Part 46

Beautiful is the tribute--and as just as beautiful--which the Professor of Modern History, in the English University of Cambridge (William Smith, Esq.), pays to the sage of Mount Vernon. "Instances may be found," says he, "when perhaps it may be thought that he was decisive to a degree that partook of severity and harshness, or even more; but how innumerable were the decisions which he had to make! How difficult and how important through the eventful series of twenty years of command in the cabinet or the field! Let it be considered what it is to have the management of a revolution and afterwards the maintenance of order. Where is the man that, in the history of our race, has ever succeeded in attempting successively the one and the other? The plaudits of his country were continually sounding in his ears, and neither the judgment or the virtues of the man were ever disturbed. Armies were led to the field with all the enterprise of a hero, and then dismissed with all the equanimity of a philosopher. Power was accepted--was exercised--was resigned precisely at the moment and in the way that patriotism directed. Whatever was the difficulty, the trial, the temptation, or the danger, there stood the soldier and the citizen, eternally the same, without fear and without reproach, and there was the man who was not only at all times virtuous, but at all times wise.

"As a ruler of mankind, he may be proposed as a model. Deeply impressed with the original rights of human nature, he never forgot that the end and aim of all just government was the happiness of the people, and he never exercised authority till he had first taken care to put himself clearly in the right. His candor, his patience, his love of justice, were unexampled; and this, though _naturally_ he was not patient--much otherwise, highly irritable."

"Of all great men"--such is the declaration of Mr. Guizot, one of the ministers of the late king of the French--"of all great men, Washington was the most virtuous and the most fortunate. In this world, God has no higher favors to bestow."

A writer in the Edinburgh Review, expresses himself in terms equally honorable to the American Fabius: "If profound sagacity, unshaken steadiness of purpose, the entire subjugation of all the passions, which carry havoc through ordinary minds, and oftentimes lay waste the fairest prospects of greatness--nay the discipline of those feelings that are wont to lull or seduce genius, and to mar and to cloud over the aspect of virtue herself--joined with, or rather leading to, the most absolute self-denial, the most habitual and exclusive devotion to principle--if these things can constitute a great character, without either quickness of apprehension or resources of information, or circumventive powers, or any brilliant quality that might dazzle the vulgar--then _Washington was the greatest man that ever lived in this world, uninspired by divine wisdom, and unsustained by supernatural virtue_."

To the foregoing, we may add an extract from the eloquent peroration of Lord Brougham, in his masterly essay on "Public Characters." "This is the consummate glory of the great American; a triumphant warrior, where the most sanguine had a right to despair; a successful ruler, in all the difficulties of a course wholly untried; but a warrior, whose sword only left its sheath when the first law of our nature commanded it to be drawn; and a ruler who, having tasted of supreme power, greatly and unostentatiously desired that the cup might pass from him, nor would he suffer more to wet his lips than the most solemn and sacred duty to his country and his God required." "It will be the duty of the historian and the sage in all ages to omit no occasion of commemorating this illustrious man; and until time shall be no more, will a test of the progress which our race has made in wisdom and in virtue be derived from the veneration paid to the immortal name of Washington!"

Such were some of the attributes, the virtues, the services of Washington, and such the tribute paid to his greatness, his worth, and his unequalled glory, as a man, a military chieftain, and a ruler. More might be added, but it is unnecessary, unless it be, that Washington was a Christian. Every where--in seasons of trial, peril, and almost of hopeless despondency--he placed his reliance upon that Great Being who holds in his hand the fate of men and of nations. His hopes for his country were founded more on the righteousness of her cause, and on the blessing of Heaven, than on the number or strength of his army. Of his religion, he made no parade--of his virtues, no boast--but he was ever more true to the dictates of piety, and observant of the forms and institutions of the Gospel. And it was this reliance upon that Gospel, which enabled him to say, in the closing moments of life, "I am not afraid to die."

In conclusion, we may add, in the highly laudatory and just language of another, "Washington stands almost alone in the world. He occupies a region where there are, unhappily for mankind, but few inhabitants. The Grecian biographer could easily find parallels for Alexander and Cæsar; but, were he living now, he would meet with great difficulty in selecting one for Washington. There seems to be an elevation of moral excellence, which, though possible to attain to, few ever approach. As, in ascending the lofty peaks of the Andes, we at length arrive at a line where vegetation ceases, and the principle of life seems extinct; so, in the gradations of human character, there is an elevation which is never attained by mortal man. A few have approached it, but none nearer than Washington.

