Part 8

Those who remember the Venezuela incident of 1902 will recall that the German and British fleets thought it necessary to discipline President Castro. Germany, early in the proceedings, gave evidence that she intended to seize a point in Venezuelan territory and hold it in order to control the approach to the Isthmian Canal. The watchful Roosevelt perceived this scheme, sounded out England and found that she had no stomach for the alliance with Wilhelm’s fleet, and would refuse to help Germany to fight America if a quarrel arose over Germany’s grasping policy. Thereupon Roosevelt sent Dewey to the Caribbean Sea for fleet maneuvers and sent word to Germany through her Ambassador that if Germany did not agree to arbitrate within ten days he would instruct Dewey to resist her taking possession of a foot of Venezuelan soil. This meant war, and the President knew it, but he held resolutely to his purpose. The ten days dwindled to two days, but no agreement had come from Germany. Six more fateful hours passed. Then Germany agreed to arbitrate.

Thus ended a disagreeable diplomatic episode that foreshadowed the acts of the present Germany, but which revealed that the American spirit was more than a match for that of the Hun.

The act that won for Roosevelt the enduring title of “the Great Peacemaker” came during the Russo-Japanese War. When, in February, 1904, war was declared between Japan and Russia, Roosevelt showed his deep concern in the matter by ordering his great Secretary of State, John Hay, to send forth the famous Hay note, which asked the two combatants to respect the neutrality of China, lest there should be precipitated a still greater catastrophe. Both nations agreed to Roosevelt’s request.

Then came Roosevelt’s nomination to succeed himself as President. He was elected by the greatest popular vote ever accorded a Presidential candidate.

Grave domestic problems pressed upon him, but the Russo-Japanese War continued to occupy the uppermost place in his thoughts. The time of his entering upon a new term seemed to him the right moment to propose to Japan and Russia that they declare a truce and settle their difficulties in conference.

Japan had already suffered terribly from the drain upon her men and resources. Even if she were victorious in the conflict the chances were that she would lose more than she would gain. The same was true of Russia.

Roosevelt met with difficulty in getting the two powers to agree to a common meeting place. Each, however, finally agreed to send representatives to a conference at Portsmouth, N. H.

Roosevelt received the two delegations at Oyster Bay on the U. S. S. Mayflower, and then had them conveyed by the Mayflower and another naval vessel from Oyster Bay to Portsmouth.

The peace treaty was signed on September 5, 1905, and the world acclaimed Roosevelt the warrior for his services in behalf of peace. For bringing the two nations together he was awarded in the following year the Nobel Peace Prize. This consisted of a medal and a sum of $40,000, which, at the time, he turned over to a board of trustees as a fund to be used in establishing industrial peace. However, when the World War broke out, without this money having been expended by the trustees, Roosevelt requested that the money, now increased to $45,000, be distributed to the Red Cross and other war charities.

No greater sidelight can be thrown on Roosevelt’s influence for world peace than this tribute paid to him at his death by Baron Makino, the head of the Japanese Peace Commission, convened after the great world war:

“I embrace this opportunity to pay a tribute to the immortal Roosevelt, whose death is a sad calamity. He was a superb American, also a great world’s citizen. His services were not confined to America, but extended to the Orient. Especially are we grateful to him for the following reasons:

“First, for his noble services in bringing to a successful conclusion the Russo-Japanese war. The Japanese public and the rest of the world did not comprehend at that time how sturdy were his efforts to attain the result, but we who knew the inside facts regarding the war situation in Manchuria felt that our good friend Roosevelt secured a just peace--fair to both parties.

“Second, we are thankful for his extraordinary success in settling the friction between the United States and Japan over the San Francisco school incident in 1906.

“Most unusual was it for a President of the United States to say that he would use every power within his control to secure a right settlement. The ‘gentlemen’s agreement’ was the result.

