Part 36

1. James Nicholson, 2. John Manly, 3. Hector McNiel, 4. Dudley Saltonstall, 5. Nicholas Biddle, 6. Thomas Thompson, 7. John Barry, 8. Thomas Read, 9. Thomas Grennall, 10. Charles Alexander, 11. Lambert Wickes, 12. Abraham Whipple, 13. John B. Hopkins, 14. John Hodge, 15. William Hallock, 16. Hoysted Hacker, 17. Isaiah Robinson, 18. John Paul Jones, 19. James Josiah, 20. Elisha Hinman, 21. Joseph Olney, 22. James Robinson, 23. John Young, 24. Elisha Warner.

The arrangement of rank of inferior officers was assigned to the marine committee.

Commodore Hopkins continued to act as commander-in-chief till January 2d, 1777, when, by a vote of congress, he was dismissed from the service, for not performing the duties on which he had been sent with a fleet to the South. From this date, Captain Nicholson became the senior officer of the navy, though only with the rank of captain.

The foregoing general view of the proceedings of congress in relation to the provision and equipment of a naval armament for the Revolutionary contest, must suffice. Had their various resolutions been fully carried into effect, more important results might have been expected from this source of opposition to Great Britain. But the want of funds, but much more the want of materials for the final equipment of vessels which had been launched--such as guns, anchors, rigging, &c.--in some instances retarded, and in others prevented the completion of vessels which had been ordered, and which the exigencies of the country so much required.

By the act of October, 1775, thirteen frigates were ordered to be built. Of these, the Raleigh was laid down in New Hampshire, and in sixty days was launched. But the want of materials for equipment for some time delayed her completion.

The Hancock and Boston were built in Massachusetts, and entered the service.

The Warren and Providence were constructed in Rhode Island, but were the most indifferent of the thirteen.

The Congress and Montgomery, ordered to be built in New York, never reached the mouth of the Hudson, being obliged to be burned in 1777, to prevent their falling into the hands of the British.

The Maryland, constructed in Virginia, was completed, and took her place in the service.

The Randolph, the Washington, the Delaware, and the Effingham were allotted to Pennsylvania. The first of these was launched in 1776, and sailed on her first cruise early in 1777. The Delaware was equipped, but is supposed to have fallen into the hands of the British at the time they took possession of Philadelphia. The Washington and the Effingham were burned by the British in 1778.

"Thus, of the thirteen vessels from which so much was expected, but six got to sea at all in the service in which they were built. To these were added, in the course of the war, a few other frigates, some permanently and some only for single cruises. Of the former class, were the Deane, (Hague,) Alliance, Confederacy, and Queen of France. It is believed that these four ships, added to the thirteen ordered by the law of 1775, and the Alfred and Columbus, will comprise all the frigate-built vessels that properly belonged to the marine of the country during the war of the Revolution. The French vessels that composed most of the squadron of Paul Jones were lent for the occasion, and we hear no more of the Pallas after the cruise had ended. She reverted to her original owners."

During the progress of the war, quite a number of sloops of war and other vessels were employed by congress, and some by the commissioners in France. But a complete catalogue of these, it is now impossible to give.

At the commencement of the Revolution, the flag used on board of some ships, bore a device, representing a pine-tree with a rattle-snake coiled at the root, and ready to strike, with the appropriate motto, "_Don't tread on me._" Some privateers showed flags with devices upon them after the fancy of their captains or owners; others adopted the arms of the colony from which they sailed, or by whose authority they cruised. In 1777, congress adopted the present national colors.

Many of the officers of the navy were high-spirited and intelligent men. Not a few of the commanders of privateers--and the ocean soon swarmed with them--were distinguished for their nautical skill, and were possessed of as noble and generous impulses as ever actuated the human bosom. None at the present day can adequately realize the obstacles which, at that early period, were to be overcome. Vessels of war were not in existence; even vessels originally adapted for cruising were not numerous. Besides, not only was the government poor, but the fortunes of individuals bore no comparison to some at the present day. And, moreover, the principal theatre of the war was designed from the beginning to be on the land. But the maritime spirit was by no means to be restrained. A writer somewhere remarks, that the conflict between Great Britain and her oppressed and despised colonies had not continued a twelvemonth, when the coasts of the former country were harassed and agitated by the audacity and enterprise of the American cruisers. Insurance in England rose to an unprecedented height. Ship-owners were afraid to trust their vessels abroad; and few indeed did venture, unless they were protected by a convoy. England was made to feel, few and ill-equipped as were the American vessels, compared with her numerous and well-furnished navy, that a nation thoroughly imbued with the love of maritime adventure, was not to be despised, though she were distant and poor.

It is remarked by Mr. Hinton that, "in the course of three years, the Americans had taken more than double the number of their own guns from the enemy, besides a great number of merchantmen of value. More than eight hundred guns had been taken from the enemy during this time by the marine which congress had fitted out; while that of Massachusetts and of the other states were equally successful. The vessels taken by the public and private armed vessels, from the battle of Lexington to the 17th of March, 1776, when the British evacuated Boston, amounted to thirty-four, of considerable size and value, with excellent cargoes. The tonnage of these captured vessels amounted to three thousand six hundred and forty-five tons. In 1776, the British vessels captured by the private armed vessels alone, amounted to the great number of three hundred and forty-two, of which forty-four were rëtaken, eighteen released, and five burned. In the following year, 1777, the success of our privateers was still greater. Vessels were captured to the amount of four hundred and twenty-one. The success continued without any great diminution until 1780. At this time, the British merchants made so strong an appeal to their government, that they provided a convoy for every fleet of merchant vessels to every part of the globe. Out of the fleet sailing from England to the West Indies, consisting of two hundred in number, in the year 1777, one hundred and thirty-seven were taken by our privateers; and from a fleet from Ireland to the West Indies of sixty sail, thirty-five were taken. Taking the years 1775, 6, 7, 8, and 9, say for the first year, thirty-four; second, three hundred and forty-two; third, four hundred and twenty-one; and for the fourth, which has not been accurately given, I believe, in any work, say, and this within bounds, two hundred; and, for the fifth, the same, two hundred; and allowing but one hundred for the balance of the time during the war, will make twelve hundred and ninety-seven, without including those taken by public vessels from 1776 to the close of the war; and this latter number, if it could be precisely given, would add greatly to the list of captures."

The naval names, that have descended to us from this war with the greatest reputation, are those of Manly, Mugford, Jones, Barry, Barney, Waters, Young, Tucker, Talbot, Nicholson, Williams, Biddle, Hopkins, Robinson, Wickes, Rathburne, and Hacket. Besides these, there were many others, either in the service of one of the state sovereignties, at that time, or of congress, who were equally worthy of notice, but who have been neglected, because they were only commanders of privateers.

It cannot be doubted that, considering the great number of privateers that swarmed upon the ocean during the war, there were sometimes cruelties practiced, and scenes enacted, disgraceful to the perpetrators. The contrary was not to be expected. But generally, the commanders of these privateers were men of principle and humanity. Indeed, instances of the most magnanimous conduct among them might be given. In several cases of capture, when they understood that the owners were friendly to the cause of America, both the vessel and the crew were suffered to depart without losing a particle of property. And still further, the officers of vessels, captured by privateers, as well as by public armed ships, were never deprived of their baggage, and often not of their _adventures_, when they had any.

From the preceding account of the capture of British vessels, during the Revolution, by American privateers and regular ships of war, it can easily be credited that the ocean must have been the scene of many thrilling and adventurous exploits. The American seamen were fired with a patriotism, not less pure and impulsive than the soldiers on the land. But the story of their bravery, the hardships they endured, the zeal and courage with which they fought, unlike that of their compatriots, were left in a great measure unrecorded; or, if noticed in the papers of the day, were told without those circumstantial details, from which the chief interest of a naval engagement often arises. Some privateersmen probably had not the ability to draw up such accounts, and others who had, not being obliged to report to the government an account of their engagements, lacked the inclination, amid the stirring scenes in which they were engaged. Hence, but few well-authenticated and circumstantial accounts of the operations of this species of force have descended to the present time.

The records of engagements by the regular marine are more abundant, but far from being as copious and circumstantial as those of the American navy, during the late war with Great Britain. Enough of interest, however, exists and more than sufficient for the space which we can allow to the subject. Indeed, we must leave unnoticed several as full of interest and as evincive of prowess, as those which find a place in this volume.

1. RANDOLPH AND YARMOUTH

The Randolph, a frigate of thirty-two guns, was launched at Philadelphia in 1776, and sailed on her first cruise in 1777, being one of the first, if not the very first, of the new vessels built under the resolution of congress of October, 1775, that proceeded to sea. She was commanded by Nicholas Biddle, a man combining all the distinguishing qualifications of a great naval commander.

After having been at sea a few days, a defect in his masts, and a disposition to mutiny discovered in his crew, induced him to put into Charleston. On again sailing, he soon fell in with and captured four Jamaica-men, one of which, the True-Briton, had an armament of twenty-guns. With these prizes, he returned to Charleston. The citizens of that place, pleased with the character and enterprise of Captain Biddle, placed four small vessels of their own under his care; with these and the Randolph he proceeded to sea, in search of several British vessels which had been seen cruising off Charleston for some time. No traces of them, however, were discovered.

Nothing more was heard from this squadron for some time. But, at length, intelligence was received of the most distressing nature. It was contained in a letter of Captain Vincent, of his Britannic majesty's ship Yarmouth, sixty-four, dated March 17th, 1778.

On the 7th of that month, the Yarmouth, while cruising to the east of Barbadoes, discovered six sail bearing south-east, and standing on a wind. On getting nearer, they were discovered to be two ships, three brigs, and a schooner. At nine o'clock P. M., the Yarmouth succeeded in ranging up on the weather-quarter of the largest and leading vessel--the ship, next in size, being astern to leeward. Here, displaying her colors, the Yarmouth ordered the Randolph (for so she proved to be) to show her ensign. At this moment the American flag was run up, and a whole broadside poured in upon the Yarmouth. A spirited action immediately ensued, and for twenty minutes was maintained by both ships with great energy--when on a sudden the Randolph blew up. So near were the ships at the time, that portions of the flying wreck struck the Yarmouth, and even the American ensign fell upon her forecastle. It was rolled up, and not even singed.

Immediately following this catastrophe, the Yarmouth went in pursuit of the other vessels, which, meanwhile, were attempting to escape. But he was unable to come up with them, his own sails having been so injured during the short action had with the Randolph. The chase, therefore, was relinquished, and the Yarmouth continued to cruise in the neighborhood. She was still ignorant of the name of the ill-fated vessel, which she had engaged, nor was there now any prospect of her ever learning it.

But at length, on the 12th, while passing near to the theatre of the engagement, signals of distress were discovered proceeding from persons at a short distance. On reaching them, they proved to be four men, on a piece of wreck. On being taken on board of the Yarmouth, they reported themselves as having belonged to the Randolph, thirty-two, Captain Biddle, blown up in an action with an English frigate on the night of the 7th. They had been floating on the wreck on which they were discovered, without sustenance, since the time of explosion.

These men reported, that, soon after the action commenced, Captain Biddle was severely wounded in the thigh. Being taken below, and seated in a chair, the surgeon was proceeding to examine his wound, when the explosion occurred, by which the vessel was blown into fragments, and the whole crew, officers and men, with the exception of the four named, were in a moment killed. The Yarmouth, in the brief time the action lasted, lost five killed and twelve wounded.

What would have been the result, had not this catastrophe occurred, no one can say. Captain Biddle was fighting at fearful odds. But he was young, ardent, ambitious; and, while we can scarcely refrain from thinking him presumptuous, it is quite apparent, from his actually entering the lists, that he contemplated a victory over his powerful antagonist as an achievement quite possible. He was only twenty-seven years of age. His untimely fate caused a deep sensation in all quarters; the navy was felt to have lost a true friend, and the country a zealous patriot.

2. RALEIGH AND DRUID.

Under the law of 1775, the Raleigh was constructed in New Hampshire. She was a fine twelve-pounder frigate, commanded by Captain Thompson. In the latter part of August, 1777, for the first time, she went to sea. She was accompanied by the Alfred, twenty-four, Captain Hinman. Both vessels were bound to France for military stores.

During the first few days, while running off the coast, they captured several small vessels; and, on the 2d of September, fell in with and captured a scow, called the Nancy, belonging to the outward-bound windward fleet. Learning the direction of this fleet, which was in the advance of the Nancy, Captain Thompson went in chase. On the 3d, the convoy of the fleet was descried. It consisted of the Camel, Druid, Weasel, and Grasshopper, which had under their protection sixty merchantmen. At sunset, Captain Thompson spoke the Alfred, and signified his intention of running in among the fleet, and, if possible, engaging the commodore.

By means of the officers of the Nancy, he had obtained the signals of the fleet, and by means of these he was able to pass for one of the convoy. The Alfred proving unable to carry the requisite sail, Captain Thompson left her, and passed on into the midst of the fleet. His guns being housed and his ports lowered, she showed no signs of preparation for an attack. Added to this, making use of the commodore's signals, he was able to give several of the merchantmen direction how to steer. Thus he avoided suspicion, and was able to run the Raleigh alongside of the vessel of war, and "when within pistol-shot, she hauled up her courses, run out her guns, set her ensign, and commanded the enemy to strike." This was a bold movement. Taken by surprise, the British commander was at an utter loss how to act. The confusion was general. The sails got aback. Taking advantage of the perturbation on board the Druid, (for so she proved,) Captain Thompson poured in upon her a broadside. This was followed by a second, third--twelve broadsides in twenty minutes, scarcely receiving a shot in return.

While thus engaged, a sudden and violent squall came on, which, in a measure, slackened the engagement, and rendered the aim uncertain. As the squall ceased, it was discovered that the convoy had scattered in all directions, and were doing their utmost to escape. The other armed vessels now hastened to the assistance of their crippled companion. Yet the Raleigh continued to deal out her thunder, nor did she haul off until the other vessels were almost within gun-shot of her. Thus compelled, she ran to leeward, and joined the Alfred. Hoping, however, that the commodore might be induced to renew the engagement, she shortened sail, thus giving her antagonist an opportunity to restore his wounded honor; but, instead of this, he hauled in among his convoy. For several following days the American ships continued to follow the fleet, but they were not so fortunate as to receive the respects of any of the vessels of war.

The Druid, which was of twenty guns, was so much disabled as to be obliged immediately to return to England. Her loss was six killed and twenty-six wounded; among the latter, was her commander, Captain Carteret. Five of the wounded subsequently died. The Raleigh had three men killed and wounded.

3. SUB-MARINE WARFARE

During the year 1777, David Bushnell, a native of Connecticut, made several attempts to blow up the ships of the enemy by means of _torpedoes_. This mode of warfare had employed his thoughts during his collegiate course, so that on graduating in 1775, his plans were in a good degree matured. An account of some of his early plans he gave to the world himself. The following is a description of his celebrated torpedo: "It bore a resemblance to two upper tortoise shells of equal sizes, placed in contact, leaving, at that part which represents the head of the animal, a flue or opening sufficiently capacious to contain the operator, and air to support him thirty minutes. At the bottom, opposite to the entrance, was placed a quantity of lead for ballast. The operator sat upright, and held an oar for rowing forward or backward, and was furnished with a rudder for steering. An aperture at the bottom with its valves admitted water for the purpose of descending, and two brass forcing-pumps served to eject the water within, when necessary for ascending. The vessel was made completely water-tight, furnished with glass windows for the admission of light, with ventilators and air-pipes, and was so ballasted with lead fixed on the bottom as to render it solid, and obviate all danger of oversetting. Behind the sub-marine vessel was a place above the rudder for carrying a large powder magazine; this was made of two pieces of oak timber, large enough, when hollowed out, to contain one hundred and fifty pounds of powder, with the apparatus used for firing it, and was secured in its place by a screw turned by the operator. It was lighter than water, so that he might rise against the object to which it was intended to be fastened.

"Within the magazine was an apparatus constructed to run any proposed period under twelve hours; when it had run out its time, it unpinioned a strong lock, resembling a gun-lock, which gave fire to the powder. This apparatus was so pinioned, that it could not possibly move, until, by casting off the magazine from the vessel, it was set in motion. The skillful operator could swim so low on the surface of the water, as to approach very near the ship in the night, without fear of being discovered, and might, if he chose, approach the stem or stern above water, with very little danger. He could sink very quickly, keep at any necessary depth, and row a great distance in any direction he desired, without coming to the surface. When he rose to the top, he could soon obtain a fresh supply of air, and, if necessary, descend again and pursue his course."

With a torpedo of the above construction, Bushnell made an experiment on the Eagle, a sixty-gun ship, then lying in the harbor of New York, and under command of Lord Howe. A sergeant of one of the Connecticut regiments conducted the operation. General Putnam, standing on the wharf, was a witness of the proceeding.

The sergeant, having under cover of night proceeded to the ship, attempted to fasten the torpedo to her bottom by means of a screw. But in this he failed, striking, as he supposed, a bar or bolt of iron, which resisted the screw. In attempting to move to another place, he passed from under the ship, and soon rose to the surface. By this time, daylight had so far advanced as to make any further experiments hazardous. He therefore concluded to return to New York. On passing Governor's island, supposing himself discovered by the British stationed there, he cast off his magazine, and proceeded without it. The internal apparatus was set to run one hour; at the expiration of which, it blew up, in a tremendous explosion, throwing a vast column of water to a great height, to the no small wonder of the enemy.

This experiment was followed in the course of the year by an attempt from a whaling-boat against the frigate Cerebus, off New London. The expedient adopted in this case was to draw a machine, loaded with powder, against her side by means of a line, to be exploded by a gun-lock. But failing to attach itself as intended, against the frigate, it became attached to a schooner, at anchor astern of the frigate, which, on exploding, it demolished.

In a letter addressed to Sir Peter Parker, by Commodore Simmons, at the time of the explosion on board the Cerebus, he gave an account of this singular disaster. Being at anchor to the westward of the town with a schooner which he had taken, about eleven o'clock in the evening he discovered a line towing astern from the bows. He believed some person had been veered away by it, and immediately began to haul in. A sailor belonging to the schooner taking it for a fishing-line, laid hold of it, and drew it in about fifteen fathoms. It was buoyed up by small pieces tied to it at regular distances. At the end of the rope a machine was fastened, too heavy for one man to pull up, for it exceeded one hundred pounds in weight. The other people of the schooner coming to his assistance, they drew it upon deck. While the men, to gratify their curiosity, were examining the machine, it exploded, blew the vessel into pieces, and set her on fire. Three men were killed, and a fourth blown into the water, very much injured. On subsequent examination, the other part of the line was discovered buoyed up in the same manner; this the commodore ordered to be instantly cut away, for fear (as he termed it) of hauling up another of the "_infernals_!"