; union and equality of Spaniards and Mexicans and Central Americans.

The change to freedom was not easy after three centuries of misrule. The abolishment of slavery forty years before the United States freed her black men was one good omen. Two parties, conservatives and liberals, sprang up. The most of the enlightened ones espoused the cause of the liberals, while the old families, those with race prejudice, and the clergy adhered to the conservative cause, although many of the priests were in the front rank of those battling for independence. Thus the state cast adrift without any fixed policy.

The idea of annexation to Mexico began to grow popular. Iturbide, who had in the meantime made himself Emperor of Mexico, sent messengers to Gainza, who espoused that cause and began to persecute those opposed to that idea. Republicans were insulted and even conversations on the street on political subjects were prohibited. The _junta_ decreed annexation on the 5th of January, 1822, and the people were given all the rights of Mexican citizens. This union only lasted for about fifteen months and was dissolved soon after the fall of the Emperor Iturbide. The only tangible results of the union were internal strife and heavy taxes.

In 1823 a congress of the states of Central America was summoned to meet in Guatemala City. This congress assembled in June as the Asamblea Nacional Constituyente and remained in session nearly two years. It founded the United Provinces of Central America, but difficulties soon set in between the different provinces. A constitution was framed and promulgated in 1825 for which the constitution of the United States was taken as a model. Arcé was proclaimed the first president in the same year and was soon after recognized by most of the leading powers. Conflicts arose very soon between the federal and local authorities in Guatemala City, which city had been made the capital of the confederation. The vice-president, Flores, retired to Quezaltenango, where he was attacked by an infuriated mob of natives on the 13th of October, 1826. He sought refuge in the pulpit of the parish church from whence he was dragged by a mob of women and literally torn to pieces. The Indians had been aroused by a Spanish priest who attributed a pestilence to him. A reign of religious fanaticism soon followed and troops from San Salvador invaded Guatemala to restore order. Convents and monasteries were suppressed by the government, but Arcé found himself unable to preserve order, and resigned the presidency.

In 1799, there was born in Honduras a child named Francisco Morazan, who was destined to be the greatest figure in this Central American Confederation. His father was a Frenchman and his mother a native Creole woman of that country. We know little of his youth except that he managed to acquire a fair education for that age. He grew up to be a man of impetuous but not sanguinary temperament, and was possessed of great decision and perseverance. His bearing was free and manly; his manner was frank and open; his domestic life was exemplary. After holding several minor offices in Honduras he became secretary-general of that province, then Senator and _jefe_, or governor, but his bent was that of a warrior. Revolution broke out at La Antigua, in Guatemala, and this province then placed itself under the protection and leadership of General Morazan, who had an army of about two thousand men, and who had espoused the cause of the malcontents. With this small force Morazan besieged Guatemala City, the capital of the federation, and the city soon capitulated. General Morazan thereupon assumed the power of state and used much vigour, but was just. He afterwards wrote, “No one was put to death or had money exacted from him.” This was an almost unheard of leniency in Central America, but he had no cause to regret this magnanimity, even though there was much blood to avenge and there were many grievances to punish.

A period of reaction followed, for the servile conservative party, which had been hitherto dominant, fell. It seemed almost as though Morazan had been called by Providence itself. Some cruel measures by his followers and supporters followed, but the best authorities do not blame him personally for those acts, as he seemed to be above petty measures for the purpose of revenge. It was even decreed that all salaries that had been paid for several years be refunded to the national treasury and harsh means were taken to collect them. A few months later another man was elected president by the new congress that had been chosen, although Morazan was the real power behind the throne, but at that time he preferred the military command. Many prisoners were exiled, the archbishop and a number of friars expelled, and all monastic institutions, except one, were suppressed by the new government. Because of fear of trouble from Spain all property of Spanish subjects was ordered sequestered until that country formally recognized independence.

It was ever a struggle between the church party and the anti-clericals. On one side were arrayed the sincere adherents of the church and the clergy, many of whom were bigoted as well as covetous. In the other party were the honest patriots and those who expected to reap emolument from the confiscation of church property. In addition there was a floating class of professional revolutionists who threw their lot with whichever party promised the greatest reward, and the bandits who would rob a church as cheerfully as a lonely traveller on the road.