“Third, we are deeply appreciative likewise of the fair appraisal he made of Japan’s part in the World War. Few Americans are apprised as to the extent of Japan’s participation in the war. But this remarkable man fully comprehended and in many published articles gave full credit to the stanch, honest co-operation Japan gave to her allies and to the United States.”

In 1906 Roosevelt again went contrary to the plans of the German government in the Algeciras affair. Possessing the pledge of the German Emperor to accept his decision in this international dispute, he made a decision that, while just, went against Germany.

It is an interesting commentary, however, upon his success as a diplomat that when he came to settle the war between Japan and Russia he induced the Kaiser to help him in an appeal to the rulers of the warring countries.

Later on, when he was touring Europe, Roosevelt had the unique experience of watching the maneuvers of the German troops, in company with the Kaiser, whom he had thwarted. On this occasion he heard himself thus addressed by the Hohenzollern:

“My friend Roosevelt, I am glad to welcome you, a most distinguished American. You are the first civilian who has ever reviewed German soldiers.”

XI

Roosevelt’s Political Victories

There is a phrase, attributed to Napoleon, to the effect that God fights on the side of the big battalions. There is a truth in the saying that applies to big men, just as well as to big armies.

Fate seemed to battle on the side of Theodore Roosevelt through every step of his political career, though a study of the man shows that by his superhuman energy he himself was almost always the creator and molder of the circumstances that seemed to advance him.

When Roosevelt, at twenty-three, determined to enter politics, the political cards were stacked against him.

When, moved by a desire to belong to the governing class instead of to the governed, he told his folks that he wanted to join the Republican Club as his first step in politics, he relates that they told him that he would meet the groom and the saloonkeeper there; that in addition politics were low and that for this reason no gentleman could afford to join with such men in ward affairs.

Roosevelt was as ready then with an answer as he was in later life. “If that is so,” he replied, according to his close friend, Jacob Riis, “the groom and the saloonkeeper are the governing class and you confess weakness. You have all the chances, the education, the position, and you let them rule you. They must be better men!” He went to the Republican Club, leaving his would-be advisers dolefully shaking their heads.

This opposition overcome, Roosevelt found another obstacle in his way. He had transferred his citizenship from Oyster Bay, where he cast his first vote, to the fashionable Murray Hill district. He therefore was handicapped by a “silk stocking” reputation. Immediately he went to work to show the politicians that, while he had associated with wearers of silk hose, he knew how to wear a slouch hat and how to get down to a shirt-sleeves basis if by doing so he could make those with whom he mingled feel easier. Joe Murray, Roosevelt’s first political sponsor, was won to him by the genuine spirit of democracy he saw in the young aspirant.

Murray was in need of friends just at that time. He had rebelled against the rule of “Jake” Hess, the Republican boss of the district. Jake had his own special candidate for the next Assemblyman from the 21st District. Murray had become the leader of the anti-Hess faction, but had no worth-while candidate for the Legislature. He observed that Roosevelt was popular with the crowd.

“Look here men,” Murray said to his adherents, “what this district wants is a swell candidate who can go as a guest to the drawing room and at the same time be man enough to shake hands with the butler. Teddy Roosevelt is the one!”

He asked Roosevelt to become a candidate. Roosevelt refused. Instead he suggested the names of several men; but Murray kept on persuading, until at last he drew from Roosevelt a promise to be his candidate if he could not secure a better one. Joe at once stopped searching.

“I can’t find any better nor as good!” was his verdict. The matter ended in the nomination of the youthful-looking collegiate “Teddy,” now thoroughly warm to the campaign. He plunged into the battle with an intensity that was earnest of the ardor with which he went into his later and more important political conflicts.

