Part 14

Antigone had two brothers, Eteokles and Polyneikes. After their father had been driven from Thebes the brethren disputed the succession to his throne. Polyneikes lost, and took refuge in Argos, where he gathered assistance and marched against his native city. The attempt had no success, and Polyneikes and Eteokles fell in single combat. This mutual fratricide left Kreon, their uncle, king. He, in a flame of “patriotism,” had Eteokles interred with honour and commanded that the body of Polyneikes should be left unburied. Such an order might be compared to excommunication, for the effect of it was for ever to bar the spirit of the dead from peace. Antigone sprinkled dust on the naked corpse, which satisfied the gods of the underworld and eluded the penalty of the ban. When Kreon asks her if the spirit of Eteokles will not resent the saining of his fraternal enemy—which would be the orthodox opinion—she replies, beautifully but inconsequently, _It is not my nature to join in hating, but in loving_. She also speaks of a higher, unwritten law. But Polyneikes is the favourite brother. I hardly think any one can read carefully the _Antigone_ and the _Oedipus at Colonus_ without seeing that. All through the _Antigone_ he is never out of her thoughts. “Natural enough,” you may be inclined to say. But is it? On the supposition that she is in love with Haimon? There is another play, the _Electra_, in which Sophocles portrays the love of a sister for a brother; and there are a good many points of resemblance between Electra and Antigone. Only there is in the love of Electra for Orestes (whom she brought up) a fierce, hungry, maternal quality, which would be out of place between the children of Oedipus.

When we pass to Euripides we seem by comparison to approach the modern. The impression is largely illusory, but not wholly false. It is the fact that he is troubled by many of the problems that trouble us, and it is the fact that he sometimes answers, or does not answer, them in a way we should regard as modern. This comes out in his treatment of love. It is best seen in the _Medea_ and the _Hippolytus_. Medea has a special interest for us because she is a Barbarian (princess of Colchis in the eastern corner of the Black Sea). But her case is quite simple. She is a woman in love with a man who is tired of her. Necessarily he cuts a poor figure in the story. She had saved his life. On the other hand, she had thrown herself at his head, she had done her best to ruin his chances in life, and all she had now to offer him was a perfect readiness to murder anybody who stood in his way. She is one of those women who are never satisfied unless the man is making love to them all the time, so that one may have a sneaking sympathy for that embarrassed, if rather contemptible, Jason. Indeed, Euripides’ opinion of this kind of “Romantic” love is probably no higher than Mr. Shaw’s. It is the passion of the Barbarian woman. That does not prevent Euripides from sympathizing profoundly with Medea, the passionate, wronged, foreign woman. Why, indeed, should it? The case of Medea, as Euripides with the pregnant brevity of Greek art presents it, has seemed to many as true as death. It is an excellent example of realism.

More definitely than the _Medea_, the _Hippolytus_ is a tragedy of love. Yet in the eloquence of the Romantic lover the one is as deficient as the other. Phaedra was dying for love of Hippolytus. Her secret is discovered and she dies of shame. What an opportunity for the sentimentalist! However, adds the relentless poet, that is not all the story. Before killing herself she forged a message to her husband making the charge of Potiphar’s wife against Hippolytus. She could not die without the pleasure of hurting him. Yet Euripides does not represent her as an odious woman; quite the contrary. The question for us is, does she, when we read the play, strike us as real or not? The poet has set himself a difficult task—to convince us that a soul overthrown by desire, cruel, lying, unjust was yet essentially modest, gentle and honourable. If she is almost too convincing, so that a sentimental part of you bleeds inside, you will perceive that realism was not invented in Norway. And there is this about the Greek sort: it never exaggerates.