It is difficult to realize how long it takes to throw away temporal and spiritual fetters, even though they are self-forged. The people of Central America felt lost without harness and reins, whip and spurs, as soon as a little freedom had been gained. They did not know what to do with their liberty which many interpreted to mean license. They thought it consisted of wranglings for place, of wars of brothers against brothers, of priests against people. A self-styled aristocracy and ignorant rabble both contributed to the discontent.

They had copied the letter and not the spirit of American institutions. The scheming politicians would hesitate at nothing to attain private ends or personal aggrandizement. The aristocracy were impetuous by nature and impatient of restraint, while the peons were indolent and accepted whatever condition fell to them.

Finally, in 1830, Morazan was elected president at the regular election and assumed office on the 16th day of September. Ignoring all precedents this new ruler turned his first attention and efforts to further education. Peace reigned for a short time, but the demon of political strife was soon let loose again. The former president, who had just failed of re-election, invaded Guatemala with about a hundred discontented ones from Mexico, and another revolutionist entered the country from the opposite border with a couple of hundred negroes from Honduras, but both were defeated by the prompt measures of the government. Yet in this victory was actual defeat, for the dissolution of the confederation really dated from this time. Congress adopted some liberal measures at the instance of Morazan, among which were absolute freedom of conscience and the right to worship God according to the dictates of conscience, both of which measures showed an advanced spirit of toleration. This liberty, however, angered the clericals who did not favour the progressive policies of Morazan. Furthermore, and this was the most powerful influence, the smaller states were jealous of Guatemala, because of her predominance both in population and area, and they demanded an equal voice in the government. It was one of the same troubles that confronted the colonies during the early days of the republic. Beginning with the withdrawal of Nicaragua, in December, 1832, all the provinces formally withdrew from the confederation within a few months.

A scourge of cholera in 1837 was taken advantage of by certain fanatics of the clerical party, who made the ignorant rabble believe that the waters had been poisoned in order to destroy the natives and make room for foreigners. That such a movement should be successful seems almost incredible in this day and age, but its effect soon spread over the whole land, and the government was helpless when opposed by blind fanaticism. Cries for vengeance were heard on every side, and many physicians were put to death with cruel tortures, such as being compelled to swallow the entire contents of their medicine chests. Rafael Carrera, whose hostilities resembled highway robbery rather than civilized warfare, soon became the head of the revolt, aided by a certain class of priests who termed him the “Protecting Angel Rafael.” The government put a price on Carrera’s head and the following notice was posted throughout the country:

“The person or persons who may deliver the criminal Rafael Carrera, dead or alive (if he does not voluntarily present himself under the last pardon), shall receive a reward of fifteen hundred dollars and two caballerias of land, and pardon for any crime he has committed.

“The general-in-chief, “J. N. CARVALLO.

“_Guatemala, July 20th, 1838._”

Outlaws and robbers joined this new leader, while the main body of troops were men in rags armed with all kinds of weapons from rusty muskets to knives on long poles; and even sticks shaped like muskets with tin-plate locks were carried by many. As this oddly-assorted band approached Guatemala City thousands of women joined them with sacks to carry away the loot and plunder. Viva la religion! Death to the foreigners! were the cries that filled the air as they entered the walls of the capital. The government, knowing its own weakness and also Carrera’s mercenary disposition, finally compromised by paying Carrera $1,000 for his own use and $10,000 to be distributed among his troops, and making him a general in the army. A foolish compromise! An injudicious surrender! Temporary quiet was followed by more and greater disorder, and Morazan was compelled soon afterwards to flee to San Salvador, then to Costa Rica, where he was openly insulted, and finally to South America, where he found peace and quiet.