The next barrier that rose before the candidate was high license. A trip to the saloons was said by his political sponsors to be a necessary part of the campaign. At Valentine Young’s saloon on Sixth Avenue, Roosevelt opened his campaign. Mr. Young was against high license. He expressed the hope that Roosevelt was also opposed to it. Roosevelt promptly replied that he was for it, and would advocate it as hard as he could. The argument became hot; the saloon-keeper made personal remarks. Then and there Roosevelt quitted the saloon canvass. Murray and his friends were dismayed, but Roosevelt appealed to his neighbors. The silk-stocking vote joined that of the footmen and shopkeepers, who had become enthusiastic over the scrappy and democratic young candidate. Roosevelt was elected and became the youngest member of the Legislature.

ROOSEVELT AND THE GRAFTERS

The next obstruction that confronted young Roosevelt was the attitude of his party associates in the Legislature. Many of these men were in politics for purely commercial reasons. They frowned on crusaders and tried to squelch any tendency in Roosevelt toward independence of thought and action. His part, as they saw it, was to be merely the smallest cog in the political machine, moving only when a man higher up applied the power.

Though none of these men realized it at the time, the appearance of this ardent young man in the Legislature marked an epoch. The sun was beginning to set for the spoilsmen. The better elements of the state needed a force behind which they could rally. Roosevelt was that man.

An elevated railroad company had been exposed in a scandal that involved the Attorney General of the state and a judge of the Supreme Court. The public conscience was aroused. The people grew indignant when the legislators shelved their petitions. Roosevelt stood waiting for his elders to act. He could not believe that, when such charges had been preferred against one of the judiciary, his associates would seek to dodge the issue. Convinced at last that nothing would be done unless he acted, on April 6, 1882, he demanded from the floor that Judge Westbrook, of Newburgh, be impeached by the Assembly. He was a David going up against a Goliath of graft and obstruction, yet he attacked fearlessly.

It took splendid moral courage for Roosevelt to take this step. Young, idealistic and untrained in politics as he was, he could not have been blind to the fact that he was facing consequences that would probably be the ruin of his political career.

His speech was distinguished by its boldness and candor. Before he finished, men with millions had been branded as thieves and bribers. A judge and an attorney general were denounced in terms that startled the public--terms that nevertheless were potent with truth.

The Republican leader, with huge contempt for the raw young legislator, answered the charge patronizingly and with sneers. “I have seen,” he said, “many reputations in the state broken down by loose charges made in the Legislature.” He recommended to the Assembly that this reckless young man be given time to think, by voting to refuse to act on his loose charges. The legislators obeyed the whip. Mainly through his own party Roosevelt went down to defeat.

The Roosevelt teeth came into evidence then. Roosevelt’s associates actually heard him gritting them. In spite of the ridicule and sneers of the previous day Roosevelt returned the next day to the charge.

The press interviewed him. Moved half by admiration of the courage of this puny young chap, half by a desire to furnish amusement for their readers, they told the public of his fight. Then, all of a sudden the young David found himself vigorously supported. Public opinion came to his help in no uncertain way. The state was aroused. Roosevelt kept up the fight with renewed vigor. Assemblymen began to hear from the folks back home. The party leaders trembled before the man they could not “gum shoe.” The Legislature yielded. By a vote of 104 to 6 Roosevelt carried the day. The committee whitewashed the accused, but the testimony had more than vindicated Roosevelt’s position. Debauchery in politics had received a setback. What was worse for the corrupt politicians, they were now at war against an adversary who was not to stop fighting until the whole nation had been won to his ideals of clean politics.

Back to Albany Roosevelt was sent as an Assemblyman in 1882 and again in 1883. In the latter year he became minority leader of the Assembly, which had now become Democratic. With the coming into power of Grover Cleveland the Republicans had gone into retirement as a state force until they could put their house in order.

In Roosevelt’s last two terms in the Assembly he came into close touch with Grover Cleveland, then Governor. Representing opposite political faiths, there was nevertheless a bond of sympathy between the two men in their independence of thought. Cleveland grew to rely on his young opponent even more than he did on some of the leaders of his own party. The two fought shoulder to shoulder in behalf of civil service. Roosevelt, after recommendations for civil service improvements had appeared in the Governor’s message, pushed through the Legislature a state civil service act which was almost parallel to the Federal act which went into effect about that time.

