Part 43

This certificate and letter were received by Washington, at Mount Vernon, on the 4th of April. He doubtless appreciated the honor done him, and was grateful to the people for the confidence reposed in him; but he would have declined the office, had the convictions of duty allowed. That, however, was not permitted; and, yielding to the wishes of the nation, he took leave of Mount Vernon on the second day after receiving notice of his appointment, and proceeded to New York, at that time the seat of government--"bidding adieu," as he wrote in his diary, "to private life and domestic felicity; and, with a mind oppressed with more anxious and painful sensations than I have words to express."

The state of the public business required his immediate presence at the seat of government; but the desire to see the first president of the United States--the zeal and enthusiasm which were kindled up along the whole route he was to take, rendered it impossible to proceed with haste. Crowds flocked around him, wherever he stopped; and corps of militia, and companies of the most respectable citizens, escorted him through their respective streets.

On reaching New York, April 23d, he was received with due ceremony by the governor of that state, and conducted with military honors through an immense concourse of people, to the apartments provided for him. Here he received the salutations of foreign ministers, public bodies, political characters, and private citizens of distinction, who pressed around him to offer their congratulations, and to express their joy at seeing the man, who had the confidence of all, at the head of the American republic.

On Thursday, the 30th of April, the new president was inaugurated. The oath of office was administered by the chancellor of the state of New York, in the presence of the senate and house of representatives, and an immense concourse of people, who attested their joy by loud and repeated acclamations. From the open gallery adjoining the senate-chamber, which had been the scene of this new but imposing scene, the assembly returned to the senate-chamber, where the president delivered an inaugural address; in which, after alluding to the "anxieties" occasioned by his election to the chief magistracy, and the fond hope he had indulged of spending the remainder of his days in the "retreat" to which he had retired, after years of military toil and strife, he proceeded in terms alike honorable to himself as a Christian and a patriot: "It would be peculiarly improper to omit, in this first official act, my fervent supplications to that Almighty Being who rules over the universe--who presides in the councils of nations--and whose providential aids can supply every human defect, that his benediction may consecrate to the liberties and happiness of the people of the United States, a government instituted by themselves for these essential purposes: and may enable every instrument employed in its administration to execute, with success, the functions allotted to his charge. In tendering this homage to the Great Author of every public and private good, I assure myself that it expresses your sentiments not less than my own; nor those of my fellow-citizens at large, less than either. No people can be bound to acknowledge and adore the invisible hand which conducts the affairs of men, more than the people of the United States. Every step by which they have advanced to the character of an independent nation, seems to have been distinguished by some token of providential agency; and in the important revolution just accomplished in the system of their united government, the tranquil deliberations, and voluntary consent of so many distinct communities, from which the event has resulted, cannot be compared with the means by which most governments have been established, without some return of pious gratitude, along with an humble anticipation of the future blessings which the past seem to presage. These reflections, arising out of the present crisis, have forced themselves too strongly on my mind to be suppressed. You will join with me, I trust, in thinking that there are none, under the influence of which the proceedings of a new and free government can more auspiciously commence."

Such were the sentiments of the patriot--the sage--the Christian statesman, as he was about to enter upon the duties of an office, upon the faithful or unfaithful discharge of which, was to depend the perpetuity or speedy annihilation of a constitution of government, which had cost thousands of lives and millions of revenue--besides involving the happiness of unborn millions. Washington had surveyed the wide field of responsibility. He came to the high and sacred office reluctantly indeed, but in reliance upon that Divine arm which had been his stay in the dark and stormy days of the Revolution. Having put his hand to the plough, he was not the man to look back. Having passed the Rubicon, his march was forward. Immediately following the delivery of the above address, the president, with the members of both houses, attended divine service at St. Paul's chapel. Thus did Washington, and thus did the national assembly, commence the government with a _devout recognition of its dependence upon Divine Providence for success_. Happy for the country, if the same spirit of piety, and the same acknowledgments to the Divine Author of all good, had descended to after years.

The acts and events which signalized the administration of Washington relate to--

A System of Revenue. Indian War. Regulation of Departments. Rëelection of Washington. Amendments of the Constitution. Difficulties with France. Establishment of a Judiciary. Insurrection in Pennsylvania. Assumption of Debts. Jay's Treaty. Removal of the Seat of Government. Election of Mr. Adams. National Bank. Farewell Address.

