Part 42

To this, the larger states objected; and, on this question, they remained for a time about equally divided. "On the first trial, in committee of the whole, six states against five decided that the right of suffrage in the senate should be the same as in the house; the states of Massachusetts, Pennsylvania, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and Georgia, being in the affirmative, and Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Delaware, and Maryland in the negative.

"On the 29th of June, the question was again presented to the consideration of the convention, in a motion made by Mr. Ellsworth, "that in the second branch, each state should have an equal vote." We cannot pretend to give even an outline of the arguments in favor and against this motion. The debate was warm and exciting. For several days, the powers of mighty minds were in animated collision; and from the strong ramparts behind which the respective parties had apparently entrenched themselves, there was, for a time, little prospect of union on the question.

"On the 23d of July, the question was taken, on the motion of Mr. Ellsworth, that in the senate each state should have one vote; and five states were in favor of it, five against it, and one divided; and the motion was lost. This equal division on a subject of such importance, accompanied with so much warmth on both sides, seemed to present an insurmountable obstacle to further proceedings of the convention, without some compromise. To effect this, Charles C. Pinckney, of South Carolina, moved for the appointment of a committee, to take into consideration the subject of both branches of the legislature. This motion prevailed, though not without opposition. Some of the members were in favor of appointing a committee, though they had little expectation of a favorable result. Mr. Martin, of Maryland, declared that each state must have an equal vote, or the business of the convention was at an end.

"Mr. Sherman said, we have got to a point that we cannot move one way or the other; a committee is necessary to set us right. Mr. Gerry observed, that the world expected something from them: if we do nothing, we must have war and confusion--the old confederation would be at an end. Let us see if concessions cannot be made--accommodation is absolutely necessary, and defects may be amended by a future convention.

"Thus the convention was at a stand. Hopes were indeed entertained that unanimity of views might on some basis prevail; but the longer continuance of the debate, in the then existing state of the convention, it was apparent, was engendering no good."

Fully sensible that nothing could be effected but upon a principle of compromise, the convention proceeded to elect, by ballot, a committee[61] of one from each state, to report on this exciting subject, and adjourned for three days. The interval was one of great anxiety; neither party appeared inclined to recede from the position it had taken, and the great objects for which the convention had assembled were apparently to be lost. And who could foresee the result? But at this most critical juncture, God did not forsake the nation. He had borne her forward, and now his spirit was felt in his becalming influence upon the convention. On rëassembling, the above committee made a report, which being accepted, the deliberations of the convention proceeded with greater unanimity, until, at length, a constitution was agreed upon.

The convention recommended that the constitution should be submitted to state conventions, and that as soon as the same should have been ratified by a constitutional majority, congress should take measures for the election of a president, and fix the time for commencing proceedings under it. Among the states, great diversity of opinion prevailed respecting this constitution; and, for a time, it was doubtful whether it would receive the approbation of a majority. But, at length, not only this number was obtained, but all gave their assent, and in the following order:

By convention of Delaware, December 7, 1787 " " Pennsylvania, December 12, 1787 " " New Jersey, December 18, 1787 " " Georgia, January 2, 1788 " " Connecticut, January 9, 1788 " " Massachusetts, February 6, 1788 " " Maryland, April 28, 1788 " " South Carolina, May 23, 1788 " " New Hampshire, June 21, 1788 " " Virginia, June 26, 1788 " " New York, July 26, 1788 " " North Carolina, November 21, 1789 " " Rhode Island, May 29, 1790

"At the first session of the first congress, the senate and house of representatives, two-thirds concurring, recommended to the states the adoption of twelve amendments to the constitution, chiefly relating to the freedom of speech and of the press--the right of petition--trial by jury--bail--election of president, &c. Ten of these amendments were adopted by three-fourths of the legislatures of the states, and became a part of the constitution. Subsequently, two other amendments were added."

"The peaceable adoption of this government," says Chancellor Kent, "under all the circumstances which attended it, presented the case of an effort of deliberation, combined with a spirit of amity and mutual concession, which was without example. It must be a source of just pride, and of the most grateful recollection to every American who reflects seriously on the difficulty of the experiment, the manner in which it was conducted, the felicity of its issue, and the fate of similar trials in other nations of the earth."

The opinions which prevailed in the convention of 1787, as to the addition of new states, are worthy of notice. On one occasion, Mr. Sherman said, "there is no probability that the number of future states will exceed that of the existing states. If the event should ever happen, it is too remote to be taken into consideration at this time." But little more than half a century has elapsed, and the original number has more than doubled, as may be seen by the following account of the states admitted:

Vermont, March 4, 1791. Kentucky, June 1, 1791. Tennessee, June 1, 1796. Ohio, November 29, 1802. Louisiana, April 8, 1812. Indiana, December 11, 1816. Mississippi, December 10, 1817. Illinois, December 3, 1818. Alabama, December 14, 1819. Maine, March 15, 1820. Missouri, August 10, 1821. Arkansas, June 15, 1836. Michigan, January 26, 1837. Florida, March 3, 1845. Texas, December 29, 1845. Iowa, December 28, 1846. Wisconsin, May 29, 1848.

Congress assumed jurisdiction over the District of Columbia, Feb. 27, 1801.

The constitution, of the formation and adoption of which we have thus given an account, has been in existence more than sixty years. Meanwhile, what changes in empires and governments have been effected in other portions of the globe! Monarchs have been hurled from their thrones--or have waged war, and expended millions to retain them. Their subjects, degraded and oppressed, have sighed and struggled for liberty, but only to find the chains of servitude drawn more closely around them. Not until recently, have the nations of Europe seemed to realize that an improvement in their political condition was possible. They are, indeed, just now making an effort to throw off the yoke and fetters; but what will be the result of their experiments, no sagacity can well foresee.

The American people may well congratulate themselves upon the realization of so many of their early hopes. God has helped them; and never should his kind and protecting care be overlooked; nor his interpositions in days of darkness and perplexity be forgotten. That was a glorious struggle, through which they passed, and which resulted in their emancipation from British oppression. But I know not whether the intervening hand of Providence was more conspicuous in that contest, than in leading our statesmen to the formation of the constitution, or so many independent states, whose interests were apparently so conflictive, or whose minds were so diverse, to its unanimous adoption.

And why has it lasted? Why have we not presented to the world, the same feverish and changeful disposition, which has characterized our sister republics of the South? Not one of the latter, scarcely, has passed a single ten years, without intestine commotions--or some change of their constitutions--or some radical alteration of their political principles. And their people--what portions of them have dwelt securely--or experienced a moiety of the advantages and prosperity that have blessed this Northern confederacy?

The constitution of the United States has been, and is, the wonder and admiration of the civilized world. How is such a national sovereignty as that constitution contemplates and creates, compatible with so many independent state sovereignties! Who could imagine that there could exist such efficiency in the one, and yet such harmony among the others! To the friends of monarchy, the mystery is nearly inexplicable; and it seems quite impossible for the statesmen of other countries, however desirous they may be, so to understand the theory and practice of our national and state governments, as to conform them to the circumstances of any other people on the globe.

If it be inquired how the framers of our constitution should have devised such a government, and shaped it to meet the wants of a people in some respects one, and in other respects so diverse, the most intelligent and truthful answer is--God superintended and guided them; not by immediate inspiration, but they served a long training; from the very settlement of the country, and in the circumstances which led our fathers to these shores, there was a work of preparation. And when the time came, there was the patriotism--the self-denial--the intelligence--the political wisdom--which were necessary to devise and perfect our glorious constitution.

But will it last?--Last! Should an American citizen ever indulge a thought to the contrary? But such thoughts will crowd in, and cause anxiety to the patriot. When he looks over the pages of past history, and reads the rise and fall of ancient republics--and by what means they perished--by their own hands--and by means of their prosperity--and then casts his eyes over his own country, and witnesses the thrift, the wealth, the expanding strength and glory of that country--he will ask, will our constitution stand?--will it continue to unite a people separated into so many and so distant states? Especially will he have reason for solicitude and doubt, when he dwells upon the great and grave questions which are rising up, and are dividing the North and the South--the East and the West. Our congress is already nearly a battle-field. Our presses, in different sections, are waging war upon one another, fierce and vindictive; our whole people are divided up into parties--with sectional interests and sectional jealousies.

Will the constitution, then, stand? We cannot say that there is no danger; but there is ground of hope and courage. Let the religion and patriotism of our fathers, be cultivated--let our unquenchable love of liberty, and a profound reverence for the constitution and the union, be instilled into the minds of our children from their earliest days of thought and reflection, and that noble instrument, and that glorious union, will continue for generations to come.

I cannot better close these observations than by citing some forcible and eloquent remarks of the late Judge Story, addressed to the American youth.--"Let the American youth," says he, "never forget that they possess a noble inheritance, bought by the toils, and sufferings, and blood of our ancestors; and capable, if wisely improved, and safely guarded, of transmitting to their latest posterity all the substantial blessings of life--the peaceful enjoyment of liberty, of property, of religion, and of independence. The structure has been erected by architects of consummate skill and fidelity; its foundations are solid; its compartments are beautiful, as well as useful; its arrangements are full of wisdom and order; and its defences are impregnable from without. It has been reared for immortality, if the work of man may justly aspire to such a title. It may, nevertheless, perish in an hour, by the folly, or corruption, or negligence of its only keepers, THE PEOPLE. Republics are created by the virtue, public spirit, and intelligence of the citizens. They fall when the wise are banished from the public councils because they dare to be honest, and the profligate are rewarded because they flatter the people, in order to betray them."

FOOTNOTES:

[54] For a more particular account of this plan of union, the reader is referred to Pitkin's History of the United States, vol. i. p. 142, or Holmes' Annals, vol. ii. p. 55.

[55] Holmes' Annals.

[56] Madison Papers, vol. ii. p. 687-9.

[57] Hinton.

[58] "The nomination came with particular grace from Pennsylvania, as Dr. Franklin alone could have been thought of as a competitor. The doctor was himself to have made the nomination of General Washington, but the state of the weather and of his health confined him to his house."--_Madison Papers._

[59] "This plan had been concerted among the deputation, or members thereof, from Connecticut, New York, New Jersey, Delaware, and perhaps Mr. Martin, from Maryland, who made with them a common cause, though on different principles. Connecticut and New York were against a departure from the principles of the confederation, wishing rather to add a few new powers to congress, than to substitute a national government. The states of New Jersey and Delaware were opposed to a national government, because its patrons considered a proportional representation of the states as the basis of it. The eagerness displayed by the members opposed to a national government, from these different motives, began now to produce serious anxiety for the result of the convention. Mr. Dickinson said to Mr. Madison: 'You see the consequence of pushing things too far. Some of the members from the small states wish for two branches in the general legislature, and are friends to a good national government; but we would sooner submit to foreign power, than submit to be deprived, in both branches of the legislature, of an equality of suffrage, and thereby be thrown under the dominion of the larger states.'"--_Madison Papers._

[60] Madison Papers.

[61] This committee consisted of Mr. Gerry, Mr. Ellsworth, Mr. Yates, Mr. Patterson, Dr. Franklin, Mr. Bedford, Mr. Martin, Mr. Mason, Mr. Davy, Mr. Rutledge, and Mr. Baldwin.

VI. GEORGE WASHINGTON, PRESIDENT.

INAUGURATED AT NEW YORK, APRIL 30, 1789.

JOHN ADAMS, VICE-PRESIDENT.

HEADS OF THE DEPARTMENTS.

Thomas Jefferson, Virginia, September 26, 1789,} Secretaries Edmund Randolph, Virginia, January 2, 1794, } of State. Timothy Pickering, Pennsylvania, December 10, 1795 }

Alexander Hamilton, New York, September 11, 1789,} Secretaries Oliver Wolcott, Connecticut, February 3, 1795 } of Treasury.

Henry Knox, Massachusetts, September 12, 1789,} Secretaries Timothy Pickering, Pennsylvania, January 2, 1795, } of War. James M'Henry, Maryland, January 27, 1796 }

Samuel Osgood, Massachusetts, September 26, 1789,} Postmasters Timothy Pickering, Pennsylvania, November 7, 1791, } General. Joseph Habersham, Georgia, February 25, 1795, }

Edmund Randolph, Virginia, September 26, 1789,} Attorneys William Bradford, Pennsylvania, January 27, 1794, } General. Charles Lee, Virginia, December 10, 1795 }

SPEAKERS OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

Frederick A. Muhlenberg, Pennsylvania, First Congress, 1789. Jonathan Trumbull, Connecticut, Second do. 1791. Frederick A. Muhlenberg, Pennsylvania, Third do. 1793. Jonathan Dayton, New Jersey, Fourth do. 1795.

To the traveller whose lot has led him to traverse inhospitable deserts--encounter fierce storms, and stem angry floods--it is delightful, at length, to enter a region where such obstacles no longer impede his progress--where he breathes with freedom--where he pauses to repose and refresh himself, without the anticipation of similar immediate toil and fatigue. It may not, indeed, be the end of his journey--and he may not know with certainty the future issue of that journey; but the aspect is less forbidding--the prospect is even inviting--and he passes on, animated with the hope of still better things to come.

Some such change we realize at the point at which we have arrived, in following down the great events of American history. Casting an eye upon the scenes of the past, little besides toil, agitation, and conflict, are to be seen.

The Pilgrim Fathers land on these western shores. Immediately, a wide-spread wilderness is before them, and the task of clearing it is begun; savage foes--subtle, secret, and sanguinary--prowl about their habitations, and for years agitate and distress them. The mother-country becomes involved in continental wars--America is the theatre of the contest, and American soldiers must fight her battles. But, like the palm-tree, the colonists rise under the burdens imposed on them. As they prosper and expand, England becomes jealous, and bears herself lordly towards them, in measures of oppression--in prohibitions and exactions. War ensues--a long and exhausting war; their fields lie neglected; their cities are captured; their families are impoverished, and their sons are slain; but they conquer, and are free. But, as a nation, they have no sufficient bond of union--no efficient government to guide their future destiny in safety. National and state debts rest as an incubus upon their efforts, and no adequate power exists by which to provide for their liquidation. A convention meets: different plans are proposed--different constitutions are discussed. Obstacles to the adoption of any arise, which appear insurmountable, and the convention is on the eve of dissolving--leaving the problem still unsolved, whether human wisdom is adequate to devise a constitution which shall harmonize the conflicting interests of thirteen free and independent states.

Once more Providence rallies to our aid--moving upon untractable spirits, as in days of yore the spirit had moved upon the troubled waters, and now, as then, there "is a calm." Deliberations are resumed--asperities wear away--harmony succeeds--the final vote is taken--a constitution is adopted, and sent abroad among the people of the states.

But again the waters become tumultuous--angry conflict is waged in almost every state-house in the land--hundreds and thousands lift up their voices against this constitution, and refuse to sanction it--ill-boding doubts swell up like clouds gathering from the sea, and for a time exclude all hope of a constitutional ratification.

But another becalming influence from on high moves upon the mental mass; jarring strifes are suspended--angry discord ceases--harmonious action succeeds--the constitution is ratified, _and George Washington is elected president of the United States_!

On the ratification of the constitution, the attention of the people was at once directed to General Washington, as the first president of the United States. Communications, expressive of this general desire, were made to him. "We cannot," said Mr. Johnson, of Maryland, "do without you, and I and thousands more can explain to any body but yourself, why we cannot do without you." "I have ever thought," said Governeur Morris, "and have said, that you must be president; no other man can fill that office." In a letter on the subject, addressed to Washington by Colonel Hamilton, the latter said, "You will permit me to say, that it is indispensable you should lend yourself to its [the government's] first operations."

Washington had serious objections to becoming a candidate. He sincerely wished for retirement. "It is my great and sole desire"--so he expressed himself to a friend, who had written him--"to live and die in peace and retirement on my own farm."

But the voice of the nation demanded a further sacrifice from the noble and disinterested patriot. He alone was believed to fill so prëeminent a station in public opinion, that he might be placed at the head of the nation without exciting envy. He alone possessed the requisite confidence of the nation.

By the constitution, the new government was to commence its operations on the 4th of March, 1789; but a quorum of representatives did not appear till the 1st, nor of senators till Monday, the 6th day of April.

On this latter day, the president of the senate, elected for the purpose of counting the votes, declared to the senate, that the senate and house of representatives had met, and that he, in their presence, had opened and counted the votes for the electors for president and vice-president of the United States; whereby it appeared that GEORGE WASHINGTON was unanimously elected president. The following table exhibits the votes of the several electoral colleges:

ELECTORAL VOTES FOR PRESIDENT AND VICE-PRESIDENT.

ELECTION FOR THE FIRST TERM, COMMENCING MARCH 4, 1789, AND TERMINATING MARCH 3, 1793.

Key: A. George Washington, of Virginia. B. John Adams, of Massachusetts. C. Samuel Huntington, of Connecticut. D. John Jay, of New York. E. John Hancock, of Massachusetts. F. R. H. Harrison, of Maryland. G. George Clinton, of New York. H. John Rutledge, of South Carolina. I. John Milton, of Georgia. J. James Armstrong, of Georgia. K. Edward Telfair, of Georgia. L. Benjamin Lincoln, of Massachusetts.

+----------------+---+---+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+ Number of | | | | | | | | | | | | | | Electors | STATES. | | | | | | | | | | | | | from each | | A.| B.|C.|D.|E.|F.|G.|H.|I.|J.|K.|L.| State. | | | | | | | | | | | | | | ----------+----------------+---+---+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+ 5 |New Hampshire, | 5| 5| | | | | | | | | | | 10 |Massachusetts, | 10| 10| | | | | | | | | | | 7 |Connecticut, | 7| 5| 2| | | | | | | | | | 6 |New Jersey, | 6| 1| 5| | | | | | | | | | 10 |Pennsylvania, | 10| 8| 2| | | | | | | | | | 3 |Delaware, | 3| 3| | | | | | | | | | | 6 |Maryland, | 6| 6| | | | | | | | | | | 10 |Virginia, | 10| 5| 1| 1| 3| | | | | | | | 7 |South Carolina, | 7| 1| 6| | | | | | | | | | 5 |Georgia, | 5| 2| 1| 1| 1| | | | | | | | ----------+----------------+---+---+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+ 69 |Whole No. | | | | | | | | | | | | | |of electors, | 69| 34| 2| 9| 4| 6| 3| 6| 2| 1| 1| 1| |Majority, 35 | | | | | | | | | | | | | ----------+----------------+---+---+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+--+

Whereupon, a certificate and letter--the one prepared by a committee of the senate, the other by its president--were communicated to General Washington, setting forth his election, and expressing the cordial wish, that so auspicious a mark of public confidence would meet his approbation.