"He is eminently conspicuous as one of the great benefactors of the human race; for he not only gave liberty to millions, but his name now stands, and will for ever stand, a noble example to high and low. He is a great work of the Almighty Artist, which none can study without receiving purer ideas and more lofty conceptions of the grace and beauty of the human character. He is one that all may copy at different distances, and whom none can contemplate without receiving lasting and salutary impressions of the sterling value, the inexpressible beauty of piety, integrity, courage, and patriotism, associated with a clear, vigorous, and well-poised intellect.

"Pure and widely disseminated as is the fame of this great and good man, it is yet in its infancy. It is every day taking deeper root in the hearts of his countrymen and the estimation of strangers, and spreading its branches wider and wider to the air and the skies. He is already become the saint of liberty, which has gathered new honors by being associated with his name; and when men aspire to free nations, they must take him for their model. It is, then, not without ample reason that the suffrages of mankind have combined to place Washington at the head of his race. If we estimate him by the examples recorded in history, he stands without a parallel in the virtues exhibited, and the most unprecedented consequences resulting from their exercise. The whole world was the theatre of his actions, and all mankind are destined to partake, sooner or later, in their results. He is the hero of a new species; he had no model. Will he have any imitators? Time, which bears the thousands and thousands of common cut-throats to the ocean of oblivion, only adds new lustre to his fame, new fame to his example, and new strength to the reverential affection of all good men. What a glorious fame is his, to be acquired without guilt, and enjoyed without envy! to be cherished by millions living, hundreds of millions yet unborn! Let the children of my country prove themselves worthy of his virtues, his labors, his sacrifices, by reverencing his name, and imitating his piety, integrity, industry, fortitude, patience, forbearance, and patriotism. So shall they become fitted to enjoy the blessings of freedom and the bounties of Heaven."[66]

_Removal of the Seat of Government._--In the year 1800, the seat of government, agreeably to a law passed by congress in 1790, was removed to Washington, in the District of Columbia. This territory, ten miles square, had been granted to the general government by the states of Virginia and Maryland. Public buildings had been erected, and in November of this year, congress, for the first time, held their session in that place. After congratulating the people of the United States on the assembling of congress, on the prospect of a residence not to be changed, the president said: "It would be unbecoming the representatives of this nation to assemble, for the first time, in this solemn temple, without looking up to the Supreme Ruler of the universe, and imploring his blessing. May this territory be the residence of virtue and happiness! In this city, may that piety and virtue, that wisdom and magnanimity, that constancy and self-government, which adorned the great character whose name it bears, be for ever held in veneration. Here, and throughout our country, may simple manners, pure morals, and true religion, flourish for ever."

_Election of Mr. Jefferson._--At this period, a presidential election recurred. From the time of the adoption of the constitution, the republican party had been gradually gathering strength, and, in anticipation of success, great preparations were made by them to elect their candidates, Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Burr. The candidates of the federal party were Mr. Adams and General Pinckney.

Unfortunately for the federal party, the administration of Mr. Adams had not been generally acceptable. "In the early part of it, the acts by which the army and navy were strengthened, and eighty thousand of the militia subjected to his order, were represented, by the republicans, as proofs that, however he might have been a friend to the constitution of his country, he now either wished to subvert it, or was led blindfold into the views of those who did. The republicans scrupled the policy of a war with France, and denied the necessity, even in case of such a war, of a large land force. They believed that spirits were at work to produce this war, or to make the most of a disturbance, in order to lull the people, while they raised an army, which they intended as the instrument of subverting the republican, and establishing a monarchical government."

These insinuations--or, more properly, charges--were doubtless utterly groundless; but they served to bring Mr. Adams' administration into disrepute, and to strengthen the republican party, which were boastful of their superior regard to the constitution, and friendship to the rights and liberty of the people.

Other measures of the administration served to increase the party odium against it, and, in the sequel, to overthrow it. We allude particularly to two acts of congress--THE ALIEN and SEDITION LAWS, of July, 1798.

The alien law empowered the president "to order all such aliens as he should judge dangerous to the peace and safety of the United States, or should have reasonable grounds to suspect were concerned in any treasonable or secret machinations against the government thereof, to depart out of the territory of the United States, within such time as should be expressed in such order." In case of disobedience, such aliens, on conviction before the circuit or district courts of the United States, were subjected to imprisonment for not more than three years, and incapacitated from becoming citizens. The subsequent law, respecting alien _enemies_, enabled the president, on a declaration of war, to cause the subjects of the belligerent nation "to be apprehended, restrained, secured, and removed as alien enemies." Under both these acts, they were permitted to remove their property, and under the latter, if not chargeable with crimes against the United States, to defend themselves.

Of the two measures, the sedition act was by far the most unpopular. "The other," says Mr. Tucker, "was condemned by most Americans, like the stork in the fable, for the society in which he was found, and for the sake of soothing the great class of foreigners who were not yet naturalized, the greater part of whom, particularly the Irish and French, were attached to the republican party."[67]

The sedition law, in some of its provisions, went still further. It imposed fine and imprisonment for unlawfully combining and conspiring with intent to oppose the measures of government, when directed by the proper authority: for impeding the operation of any law of the United States; intimidating an officer from the performance of his duty, or counselling or advising, with similar intent, insurrections, riots, or unlawful combinations. It also imposed similar, but lighter penalties, for the publication of false, scandalous, and malicious writings against the government of the United States, either house of congress, or the president, with intent to bring them into contempt, &c. The act was limited to two years.

Such were the measures which at this most critical period of our history were adopted, when the United States, if not carrying on, were undergoing a war with France; and when the country swarmed with secret spies and agents. These laws have been condemned, and President Adams and his government severely censured for having secured their enactment. They were denounced at the time by the republican party in no measured terms. They were claimed to be unnecessary, cruel, and despotic.

But, while it is not our province to enter into a justification of these laws, it may be proper to say, by way of palliation, to use the language of another, "that the laws themselves sprung from existing facts, and self-preservation demanded that the power of providing for the public safety, vested in every government by the very objects of government, should now be used."[68]

The sedition law was never enforced, except against a few--Callender was one--an alien and a fugitive from justice, who would have overthrown the government, in his zeal to build up the republican party.

The necessity for the laws regarding aliens, was more apparent. The Frenchmen in the United States, at that era, were estimated at thirty thousand. Many of them were associated together in clubs, which had for their object the furtherance of French interests. The number of British subjects was still greater. Other foreigners were numerous, and all were attached to France. They were restless, feverish, factious. Whatever may be thought of the expediency or justice of the law in question, no reasonable doubt can be entertained of the necessity of some restrictive measures in a time of such excitement as then prevailed. And yet it must be admitted that no man was actuated by a loftier patriotism than Mr. Adams; nor was any one ever more ready to make sacrifices for his country's good. It is sometimes urged that he was vain, self-willed, impulsive. But these imperfections were relieved by noble virtues. His political opponent--the man who supplanted him--declared that he was the ablest advocate of independence. In days when others desponded, he hoped.

The acts secured the object sought--they secured, if not the peace, the safety of the country; for even while they were in the process of enactment, not a few of the more "notorious of the incendiaries" left the country. But they largely contributed to the overthrow of the existing administration, and the triumph of the democratic party.

As the constitution then existed, each elector gave his vote for two persons, without designating which was to be president--the one having the largest number being entitled to the presidency, and the other to the vice-presidency. Thomas Jefferson and Aaron Burr were the two candidates of the republican party. Each of these having seventy-three votes, it devolved upon the house of representatives to decide between them. The federal party having been defeated in respect to their candidates, sided with the friends of Colonel Burr, in opposition to Mr. Jefferson.

As this was the first time that the election of a president had thus devolved upon the house of representatives, a general interest was taken in the subject. But that interest was greatly increased by the then existing state of political parties. On the arrival of the time for the election, it was decided that, after the balloting had commenced, no adjournment should be had until a choice was made--that during the balloting, the doors of the house should be closed--that the delegation from each state should be seated together--that the latter should first ballot among themselves, and that duplicates of these ballots should be made, and placed in separate boxes. When all the states had thus voted, the ballot-boxes were to be carried by the sergeant-at-arms to two separate tables. The ballots were then to be counted by tellers, eight in number, at each table. When counted, the reports were to be announced from each table; if these reports agreed, they were to be accepted, as the true votes of the states; but, if they differed, a new balloting was to be made.

On Wednesday, the 11th of February, 1801, the balloting commenced. On the first ballot, eight states voted for Mr. Jefferson, six states for Mr. Burr, and the votes of two states were divided. Unexpectedly, no choice was effected during the first day, and an adjournment became necessary. The balloting was continued on the following day, and, indeed, until Tuesday, the 17th of February, when the thirty-fifth ballot, as had all the previous ballots, resulted the same as the first. The excitement of members, and of citizens attracted from various parts of the country to see the issue of a novel political contest, had now become intense. Every possible influence was exerted by the respective parties. Mr. Nicholson, of Maryland, being too unwell to sit during the protracted ballotings, had a bed prepared for him in one of the committee-rooms, to which the ballot-box was carried by the tellers on the part of the state. For several days, the members ate little, and slept still less. At length, however, the long contest was terminated by the thirty-sixth ballot, which resulted in the election of Mr. Jefferson--ten states having voted for him, four for Mr. Burr, and two in blank. The following table exhibits the final result:

Key: A. Thos. Jefferson, of Virginia. B. Aaron Burr, of New York. C. John Adams, of Massa'tts. D. C. C. Pinckney, of S. Carolina. E. John Jay, of New York.