_System of Revenue._--The first duty, under the federal constitution, to which congress was called, was to provide a revenue for the support of the government. For this purpose duties were laid on imported merchandize and on the tonnage of vessels; thus drawing into the national treasury funds, which had before been collected and appropriated by the individual states. To counteract the commercial regulations of foreign nations, and encourage American shipping, higher tonnage duties were imposed on foreign than on American vessels, and ten per cent. less duty on goods imported in vessels belonging to the citizens of the United States than the same goods brought in those owned by foreigners.

_Regulation of Departments._--Three executive departments were created, designed to aid the president in the management of the government. These were styled departments of _war_, of _foreign affairs_, and of the _treasury_. The heads of these departments were to be called _secretaries_, and to receive a salary of three thousand five hundred dollars. They were intended to constitute a council, to be consulted by the president at his pleasure; and their opinions, on all important questions, he was authorized to require in writing.

In framing the acts establishing these departments, a question arose of serious magnitude, viz: "In what manner, and by whom, these important officers could be _removed from office_?" The constitution was explicit in regard to their appointment, giving the power of nominating to the president, and that of confirming or rejecting the nomination to the senate; but it was silent as to removal. Some few maintained that they could be removed only by impeachment; but the principal question was, "whether they were removable by the president alone, or by the president with the concurrence of the senate?"

The debate on this question was long and animated. It was claimed, by one portion of the members, that as the senate had a voice in the appointment of these officers, they should have a voice in case of their removal; that such power entrusted to one man might be abused--if not by Washington, by some of his successors.

On the other hand, it was contended that, as it was made the duty of the president to see the laws faithfully executed, he ought to have the power of dismissing those agents who were unfaithful; otherwise, how, in many supposable cases, could he secure a faithful execution of the laws? It was further urged, that the mal-conduct of an officer might require his immediate dismission, before the senate--a body scattered over the states--could be convened. True, the power might be abused, and, in the hands of an ambitious man, perhaps would be; but such abuse would, in due time, be rebuked by the people, and the abuser of this delegated power, be displaced with dishonor. "The danger," said Mr. Madison, "consists in this: the president can displace from office a man whose merits require that he should be continued in it. What will be the motives which the president can feel for such abuse of his power, and the restraints to operate to prevent it? In the first place, he will be impeachable by this house, before the senate, for such an act of mal-administration; for I contend, that the wanton removal of meritorious officers, would subject him to impeachment, and removal from his own high trust."

The difference of opinion on this great question, gave rise to warm and protracted debates. A majority of both houses, however, at length decided, that _the power of removal is in the president alone_. Several who had been members of the convention which framed the constitution, were, at this time, members of the house of representatives. They were equally divided on the question--Mr. Madison and Mr. Baldwin, supporting the construction finally adopted by congress: Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Gerry, opposing it.

_Amendments of the Constitution._--The states of New York and Virginia, although they ratified the constitution, were solicitous to have certain amendments adopted, which, in separate memorials, they presented to congress, and urged that body to call another convention for their adoption. Congress, however, had no authority to call a convention. Mr. Madison submitted to the house several amendments, which, together with those presented by several of the states, were referred to a committee, consisting of one member from each state. This committee, at length, reported several amendments; twelve of which, after various alterations, were agreed to by both branches of congress, and sent to the states. These amendments related to religion--keeping or bearing arms in time of war--quartering soldiers, citizens, &c., &c. Ten of these articles were at length ratified by the state legislatures, and became a part of the constitution.

_Establishment of a Judiciary._--"A national judiciary was also established during this session, consisting of a supreme court, circuit, and district courts. The bill for carrying this part of the constitution into effect, originated in the senate, and was drawn up by a committee, of which Mr. Ellsworth was chairman. The district courts were to consist of one judge in each state. The states were divided into circuits, in each of which, one of the judges of the supreme court, and the district judge of the state in which the court was held, constituted the circuit courts. In certain cases, this court had original jurisdiction, and also took cognizance of appeals from the district courts. The supreme court was composed of a chief justice and five associate judges, and was to hold two sessions annually, at the seat of government. This court had exclusive jurisdiction in certain cases, and appellative jurisdiction from the circuit courts, and also from the state courts, in cases where the validity of treaties, and the laws of the United States were drawn in question. This organization of the federal judiciary, has remained nearly the same to the present time, except for a short period, when a different system, relative to the circuit courts, was established, but which was soon abolished, and the old system restored."[62] John Jay was appointed chief justice; John Rutledge, James Wilson, William Cushing, Robert H. Harrison, and John Blair, associate judges of the supreme court, and Edmund Randolph, attorney general.[63]