It is hardly to be believed how startling an effect of truth this moderation of the Greek writers can produce. Sappho, in the most famous of her odes, says that love makes her “sweat” with agony and look “greener than grass.” Perhaps she did not turn quite so green as that, although (commentators nobly observe) she would be of an olive complexion and had never seen British grass. But, even if it contain a trace of artistic exaggeration, the ode as a whole is perhaps the most convincing love-poem ever written. It breathes veracity. It has an intoxicating beauty of sound and suggestion, and it is as exact as a physiological treatise. The Greeks can do that kind of thing. Somehow we either overdo the “beauty” or we overdo the physiology. The weakness of the Barbarian, said they, is that he never hits the mean. But the Greek poet seems to do it every time. We may beat them at other things, but not at that. And they do it with so little effort; sometimes, it might appear, with none at all. Thus Aeschylus represents Prometheus as the proudest of living beings. The _Prometheus Bound_ opens with a scene in which Hephaistos, urged on by two devils called Strength and Force, nails Prometheus to a frozen, desert rock. While the hero of the play endures this horrible torture, he has to listen to the clumsy sympathy of Hephaistos, who does not like his job, and the savage taunts of the two demons. To all this he replies—nothing at all. No eloquence could express the pride of that tremendous silence. Of course there is, or there used to be, a certain kind of commentator who hastens to point out that a convention of the early Attic stage forbade more than two persons of a tragedy to speak together at any time, so that in any event it was not permissible for Prometheus to speak. All you can do with a critic like that is (mentally, I fear) to hang a millstone round his neck and cast him into the deepest part of the sea.

Not but what the point about convention, if rightly taken, is extremely notable. It is an undying wonder how the kind of realism we have been discussing could be combined with, could even, as in that instance from the _Prometheus Bound_, make use of, the limitations imposed on the ancient poet. To a reader who has not looked into the case it is hard to give even an idea of it. If a man were to tell you that he had written a novel in which the hero was Sir Anthony Dearborn and the heroine Sophia Wilde, while other characters were Squire Crabtree, Parson Quackenboss, Lieutenant Dashwood and the old Duchess of Grimthorpe, you would think to yourself you knew exactly what to expect. Yet you must admit there is nothing to prevent the man leaving out (if he can) Gretna Green, and the duel, and the eighteenth-century oaths. But if a Greek tragic dramatist put on the stage a play dealing, say, with the House of Atreus, he positively could not leave out any part of the family history. It was not done. So the audience knew your story already, and knew, roughly, your characters. Nor, as historians say, was that all. There had to be a Chorus, which had to sing lyrical odes of a mythological sort at regular intervals between the episodes of your drama; while the episodes themselves had to be composed in the iambic metre and in a certain “tragic diction” about as remote from ordinary speech as _Paradise Lost_. How Aeschylus and Sophocles and Euripides contrive under such conditions to give a powerful impression of novelty and naturalness it is easier to feel than explain. About the feeling at least there is no doubt. Let us look again for a moment at that singular convention, the tragic Chorus. Very often it consists of old men who ... sing and dance. Consider the incredible difficulty of keeping a number of singing and dancing old men solemn and beautiful and even holy. Yet the great tragic poets have overcome that difficulty so completely that I suppose not one reader in a hundred notices that there is a difficulty at all. The famous Chorus of old men in the _Agamemnon_, whose debility is made a point in the play, never for a moment remind one of Grandfer Cantle. Rather they remind us of that “old man covered with a mantle,” whom Saul beheld rising from the grave to pronounce his doom. It is, in their own words, as if God inspired their limbs to the dance and filled their mouths with prophecy.

There is only one way of redeeming the conventional, and that is by sincerity. I am very far from maintaining that the moral virtue of sincerity was eminently characteristic of the ancient Greek; but intellectual sincerity was. None has ever looked upon gods and men with such clear, unswerving eyes; none has understood so well to communicate that vision. To see that essential beauty is truth and truth is beauty—that is the secret of Greek art, as it is the maxim of true realism. To keep measure in all things, that no drop of life may spill over—that is the secret of Greek happiness. To be a Greek and not a Barbarian.