+-----------------+----+----+----+----+---- No. of | | | | | | Electors | STATES. | | | | | from each| | A. | B. | C. | D. | E. State. | | | | | | ---------+-----------------+----+----+----+----+---- 6 | New Hampshire, | | | 6 | 6 | 16 | Massachusetts, | | | 16 | 16 | 4 | Rhode Island, | | | 4 | 3 | 1 9 | Connecticut, | | | 9 | 9 | 4 | Vermont, | | | 4 | 4 | 12 | New York, | 12 | 12 | | | 7 | New Jersey, | | | 7 | 7 | 15 | Pennsylvania, | 8 | 8 | 7 | 7 | 3 | Delaware, | | | 3 | 3 | 10 | Maryland, | 5 | 5 | 5 | 5 | 21 | Virginia, | 21 | 21 | | | 4 | Kentucky, | 4 | 4 | | | 12 | North Carolina, | 8 | 8 | 4 | 4 | 3 | Tennessee, | 3 | 3 | | | 8 | South Carolina, | 8 | 8 | | | 4 | Georgia, | 4 | 4 | | | ---------+-----------------+----+----+----+----+---- 138 | Whole No. of | | | | | | electors, | 73 | 73 | 65 | 64 | 1 | Majority, 70 | | | | |

FOOTNOTES:

[65] Before the time of embarkation, Mr. Henry died, and Governor Davie was appointed in his place.

[66] Paulding's Life of Washington.

[67] Life of Jefferson, vol. ii. p. 45.

[68] Gibbs' Memoirs of the Administrations of Washington and John Adams.

VIII. THOMAS JEFFERSON, PRESIDENT.

INAUGURATED AT WASHINGTON, MARCH 4, 1801.

AARON BURR AND GEORGE CLINTON, VICE-PRESIDENTS.

HEADS OF THE DEPARTMENTS.

James Madison, Virginia, March 5, 1801, Secretary of State.

Samuel Dexter, Massachusetts, (_continued } Secretaries in office_), } of Treasury. Albert Gallatin, Pennsylvania, January 26, 1802, }

Henry Dearborn, Massachusetts, March 5, 1801, Secretary of War.

Benjamin Stoddert, Maryland, (_continued } Secretaries in office_), } of the Navy. Robert Smith, Maryland, January 26, 1802, }

Joseph Habersham, Georgia, (_continued } Postmasters in office_), } General. Gideon Granger, Connecticut, January 26, 1802, }

Levi Lincoln, Massachusetts, March 5, 1801, } Attorneys John Breckenridge, Kentucky, December 23, 1805, } General. Cæsar A. Rodney, Delaware, January 20, 1807, }

SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Nathaniel Macon, North Carolina, Seventh Congress, 1801. Joseph B. Varnum, Massachusetts, Eighth do. 1803. Nathaniel Macon, North Carolina, Ninth do. 1805. Joseph B. Varnum, Massachusetts, Tenth do. 1807.

Mr. Jefferson was inducted into office, with the usual imposing ceremonies, on the 4th of March, 1801; on which occasion, deviating from the example of his predecessors, he transmitted to congress a _written message_, instead of delivering a speech in person--a practice which has been followed by his successors in the presidential chair, without an exception.

This message was a remarkable document, inasmuch as it set forth the "essential principles" of our government in the narrowest compass, and with great clearness and precision of language. These were, "Equal and exact justice to all men, of whatever state or persuasion, religious or political; peace, commerce, and honest friendship with all nations, entangling alliances with none; the support of the state governments, in all their rights, as the most competent administrations for our domestic concerns, and the surest bulwarks against anti-republican tendencies; the preservation of the general government, in its whole constitutional vigor, as the sheet-anchor of our peace at home and safety abroad; a jealous care of the right of election by the people, a mild and safe corrective of abuses, which are lopped by the sword of revolution, where peaceable remedies are unprovided; absolute acquiescence in the decisions of the majority, the vital principle of republics, from which there is no appeal but to force, the vital principle and immediate parent of despotism; a well-disciplined militia, our best reliance in peace, and for the first moments of war, till regulars may relieve them; the supremacy of the civil over the military authority; economy in the public expense, that labor may be lightly burdened; the honest payment of our debts, and sacred preservation of the public faith; encouragement of agriculture, and of commerce as its handmaid; the diffusion of information, and arraignment of all abuses at the bar of the public reason; freedom of religion, freedom of the press, and freedom of person, under the protection of the _habeas corpus_; and trial by juries impartially selected. These principles form the bright constellation which has gone before us, and guided our steps through an age of revolution and reformation."