Roosevelt’s next political fight came in 1884. Roosevelt was made chairman of the state delegation to the Republican convention at Chicago which nominated Blaine, “The Plumed Knight,” as opponent to Cleveland in the Presidential campaign. Roosevelt, with typical independence of thought, opposed the nomination of Blaine and placed in nomination United States Senator George F. Edmunds.

Then came a crucial point in Roosevelt’s career. He had been classed as a reformer in politics and as one that would not work with the party organization. Henry Cabot Lodge, of Massachusetts, a great personal friend, conferred with him as to what they should do. They decided that their proper course was to stay with their party; to endeavor by fair means to influence its decision, but when its nominations were made to stand by the candidates.

When the Blaine campaign was over Roosevelt retired to his Dakota ranch, where he spent the next two years. He was called from his ranch to become a candidate for Mayor of New York City. Opposed to him was Abraham S. Hewitt. Roosevelt, because of conditions apart from his own popularity and standing, met one of his few defeats.

Next followed Roosevelt’s membership in the National Civil Service Commission under Presidents Harrison and Cleveland. Roosevelt’s six years in Washington as Civil Service Commissioner opened up for him a broader field than he had up to that time entered. Here he began that friendship with public men that later was to encircle the nation.

Little did he expect, however, that there were coming events that would make him an occupant of the White House. It would be wrong to say that he never thought of such a possibility. Every American is born a potential resident of the Executive Mansion, and Roosevelt admitted to Henry L. Stoddard that when he was Civil Service Commissioner his heart would beat a little faster as he walked by the White House and thought that possibly--with emphasis on the “possibly”--he would some day occupy it as President.

Then came his appointment in 1895 as president of the New York Police Board. In 1897 he received his appointment as Assistant Secretary of the Navy. The stirring episodes that came to him during these periods are related elsewhere in this narrative. Out of them he emerged Governor of the State of New York.

PLATT KEEPS HIS EYE ON ROOSEVELT

In 1898 Senator Platt was asked if there was any doubt as to the renomination of Frank S. Black as Governor of New York. “Yes, there is,” was his response. “McKinley and Congress are liable to declare war on Spain at any moment. That war may develop a hero. Theodore Roosevelt has just resigned as Assistant Secretary of the Navy and is drilling his Rough Riders in the West. He may come out of the war adorned with such laurels as to compel his nomination.”

Platt was a true prophet. Roosevelt crowned with military glory, came back from the Battle of San Juan Hill. Chauncey Depew and others suggested to Platt that Roosevelt would be an ideal candidate for Governor. Platt sent Lemuel Eli Quigg, known as “the Accelerator,” to Roosevelt at Montauk Point, where he was camped with his troops. Quigg’s mission was to sound the Colonel as to his willingness to run for Governor.

Roosevelt was in a receptive mood. He accepted the Republican nomination unconditionally, but he took pains to announce during the campaign that on all important questions of policy and legislation he would consult with the Republican state leader, Senator Platt. He made it clear that he would not act on Platt’s advice if it were not in accordance with his own ideas of what was right.

Roosevelt made a dramatic campaign. He made Richard Croker, the Tammany boss, who had been pilloried by the Lexow committee, an issue. The Rough Rider won by over 17,000 plurality.

THE MAN WHO REFUSED TO BE SHELVED

Now Roosevelt came to the crisis of his career. The events of the next few years made him later President of the United States. Politicians conspired against him, but Fate fought with him. He was indeed a “Man of Destiny.”

In spite of his agreement with Senator Platt to consult him upon important matters of government--a pledge Roosevelt faithfully kept--he still became a thorn in the side of Platt and the machine politicians.