_Assumption of Debts._--The second session of the first congress began on the 6th of January, 1790. At the close of the preceding session, the secretary of the treasury had been directed to prepare a plan for providing for the adequate support of the public credit, and to report the same at the next meeting of congress. On the 15th, in obedience to the foregoing requisition, Mr. Hamilton submitted his report. Having dwelt with great ability upon the importance of a nation maintaining the public credit, he proposed, as the means of supporting that of the United States, a system of assuming or funding not only the public debt, but also the state debts, and of making provision for the payment of the interest by taxes imposed on certain articles of luxury, and on spirits distilled within the United States.

The debates on this report were exciting beyond precedent. While not much difference existed as to funding the foreign debt, a strong opposition arose, on the part of the democratic party, against discharging, in full, the domestic debt, and the assumption of the state debts. The federalists advocated the measure. The contest between the two rival parties was strong, spirited, and even virulent. The very foundations of the government were shaken; and a writer has justly remarked, that to the differences which were then created, and the excitement which sprung up during the debates, may be ascribed "the origin of that violent spirit which for years arrayed one part of the American community against the other."

The division of sentiment among the members of congress in relation to the full, or only a partial payment of the domestic debt, arose from this. A considerable proportion of the original holders of public securities had been compelled to sell them at greatly reduced prices--even as low as two or three shillings on the pound. These securities had been purchased by speculators, with the expectation of ultimately receiving the full amount. "The federalists were with Hamilton, in favor of making no difference between the present and original holders of the continental bills, maintaining that the government ought not to interfere with transfers. The republican party advocated the discrimination; contending that it was unjust to the veterans of the Revolution, who had been obliged to receive this paper in lieu of gold and silver, and were afterwards compelled to part with it at a small part of its nominal value, now to be condemned to poverty, while the speculator was receiving the reward of their blood and service."

The assumption of the state debts was also violently opposed. The advocates of assumption claimed that the debts incurred by the state, were not for their own benefit, but for the promotion of the common cause, and that therefore it was right that the whole nation should be responsible. The debts of the states most active in the war, were the greatest: those of Massachusetts and Carolina amounted to ten millions and a half, while those of all the other states were not more than fifteen millions. Was it just to impose such a burden on the people of these two states? They had already been great sufferers in the privations they had endured and in the blood they had lost.

On taking the vote in the house of representatives, these two plans of Mr. Hamilton were lost by a majority of two; and, for a season, there was little prospect that a just financial system would be adopted, or that the respective parties could on any basis coalesce. But, fortunately, at this juncture, a question was exciting a deep interest, and with reference to which there was a wide difference, and deep feelings, between the northern and southern members, viz:

_The Removal of the Seat of Government._--The debates on this subject were almost as exciting as on the fiscal project of Hamilton. A compromise, however, was at length effected in regard to the permanent location of the seat of government--the more important, as it led to a further compromise in relation to the assumption of the state debts. It was understood that should the seat of government be fixed for ten years at Philadelphia, and afterwards at a place to be selected on the Potomac, some of the members of the house of representatives, from the Potomac, would withdraw their opposition to Mr. Hamilton. This was accordingly done, and his plans were adopted. The debt funded amounted to a little more than seventy-five millions of dollars, upon a part of which an interest of three per cent. was paid, and upon the remainder six per cent.

_National Bank._--During the third session of congress, Mr. Hamilton recommended the establishment of a national bank. To such an institution, the republican party were bitterly opposed, as aristocratical and unconstitutional. Besides, they considered banking institutions useless; the present bill, in several particulars, defective; but, more than all, it was maintained that the constitution had not vested the power in congress to charter a bank. The supporters of the measure, of course, held opposite doctrines, and were not less strenuous in maintaining them. The bill, however, at length passed both branches of the national legislature; but the different opinions entertained, and the asperity with which they had been expressed, led the president to give to the subject, as a constitutional question, more than ordinary attention. To aid him in his decision, he required opinions of his cabinet in writing. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Randolph opposed--Mr. Hamilton and General Knox sanctioned the bill. After mature deliberation, the president became satisfied of the constitutionality and utility of the bill; upon which, he gave it his signature.