NOTES

THE AWAKENING

The beginnings of Ionia, the earlier homes and the racial affinities of the Ionians, are still obscure, although the point is cardinal for Greek history. There is perhaps a growing tendency to find “Mediterranean” elements in the Ionian stock, and this would explain much, if the Ionians of history did not seem so very “Aryan” in speech and habits of thought. On the other hand the “Aryan” himself is daily coming to look more cloudy and ambiguous, and so is his exact contribution to western culture.

The chief ancient sources of our information concerning the Ionians are Herodotus, Pausanias and Strabo.

P. 14. Thuc. I. 2. Thuc. I. 6. Herod. I. 57.

P. 15. See especially D. G. Hogarth, _Ionia and the East_ (1909).

J. Burnet, _Who was Javan?_ in Proceedings of the Class. Assoc. of Scot. 1911-12. Herod. I. 142.

P. 16. Herod. I. 171 f.

P. 17. An authoritative little book dealing with (among other peoples) the Anatolian races is D. G. Hogarth’s _The Ancient East_ (Home Univ. Ser.), 1914. Also H. R. Hall, _The Ancient History of the Near East_ (1913).

P. 18. V. Bérard, _Les Phéniciens et l’Odyssée_ is full of instruction on the ways of the ancient mariner.

For the Colchians, see Hippocrates _de aer. aq. loc._ 15. _Cf._ Herod. II. 104 f.

P. 19. Chalybes. _Il._ II. 857. Herod. I. 203.

P. 20. Herod. IV. 93 f. Olbia. Herod. IV. 18. Scythian bow. Plato, _Laws_, 795-.

P. 21. Herod. IV. 18 f.

P. 22. Herod. IV. 172 f.

P. 25. Herod. II. 152. Abusimbel inscr. in Hicks and Hill’s _Manual_.

P. 26 f. Fragments of Archilochus in Bergk’s _Poet. Lyr. Gr._

KEEPING THE PASS

The Battle of Thermopylae as related by Herodotus (practically our sole authority) is an epic. Therefore in telling it again I have frankly attempted an epical manner as being really less misleading than any application of the historical method. This is not to say that the narrative of Herodotus has not been greatly elucidated by the research of modern historians, especially by the exciting discovery of the path Anopaia by Mr. G. B. Grundy. I have followed his reconstruction of the battle (which may not be very far from the truth) in his book, _The Great Persian War_ (1901). See also Mr. Macan’s commentary in his great edition of Herodotus.

P. 34. See Frazer’s note on Thermopylae in his edition of Pausanias.

P. 36. _Cf._ Xen. _Anab._ VII. 4, 4 (Thracians of Europe).

P. 39. Tiara. _schol._ Ar. _Birds_ 487. The King’s tiara was also called _kitaris_.

P. 39. For Persian dress _cf._ with Herod. Strabo 734. Xen. _Cyrop._ VII. 1, 2. There are also representations in ancient art, e.g. a frieze at Susa.

THE ADVENTURERS

P. 45. Strabo IV.

P. 46. Herod. IV. 44.

P. 47. _The Greek Tradition_ (1915), Allen and Unwin, p. 6f.

P. 48. Herod. IV. 151-153.

P. 50. For an account of the Oasis at Siwah, see A. B. Cook, _Zeus_, vol. I.

P. 51. Hymn _ad Apoll._ 391 f.

P. 52. Pind. _Ol._ 3 _ad fin._

P. 53. Herod. VI. 11, 12, 17. _Cf._ Strabo on foundation of Marseille, IV (from Aristotle).

P. 54. Herod. III. 125, 129-137 (Demokêdês).

P. 55. Polycrates. Herod. II. 182 and III _passim_.

P. 61 f. Xen. _Anab._ I-IV.

P. 63. Pisidians. _Cf._ Xen. _Memor._ V. 2, 6.

P. 67. _L’Anabase de Xenophon avec un commentaire historique et militaire_, by Col. (General) Arthur Boucher, Paris, 1913.

P. 69. There is a fine imaginative picture of Nineveh in the Book of Jonah.

P. 71. The famous Moltke was nearly drowned from a “tellek.”

P. 77. The hot spring may be the sulphurous waters of Murad, which have wonderful iridescences.

The Armenian underground houses are still to be seen. These earth-houses are found elsewhere—in Scotland, for instance. See J. E. Harrison, in _Essays and Studies presented to W. Ridgeway_, p. 136 f.

ELEUTHERIA

P. 82. Aesch. _Pers._ 241 f. Herod. VII. 104.

P. 83. _Pers._ 402 f. Eur. _Helen_ 276.

P. 84. Thuc. I. 3, 3 (“Hellenes” and “Barbarians” correlative terms).

Herod. I. 136.

P. 85. Aeschines 3, 132. Letter to Gadatas, Dittenb. _Syllog._^2 2.

Herod. III. 31. _Cf._ Daniel VI. 37, 38. Ezekiel xxvi. 7.

P. 86. Herod. IX. 108-113.

P. 88. _Cf._ vengeance of Persians on Ionians, Herod. VI. 32.

Herod. VII. 135.

P. 89. Herod. VIII. 140 f.

P. 90 f. “The ancients were attached to their country by three things—their temples, their tombs, and their forefathers. The two great bonds which united them to their government were the bonds of habit and antiquity. With the moderns, hope and the love of novelty have produced a total change. The ancients said _our forefathers_, we say posterity; we do not, like them, love our _patria_, that is to say, the country and the laws of our fathers, rather we love the laws and the country of our children; the charm we are most sensible to is the charm of the future, and not the charm of the past.” Joubert, transl. by M. Arnold.

P. 92. See J. E. Harrison on Anodos Vases in her _Prolegomena_, p. 276 f.

Herod. VIII. 109. Herod. VIII. 65.

P. 96. Herod. IX. 27. _Supplices_ 314 f. But see the whole speech of Aithra, and indeed the whole play, which is full of the mission of Athens as

the champion of Hellenism. _Cf._ also Eur. _Heraclid_. G. Murray, Introduction to trans. of Eur. _Hippol._ etc., on “Significance of _Bacchae_” (1902).

P. 97. Thuc. I. 70, 9. Herod. VII. 139. Dem. _de Cor._ 199 f.

P. 98. Arist. _Pol._ 1317^2 40, agreeing with Plato _Resp._ 562B.

P. 99. Plato _Resp._ 563c. Herod. III. 80.

Herod. V. 78. _Cf._ Hippocr. _de aer. aq. loc._ 23, 24. Both agree that a high spirit may be produced by suitable _nomoi_ and that man’s spirits are “enslaved” under autocracy. This is a more liberal doctrine than that discussed in Aristotle, that Barbarians are slaves “by nature.”

P. 100. _Supplices_ 403 f. _Medea_ 536 f.

The association of Liberty and Law is exhibited both positively and negatively (as in the breach of both by the tyrant) in the tragic poets, etc. Thus the _Suppliants_ of Aeschylus is concerned with a point of marriage-law, the _Antigone_ of Sophocles with a point of burial-law, and so on.

Another “romantic” hero is Cadmus.

P. 104. Hom. _Il._ VI. 447 f.

SOPHROSYNE

P. 110. Plato _Resp._ 329B. _ib._ 439E.

P. 111. Plato _Resp._ 615c. Xen. _Hellen._ VI. 4, 37.

P. 112. Plut. _Pelop._ 29. Herod. III. 50; V. 92.

P. 120. Herod. VIII. 26.

P. 121. _Purg._ XXIV. 137-8.

GODS AND TITANS

P. 122. _Od._ III. 48.

P. 123 f. I may allow myself to refer, for more detailed evidence, to my article _The Religious Background of the “Prometheus Vinctus”_ in Harvard Studies in Class. Philol. vol. XXXI, 1920. _Cf._ Prof. G. Murray in _Anthropology and the Classics_, ed. R. R. Marett.

P. 124. _Theog._ 126 f. _Theog._ 147 f. “ill to name,” οὐκ ὀνομαστοί. I think the meaning may be that to mention their names was dangerous—especially if you got them wrong. _Cf._ Aesch. Ag. 170. The Romans provided against this danger by the _indigitamenta_.

P. 126. _Theog._ 453 f.

P. 128. _Theog._ 617 f. _Theog._ 503 f.

P. 129. Solmsen, _Indog. Forsch._ 1912, XXX, 35 n. 1. _Theog._ 886 f. _Theog._ 929^h f.

P. 130. Heracl. _fr._ 42 (Diels). Xenophan. _fr._ 11.

Pind. _Ol._ I. 53 f.

P. 136. On the “anarchic life,” see Plato _Laws_ 693-699. Democritus (139) says, “Law aims at the amelioration of human life and is capable of this, when men are themselves disposed to accept it; for law reveals to every man who obeys it his special capacity for excellence.”

Zeus, acc. to Plato _Crit. sub fin._ is a _constitutional_ ruler.

P. 137. Herod. I. 34 f.

CLASSICAL AND ROMANTIC

I

P. 147. Plut. _Alex._ I.

P. 150. _Il._ II. 459 f. _Il._ IV. 452 f. _Il._ XIX. 375 f.

_Od._ XIX. 431 f. _Od._ XIX. 518 f.

P. 151. _Il._ VI. 418 f. _Il._ XIV. 16 f. _Il._ XXIV. 614 f.

P. 152. _Il._ XIV. 347 f. _Od._ XI. 238 f.

P. 153. Pind. _Ol._ I. 74 f. _Ol._ VI. 53.

P. 155. _Il._ XXIII. 597 f.

P. 161 f. See my _Studies in the Odyssey_, Oxford, 1914.

P. 163. _Il._ III. 243 f. _Il._ XVI. 453 f. _Od._ XIX. 36 f.

P. 164. _Od._ XX. 351 f. _ad Cererem_ 5 f. _ad Dion._ 24 f.

II

P. 168. Thuc. III. 38. ζητοῦντές τε ἄλλο τι ὡς εἰπεῖν ἢ ἐν οἷς ζῶμεν.

On Elpis, see F. M. Cornford in _Thucydides Mythistoricus_, ch. IX, XII, XIII.

P. 172. _Od._ XI. 235 f. Plato _Resp._ 573B.

P. 175. See Prof. Burnet, _Greek Philosophy_ (1914), Part I, p. 146 f.

P. 182. _Il._ XVIII. 205 f.

P. 183. _Il._ XII. 378 f.

P. 184. J. M. Synge said, “It may almost be said that before verse can be human again it must learn to be brutal.” But this merely shows how much we are suffering from a reaction against sentimental romanticism.

III

P. 189. _Il_. XIII. 444. _Il._ XIII. 616 f. _Il._ XIV. 493 f. _Il._ XVI. 345 f. _Il._ XX. 416 f.

P. 190. _Il._ XVI. 751 f.

P. 191. Arist. _Nic. Eth._ III. 6, 6. Plato _Apol. ad fin._

_Od._ XI. 488 f. _Od._. XI. 72 f. Note the effect of the καί before ζωός. It is “simple pathos” if you like, hardly self-conscious enough to be called “wistful.” There are some wonderful touches of it in Dante’s _Inferno_.

P. 192. Phrasikleia. Kaibel, _Epigr. Sepulchr. Attic._ 6.

P. 193. The Eretrian epigram is preserved in the Palatine Anthology.

P. 195. _Ag._ 1391 f.

P. 196. _Ant._ 571 f.

INDEX

Abu Simbel, 25

Achilles, 181 f., 191

Adrastos, 138, 140 f.

Adriatic, 24

Aegean peoples and culture, 14 f., 123

Aegina, 55

Aegisthus, 194 f.

Aeneas, 183

Aeschines, 81

Aeschylus, 58, 82, 83, 130 f., 153, 156, 170, 194 f., 200, 201 f.

Africa, 22 f., 23, 35, 48 f.

Agamemnon, 156, 194 f.

_Agon_, 118 f., 148

Ahuramazda, 39, 85, 87

Aias, 183

Aithra, 96 f.

Alexander (the Great), 16, 45, 61, 102, 147, 169; (of Macedon I), 89; (of Pherae), 111 f.

_Alkinoos, Narrative to_, 159 f.

Alkman, 153

Alyattes, 30, 117

Amazons, 136

Amestris, 86

Amphiktyones, 34

Anaximander, 30

Anopaia, 42

Antigone, 196 f.

Apollonios, of Rhodes, 172

_Arabian Nights,_ 160

Araxes, 79

“Archical Man,” The, 61, 62, 67

Archilochus, 26 f., 54, 172

Arganthonios, 52

Aristophanes, 162, 174, 186

Aristotle, 98, 110, 121, 147, 190 f.

Armenia, 64, 75 f.

Arnold, M., 52, 149 f., 176 f., 186

Artaxerxes II, 62, 63, 87 f.

Artaynte, 86

Artemision, 37

Asceticism, Greek, 110 f.

Asia Minor (Anatolia), 13 f., 23, 24, 46, 123

Asôpos, 33, 41; (Gorge of), 33, 41

Assyria, 65, 69

Assyrians, 17

Atarantes, 23

Athena, 90 f., 129, 136, 159, 162

Athenians, 13, 14, 21, 31, 37, 55, 89 f., 95 f., 131, 168, 174 f.

Atlantes, 23

Atlantic, 52

Atlas, 23

Atossa, 58

Attica, 92, 93

Atys-Attis, 137 f.

_Autochthones_, 14, 92

_Autonomy_, 98

Babylon, 65, 88

_Bacchae_, 20

Beauty, 137

Belloc, H., 103 f.

Bitlis Tchai, 75

“Black-Cloaks,” 22

Black Sea, 18, 19, 23, 24, 79, 198

Blake, 173

Bomba, 50

Bosphorus, 18, 19

Boucher, 67

Boudinoi, 22

Boulis, 88

Briareos, 124, 128

“Bronze Men,” 25

Burnet, 193

Byron, 169

Carians, 16, 17, 24, 25, 28, 46

Catullus, 139

Caucasus, 19

Cecrops, 81

Celtic Literature, 149 f.

Chalybes, 19, 80

“Champion’s Light,” 180 f.

Cheirisophos, 70 f.

Chesterton, G. K., 103 f.

Chios, 52

Chorus, 201 f.

Cimmerians, 29

Circe, 159

Civilization, 102 f., 105 f.

“Classical,” 147 f.

Cleopatra, 171

Clytaemnestra, 194 f.

Colchians, 18, 36, 79, 198

Coleridge, 152, 153

Colonies, 24 f., 31, 47 f.

Corcyra, 116 f.

Corinth, 112 f., 168

Corinthian Gulf, 13

Corsica, 53

Cretans, 46 f., 69

Crete, 15, 16, 46 f., 122, 123, 126

Crimea, 20, 21, 29

Croesus, 30, 137 f.

Cuchulain, 179 f.

Culture Hero, 101 f.

Cyclops, 160

_Cypria_, 178

Cyrene, 48, 50 f.

Cyrus (the Great), 30, 36, 52, 58; (the Younger), 62 f.

Dante, 121

Danube, 19, 20

Daphnis, 171

Dardanelles, 18, 24

Darius, 46, 54, 56 f., 85, 193

Dead, Worship of, 91 f., 113 f.

Delphi, 41, 50 f.

Demaratos, 82 f., 93

Democracy, 98 f.

Demokêdês, 54 f.

Demosthenes, 52, 97

Dikaios, 92 f.

Dionysius, 53 f.

Dionysus, 20

Dorians, 13, 14, 15, 17, 24, 37, 174 f.

Dryden, 171, 185

Earth-houses, 77 f.

Egypt, 25, 49

Egyptians, 18, 24, 25, 36, 56 f.

Eighteenth century, 185

Elea, 53

Eleusis, 93, 96

Eleutheria, 52 f.

Elpênor, 191 f.

Erechtheus, 91 f.

Eretria, 193

Eros, 172

Esther, 86

Etruria, 24

Euboea, 37 f., 193

Euêmeros, 122

Euphrates, 63

Euripides, 20, 96, 100, 101, 112, 138, 153, 173, 179, 198 f.

Exaggeration (hyperbole), 179 f.

Ferdiad, 181

Fire, Theft of, 131

Frazer, 138

Frigidity, 176

Gadatas, Letter to, 85

Garamantes, 22, 23

Gê (Gaia, Earth), 92, 124 f., 138

Germans, 149

Getai, 19

Gindânes, 23

Gods, 122 f.

Gyes, 124, 128

Gyges, 29 f.

Gymnosophists, 147

Haimon, 196

Harpagos, 52

Hector, 181 f.

Hecuba, 112

Helen, 163, 170, 182

Hephaistos, 200

Heracles, 100 f., 136; (children of), 96

Heraclitus, 130

Hermesianax, 172

Herodotus, 14, 15, 20 f., 25, 48, 51, 54 f., 82, 86 f., 99, 112, 138 f.

Hesiod, 124 f., 156, 168, 177 f.

Hippias, 101

Hippokratês, 54

Hippolytus, 199

Hittites, 17, 123

Homer, 15, 20, 26, 109, 122, 124, 129 f., 140 f., 155, 158 f., 172, 189 f.

Hope, 168

Hydarnes, 41 f., 88 f.

“Immortals,” The, 38, 40 f.

India, 46, 147

Indians, 34, 36, 46

Iokasta, 196

Ionia, 13 f.

Ionians, 13 f., 37, 46 f., 53, 130, 174

Irish, 179 f.

Ismênê, 196 f.

_Isonomy_, 98 f.

Issêdones, 22

Itanos, 48 f.

Jason, 100, 198 f.

Julius Caesar (in Shakespeare), 194

_Kalevala_, 160, 165 f.

Kallidromos, 33, 34

Kardouchians, 72 f.

Keats, 137, 151, 152, 154, 155, 185 f.

Kebriones, 190

Kentrîtês, 75

_Keraunos_, 128 f.

King (the Great), 85 f.; (Old and New), 123 f.

Kissians, 34, 36, 38 f.

Klearchos, 63 f.

Korôbios, 48 f.

Kottos, 124, 128

Kratos, 131

Kreon, 196 f.

Kronos, 123, 124 f.

Kroton, 54, 59 f.

Ktesias, 87

Kunaxa, 63

Kurdistan, 71

Kypselos, 112 f.

Ladê, 53

Landor, 185

Lang, A., 161

Law, 83 f., 100, 130 f.

Leaf, W., 159

Leonidas, 37, 39 f., 42, 44

Leontios, 110

Longfellow, 105

Lönnrot, 165

Love, 171 f., 199

Lycians, 17, 37, 163

Lydians, 17, 29 f., 35, 140 f.

Lykophron, 114 f.

_Mabinogion_, 154, 176

Magic, 149 f.

Makai, 23

Malis, 32; (Gulf of), 32, 38, 40

Marmara, Sea of, 18, 24

Marseille, 45

Martin, H., 168

Medea, 100, 171

Medes, 30, 32, 34, 36, 38 f.

Melissa, 113 f.

Mercenaries, 25, 28, 63

Meredith, 109

Mesopotamia, 24, 63

Metis, 129, 198 f.

Midas, 29, 140

Miletus, 18, 24, 30, 47, 112

Milton, 169, 184

“Minoan” Culture, 47, 50

Minos, 16, 55

Mountain-Mother, 138 f.

“Mycenaean” Culture, 15, 24, 47

Mysians, 17, 35, 142

Mythology (Greek), 137, 155 f., 171 f.

Nana, 138 f.

Napoleon, 20, 67

Nasamônes, 22

Neoboule, 27

Neuroi, 21

_Nikê_, 119 f.

Nineveh, 69, 88

Nomads, 21, 22, 23

_Nomos_, 83 f., 135 f.