A quiet life did not suit the spirit of General Morazan, for he soon after returned to Costa Rica and became involved in the political troubles of that country. As in Honduras and Guatemala his sword was found on the side of freedom and against oppression. Ill luck followed his forces and he was captured by treachery and the promise of immunity. He was cast in irons and a mock trial held at which he was condemned to die within three hours. The prospect of death did not break the brave spirit of this remarkable man, and he dictated his will and a defence of his actions, and then boldly faced the squad of executioners. He himself gave the command to fire, after seeing that good aim was taken by the soldiers. Thus died at San Jose, Costa Rica, on the 15th of September, 1842, the twenty-first anniversary of freedom from the Spanish yoke, perhaps the greatest statesman that Central America has yet produced. He was misunderstood, maligned and killed, but his last words were prophetic:

“Posterity will do me justice.”

Carrera was only about twenty-one years of age when he first became the leader of the clerical, or servile, forces. Of base birth, his mother being a well-known market woman, he was so ignorant that he could not even write his name, and signed official documents with a rubber stamp; of a violent and irascible temper and the slave of violent passions, yet he was bold, determined and persevering; constantly beaten, yet he always managed to escape. From a common servant he became a pig driver and later the absolute dictator of Guatemala for many years. At first the mere tool of the priests, they were afterwards obliged to put up with the insults and abuse of the man whom they had raised up to a position of power. His vanity knew no bounds and there was no limit to his cruelty. He beat men, pulled out their hair and beards; violated women, cut off their tresses and ears; and, while president, he occasionally shot men on the plaza for effect. On one occasion he ordered eighteen prominent citizens of Quezaltenango shot on the plaza as an example to the rest of the inhabitants.

John L. Stephens, an American diplomat, who met Carrera many times, has given us a vivid picture of this man. He describes him as about five feet, six inches in height, with straight black hair and an Indian complexion. Stephens happened to be in a town that was captured by Carrera. Every inhabitant was compelled to shout, Viva Carrera! If the person hesitated a gun would be aimed at his breast and, if he refused, it would be fired. _Viva la Patria!_ was never thought of, for Carrera was the government. He never talked of how many prisoners he took, but it was always how many of the enemy were killed, for prisoners were not desired.

Carrera raised his army by promising the natives the plunder of the capital, says Stephens. He approached it with a tumultuous mass of half-naked savages, men, women and children, estimated at ten or twelve thousand. Several well-known outlaws, criminals, robbers and murderers were with him. The “General” rode on horseback with a green bush in his hat which was hung around with pieces of cotton cloth covered with pictures of saints, wore a pair of green, frieze trousers, and a fine coat covered with gold embroidery. The natives all had green bushes in their hats, looking like a moving forest as they marched down the streets of the capital. As they proceeded the soldiers cried: “Viva la religion and death to the foreigners.” One captive general was placed sidewise on a mule with his feet tied under the animal, and his face bruised, swollen, and disfigured by stones and blows of _machetes_. Many other prisoners were tied together with ropes. This was similar to the invasion of Rome by the barbaric hordes of the north.

Although virtually the head of the government from the flight of Morazan, in 1839, he was not formally chosen president until 1844. The clerical party called him “Son of God” and “Our Lord,” and hailed him as their saviour. A few years later he resigned because of trouble, but did not entirely give up his power, and in 1852 was made president for life and occupied that position until his death on the 14th of April, 1865, just about the time of the death of President Lincoln. He was even able through legislative enactment to name his successor. Congress had declared him a hero and the preserver of the republic and ordered his bust engraved on all coins. Guatemala had finally declared her independence the 21st day of March, 1847, as the Republic of Guatemala instead of a state within the confederation, by which designation it had formerly been known, although the confederation had been practically dissolved many years before.

His successor, Vicente Cerna, was a man of very ordinary ability and a religious fanatic. He was a warm friend of the Jesuits and his greatest recommendation was that he went to confession once each week as regularly and conscientiously as he took his meals. He could not control the discordant elements and insurrections soon sprang up on every hand, even though he had the united support of the church party. New and powerful leaders of the opposition came into prominence. The most influential opponent of the government at this time was Serapio Cruz, who was ably supported by Granados and J. Rufino Barrios, hitherto a refugee in Chiapas. Cruz invaded Guatemala from Chiapas in 1869 with only twenty-five men. His numbers gradually swelled as he proceeded across the country, although only a small portion were supplied with firearms. Some carried _machetes_, while many more were entirely unarmed. He was finally defeated in an engagement with the government forces near the capital and his head was carried into the city as a ghastly trophy and a warning to other revolutionists. Granados and Barrios kept up the struggle with varying success for many months. They finally gathered up a couple of small armies and marched toward Guatemala City. Their journey was almost a triumphal procession and they entered that city as victors as Cerna fled.

H. H. Bancroft, the able and painstaking historian of Spanish North America, says that the result of thirty years of conservative rule in Guatemala was two hundred lazy and stupid monks, two hundred almost useless nuns, one archbishop, two bishops, fifteen vicars and canons, a foreign debt of five million dollars. There were no schools, roads, bridges, or telegraphs. The postal facilities were inadequate, and immense tracts of unproductive land owned by the church brought no revenue for the support of the government. This is a terrific arraignment of that party and explains in a great measure why that country has lagged behind so far in the onward march of progress. And yet its history down to that time is not much worse than that of Mexico for the same period.

Granados was first made president after the flight of Cerna, but he was soon after, in 1872, succeeded by General Barrios, who ruled the country with an iron hand for more than a dozen years and was practically dictator during that time. Opinions differ a great deal concerning this man, but the passing years show the farsightedness of his policies. I talked with a great many people who knew him at the American Club in Guatemala City. All admit that he was a greater man than any of his successors, and that he was a better one is nearly as generally conceded. He was resourceful and iron-willed, but progressive; he drove his political opponents out of the country mercilessly and made many bitter enemies as a result; his friends were few because he never confided his plans to them in advance, although he would do anything for them that lay within his power and did not conflict with his purposes. One writer, who met him, has analyzed his character as follows: “In disposition he was sympathetic and affectionate; when he liked a man he showered favours upon him; when he distrusted, he was cold and repellent; and when he hated, his vengeance was swift and sure. He did everything with a nervous impetuosity, thought rapidly and acted instantly.”

Guatemala began to make progress from the very beginning of the rule—and I say rule, not administration, advisedly—of Barrios. A new constitution was adopted by the national assembly convened for that purpose, and he was re-elected president in 1880 by popular suffrage, which was really the only constitutional election ever held in the country up to that time. With all the energy of his nature he fostered education and endeavoured to uplift the masses by improving their condition and cultivating their understanding. Following the example of the other Spanish-American republics the Jesuits were banished, and much of the church property was confiscated and appropriated to the cause of education and for other public uses. He gave liberal concessions to railroads, constructed cart roads, erected telegraph lines and greatly improved the finances of the country by a new system of taxation. He even persuaded the Presbyterian Church of the United States to send a missionary to the country, paying all of his travelling expenses and providing him and his family with accommodations. The missionary opened a Sunday school in the capital, to which the President sent his own children and urged his officials to do the same. Thus, for a time at least, the Protestant Mission was very popular and fashionable. He enforced the observance of the Sabbath and made everyone send their children to the public schools or pay for the privilege of sending them to private schools.

Although the government established by him was not of the people nor by the people, he fully intended it to be for the people. His failure probably was due to his lack of that conciliation and diplomacy which Porfirio Diaz used so successfully during the first few years of his presidency in Mexico, by which means he united the discordant elements. In view of the radical measures undertaken by Barrios it is not surprising that powerful enemies were made who on numerous occasions attempted his life. One plot was made in a woman’s house, similar to that of Mrs. Surratt’s, where the plot to kill Lincoln was formed, but the woman revealed it, and seventeen of the leaders were executed on the main plaza in the capital.

One evening President Barrios and a couple of friends were walking in the little garden surrounding the theatre where they were going to attend a performance. Suddenly there was a streak of flame through the night air and with a thud a bomb fell almost at the feet of Barrios. The fuse sizzled and flashed as it burned, but the man for whom it was intended was as cool and unperturbed as if the deadly bomb was nothing more than a toy firecracker. Coolly picking it up, he put out the fuse with his hand and, turning to his companions, said in an unconcerned way: “The rascals don’t know how to kill me.” The President displayed magnanimity toward these plotters by pardoning all those concerned except the leader, who was sent into exile.

In 1881, President Barrios visited the United States and was received with the highest consideration by the government in Washington and by the authorities in many other cities. He came to invite this government to mediate the boundary difficulties between Guatemala and Mexico, which was done. The following year he visited Europe and again crossed the United States on his return. In this way he endeavoured to get new ideas for the betterment of his country, and went back home with a renewed determination to establish a great nation in Central America.

For years the idea of a union of all the Central American republics had been cherished by Barrios as it had been by a number of his predecessors. In fact this idea has been the dream of nearly every president of each one of the Central American republics even to this day. Barrios thought this would be beneficial not only to his own land but to each one of the states. The methods he pursued were no worse than England and other countries have followed from time immemorial to accomplish similar ends. He was on good terms with all of the republics. San Salvador had presented him with a sword of honour in token of her esteem, and Costa Rica had made him a general in her army in recognition of her friendship.

The President of Honduras had signified his willingness to enter into such a union. Likewise the President of San Salvador had led him to believe that he favoured the movement. Nicaragua and Costa Rica refused to enter into a confederation. Nevertheless, Barrios, trusting in the ability of the three rulers to control the situation, issued a proclamation on the 28th of February, 1885, declaring a federation of the five Central American republics and proclaiming himself as Supreme Military Chief until a choice could be made. President Zaldivar of San Salvador played him false and the scheme failed. Zaldivar was able to do this as he controlled the cables and either refused to send or garbled the dispatches forwarded to the other powers. Barrios was not daunted, but invaded San Salvador to compel Zaldivar to yield. His oldest son was killed in battle on the 21st of April, and Barrios himself was shot from ambush when he went back to search for the body of his son. His remains are buried in a cemetery near Guatemala City, and the grave is marked by a slender, broken column set upon a great square, wooden cenotaph. His widow and six children soon after embarked for the United States, where Barrios had made investments to provide for just such a contingency.

Barrios was succeeded by Manuel Lisandro Barillas, a man of kind and benevolent instincts but ill fitted to control a turbulent republic like Guatemala. He at once withdrew the decree of federation which had proven so ill-timed and made peace with the other republics. Little was accomplished by him, although he attempted to continue the reform policies of Barrios. He was elected for and served for one full term, but was defeated for re-election by a nephew of the elder Barrios. This soured him and from that time until his death he was a more or less turbulent factor in the Guatemala political situation. When I was in that country he was in Chiapas, on the border of Guatemala, where, as I was informed by an American who had seen him, he had a force of twenty-five men “armed to the teeth.” This seems like a small force, but Granados had no more when he made his successful march and overthrew the existing government. Barillas had figured that the malcontents would flock to him as soon as he entered the country. He had sacrificed his all, and even his daughters had sold their diamonds to purchase guns and ammunition for his campaign. The President of Mexico compelled him to leave their territory, and President Cabrera rushed troops to the border, so that the movement was a fiasco. Had it not been for this, the result might have been different, for the discontented in Guatemala at that time numbered many.

Ex-President Barillas was killed in the City of Mexico on the 7th day of April, 1907, aged sixty-seven years. He was riding on a street car when a youth of seventeen climbed aboard and stabbed him twice in the neck, the first blow severing the jugular vein. The assassin was a young Guatemalan who seemed to have come to Mexico for that purpose.

The successor of Barillas as president, José Maria Reina Barrios, served only a few years and developed no marked policy. He was a man of energy and strong will, but did not possess the ability or strength of character of his uncle. During the first few years of his term he gave the country a fairly good government and worked much for the prosperity of Guatemala. Near the close of his first term, however, he sought by legislative enactment to extend his term of office for five years, and a series of revolutions followed. In February, 1898, he was assassinated on the streets of Guatemala City by a foreigner, evidently an anarchist, and the country was left in a disastrous condition.

The _Premier Designado_, which corresponds to the position of Vice-President under our form of government, at the time of the assassination of Reina Barrios, was Manuel Estrada Cabrera. He was a lawyer by profession and the first civilian to hold that office since the establishment of the republic. Upon his accession to the presidency he found the country involved in many serious complications. The foreign obligations were threatening to precipitate trouble with international entanglements, and the new President at once exerted every effort to place this indebtedness in a more favourable condition, and to organize the finances in such a way that the legitimate demands of creditors might be met. It is only fair to Cabrera to say that he succeeded in these efforts even more than might have been expected by his most sanguine supporters. His legal training stood him in good stead. The finances of the country were reorganized, foreign creditors were appeased, and, after the first few years, for he was elected to a full term in September of the same year, the way to permanent peace and prosperity seemed to open up wide. Guatemala appeared for a while to be preparing to follow in the footsteps of Mexico, and Cabrera’s adherents enthusiastically prophesied for him a career as great and meritorious as that of Mexico’s wonderful statesman.

“Cabrera is a wonderful man. He will do for Guatemala what Diaz has done for Mexico.” Thus spoke a high official of that government to me concerning Manuel Estrada Cabrera, who has now been at the head of the government for more than eleven years.

It seems to me, however, that President Cabrera has signally failed in many ways. He lacks in the quality of “_simpatica_,” a Spanish term that it is difficult to translate into English. He has failed to attract the affection and confidence of his people sufficiently to establish permanent peace and tranquillity. Although revolutions have not been successful, or even formidable, yet it has been only by the exercise of the most severe military measures and police espionage at all times that such has not been the result. That severity alone does not suffice to make a ruler respected, or even feared, has been demonstrated over and over again. It is not the schoolmaster who inflicts the severest penalties who preserves the best order in the schoolroom, and it is not the ruler who inaugurates a reign of terror who lays the surest foundation for permanent peace and prosperity. In a Latin-American republic, where the president is the ruler, and not a figurehead, he must possess that peculiar and undefinable ascendency of character, that personal magnetism which lays a spell on the popular imagination and impels them to submit to his wishes willingly. If he lacks in either of those essentials, his influence will soon wane, other leaders will receive the popular plaudits, and a revulsion of public favour will leave the late favourite high and dry upon the deserted strand.

The best elucidation that can be made of this subject is by a comparison between the careers of President Cabrera and Diaz. The latter succeeded to a government that had been in the throes of revolution for three-fourths of a century, with a bankrupt treasury and a large foreign debt, the army disorganized, and the country overrun with bandits; and yet in his first term of four years, and in a country seven or eight times greater both in area and population, he accomplished far more for the betterment of Mexico than Cabrera has in eleven years at the head of affairs in Guatemala. Diaz used harsh measures where necessary, but he has accomplished more by diplomacy and the exercise of good judgment than he has by the use of mere force. To-day there is only one party in Mexico and that is the Diaz party.

That there is great dissatisfaction in Guatemala the events of recent years fully indicate. In 1907 an attempt was made upon the life of President Cabrera by exploding a mine, but this failed. Severe measures were adopted by the officials, and several of those suspected of implication in the plot were put to death, while a larger number were imprisoned _incommunicado_—that is, without privilege of communication with friends or counsel. Among this number were several foreigners who were suspected of designs against the President. Again, in April, 1908, another attack was made upon the President by some of his soldiers and he narrowly escaped death by shooting. The conditions that followed have been described as a “regime of terror” because of the many executions and incarcerations. An official report stated that eighteen men were court-martialed and sentenced to be shot for participation in this conspiracy.

The worst condemnation, I think, was the attitude of President Cabrera and his ministers toward Mexico when that government wanted him to give up certain persons for trial on the charge of conspiracy in the murder of ex-President Barillas, which had occurred on Mexican soil. Cabrera absolutely declined to grant this request, and his refusal almost resulted in the breaking off of all diplomatic relations between the two countries, and a conflict between the two governments was for a time imminent. This condition has, however, passed away and cordial relations now exist between the two republics. Furthermore, Cabrera has consistently refrained from becoming involved in the various conflicts that have raged between Nicaragua and its neighbours, and has been an active supporter of the Central American peace conference which was brought about by the influence of the United States.