The capital stock of the bank was ten millions of dollars, two millions to be subscribed for the benefit of the United States, and the residue by individuals. One-fourth of the sums subscribed by individuals was to be paid in gold and silver, and three-fourths in the public debt. By the act of incorporation, it was to be a bank of discount as well as deposit; and its bills, which were payable in gold and silver on demand, were made receivable in all payments to the United States. The bank was located at Philadelphia, with power in the directors to establish offices of discount and deposit only wherever they should think fit within the United States.

The duration of the charter was limited to the 4th of May, 1811; and the faith of the United States was pledged that, during that period, no other bank should be established under their authority. One of the fundamental articles of the incorporation was, that no loan should be made to the United States for more than one hundred thousand dollars; or to any particular state for more than fifty thousand; or to any foreign prince or state, unless previously authorized by a law of the United States. The books were opened for subscription in July, 1791, and a much larger sum subscribed than was allowed by the charter; and the bank went into successful operation.[64]

The establishment of a national bank, in connexion with the assumption of the state debts, contributed to the more complete organization of two great parties, which had their origin in difference of views regarding the constitution at the time of its adoption.

Mr. Hamilton and Mr. Jefferson, both eminent for their talents, and each with his adherents, were now openly opposed on points which, as matters of policy, were deemed of vital importance. The former was viewed, not only as the author of the funding system, the bank, and other measures, deemed either unconstitutional, or highly injurious to the public interest, but was charged with hostility to republican principles and to state rights. Mr. Jefferson, on the other hand, was considered hostile to the constitution, and was accused of being opposed to the administration of which he was a member, and of taking measures to reduce the powers of the general government within too narrow limits. To Washington, this determined hostility of his two principal secretaries was truly afflicting; and the more so, when he found it so deep-rooted, as in no degree to yield to his affectionate remonstrance.

_Indian War._--While the public councils were engaged thus in matters of great national importance, the hostile movements of the Indian tribes on the frontier began to excite the anxious solicitude of all reflecting minds, especially that of Washington himself. The Creeks at the South had been at war with Georgia; but in 1790, their chief, M'Gillivray, the son of a white man, had been induced to go to New York, and conclude a treaty. This terminated the war in that quarter; but pacific arrangements, which had been attempted by the president with the tribes on the north-western frontier, had proved ineffectual. The use of other means for their pacification, therefore, became indispensably necessary.

In 1790, congress, at the solicitation of Washington, authorized the raising of about fifteen hundred men, of whom three hundred were regulars, and the remainder Pennsylvania and Kentucky militia. The command of these was given to General Harmar, a veteran officer of the Revolution, whose instructions required him to penetrate to the Indian settlements on the Scioto and Wabash, and destroy them.

In the execution of his commission, in October, General Harmar detached Colonel Harden with six hundred militia to reconnoitre the Indian settlements, and, if possible, to bring them to an engagement; but the Indians, on the approach of the Americans, fired their principal villages, and fled to the woods. Thus foiled in his attempt to bring the Indians to action, Colonel Harden was a second time directed, with one hundred and eighty militia and thirty regulars, to spy out the position and intentions of the foe. Ten miles west of Chillicothe, sight was obtained of a considerable body of Indians; at which, the Kentucky militia suddenly became so alarmed as to flee. This evil example was soon after followed by the Pennsylvanians--thus leaving the thirty regulars to sustain an engagement with a greatly superior force. They displayed the greatest heroism; and maintained the action, until all but seven being overpowered, the latter effected their escape, and rëjoined the army at Chillicothe.

The Indian settlements bordering on the Scioto were now destroyed; which having been accomplished, Colonel Harden was a third time detached with three hundred and sixty men, of whom sixty were regulars, under command of Major Wyllys. This force was attacked by a large body of Indians at the junction of the St. Joseph with the St. Mary. It was a most desperate contest. Here the militia retrieved their character; nor did they attempt to retreat till one hundred and nine men and officers lay dead on the field. Of the sixty regulars, only ten survived, and among the killed was their brave commander, Major Wyllys. Following this reverse, the survivors of the detachments joined the army, and retired to Fort Washington.