Immediately after his inauguration Governor Roosevelt cleaned house in whirlwind fashion at Albany. Superintendent of Insurance Lou F. Payn, who was thrown out of a job, ran to Senator Platt with this cry:

“I warned you that this fellow would soon have you dangling at his chariot wheel. You would not believe me. He has begun by scalping members of your ‘Old Guard.’ He’ll get you, too, soon.”

The big dispute between Roosevelt and Platt came when Roosevelt determined that corporations must pay a franchise tax. He had bills drawn up to this effect. His party leaders rebelled. Roosevelt gritted his teeth and drove through the Legislature this franchise tax law. Following this, Roosevelt let it be known that he would be the candidate for renomination as Governor.

Platt and his henchmen decided that they had had quite enough of him. To eliminate him from state politics they decided to shelve him in the office of Vice-President. Platt and his friends went to the Republican National Convention at Philadelphia determined to carry this plan through. Mark Hanna was opposed to nominating Roosevelt as a candidate for the Vice-Presidency. Platt joined forces with Senator Quay.

Roosevelt discovered the plan to get rid of him, and gave the newspapers an interview in which he stated positively that he would not accept the nomination; that his most valued friends had advised him against being a candidate, and that he would follow their advice.

Senator Platt went on with his plans. He conferred with Senator Hanna. Roosevelt came to Platt’s rooms.

“I shall go to the New York caucus and tell the delegates that I shall, if nominated for Vice-President, arise in the convention and decline.”

“But you cannot be renominated for Governor, and you are going to be nominated for Vice-President,” was the retort Platt claims to have made.

“I cannot be renominated?” queried Roosevelt.

“No. Your successor is in this room!” said Platt, pointing to Chairman Odell.

Facing this situation, Roosevelt let it be known that he would yield if the convention “took the bit in its teeth” and insisted upon nominating him.

The wisdom of the nomination of Roosevelt as McKinley’s running mate was vindicated at the polls. The McKinley-Roosevelt ticket smothered that of Bryan and his mate, and New York State remained in the Republican column. Senator Platt went down to Washington for the inauguration with the remark:

“I am going to see Roosevelt put on the veil.”

But Platt and the men who thought Roosevelt was safely out of the way were overlooking the fact that Roosevelt’s fortune was in the hand of a greater power than theirs.

Roosevelt’s term as Vice-President proved to be short. He took office on March 4, 1901, and presided over the Senate at the succeeding session. With McKinley and his Cabinet his relations were intimate and cordial.

In September Roosevelt went camping with his family in the Adirondacks. There he received the news of the shooting of President McKinley, who died before the Vice-President could reach his bedside. Roosevelt took the oath of office as President at Buffalo on the evening of September 14.

The new President fully appreciated the deplorable circumstances under which he became the head of the nation. He issued this proclamation:

“In this hour of deep and national bereavement I wish to state that it shall be my aim to continue absolutely and without variance the policy of President McKinley, for the peace, prosperity and honor of our beloved country.” Roosevelt kept this pledge to the letter.

Afterward Senator Platt, with true political sagacity, claimed credit for his insistence upon the nomination for the Vice-Presidency, since it had led to Roosevelt becoming President of the United States. Those, however, who knew of the anxiety of the New York politicians to get rid of Roosevelt as a factor in state politics looked the other way and winked.

XII

First Years in the Presidency

When Roosevelt was a member of the New York Legislature, Andrew D. White, President of Cornell College, who had been keenly watching his career, remarked to his class:

“Young gentlemen, some of you will enter public life. I call your attention to Theodore Roosevelt, now in our legislature. He is on the right road to success. It is dangerous to predict a future for a young man, but let me tell you that if any man of his age was ever pointed straight for the Presidency, that man is Theodore Roosevelt.”

Mr. White was not alone in his opinion. George W. Curtis, who was then editor of Harper’s “Easy Chair,” thus answered a man who sneered at the youth and obscurity of Roosevelt: