Part 27

In the course of the trial it was deposed by Samuel Pacey, that his younger daughter Deborah, was suddenly taken ill with a lameness in her legs, was seized with violent fits, and felt the most excruciating pains in her stomach, like the pricking of pins, which caused her to shriek in an alarming manner; and also, that his daughter Elizabeth was afflicted in the same manner, and that they could not open their mouths wide enough for respiration, sufficient to preserve life, without the help of a tap. But Dr. Hutchinson says, there was no necessity for putting taps in the children’s mouths when a sufficient quantity of air to preserve life could have been drawn through their nostrils. John Soam, of Lowestoft, deposed, that, in harvest time, as he was going into the field to load, one of the carts wrenched the window off Rose Cullender’s house, whereupon she came out in a great rage, and threatened him for having done wrong. The consequence whereof was, that the cart was overturned twice that day; and the last time of loading it, as they brought it through the gate which led out of the field into the town, the cart stuck so fast in the gate’s head that they could not possibly get it through, but were obliged to cut down the post of the gate, to make the cart pass through, although they did not perceive that the cart did of either side touch the gate-posts. Dr. Hutchinson says, very true, Rose Cullender might well be in a passion when they ran the cart against her house and damaged it; and an unruly horse or a careless driver might easily overturn a cart two or three times a day; and if the cart stuck so fast in the gate’s head so as they could not get it through (though it did not touch the gate-post as they could perceive), what made them cut the post down? These depositions shew the kind of evidence it was on which these poor unfortunate women were condemned and executed, the ludicrous manner in which Dr. Hutchinson has treated it, as well as the contemptible light in which it was regarded by all the wise and discerning part of mankind. But exclusive of the evidence, they had also recourse, during the trial, to art and stratagem; for they caused one of Mr. Pacey’s daughters to be blindfolded and to be touched by one of the supposed witches, in order to discover what effect it would produce; and on using this experiment, the girl fell into a violent rage, and gave the Court what they deemed the most evident demonstration of the criminality of the prisoners. Nevertheless, Mr. Sergeant Keeling seemed so much dissatisfied with this proof, that he thought it not sufficient to convict the prisoners; and therefore Sir Matthew Hale privately desired the Lord Cornwallis, and Mr. Sergeant Keeling to try the experiment in another place, and by a different person; but notwithstanding they perceived the same effect, yet these gentlemen, on their return into Court, declared, that from what they had discovered, it was, in their opinion, that the whole of the charge was groundless, and without any foundation. This was a favourable circumstance in behalf of the prisoners, as it tended to acquit them, and it actually stopped the proceedings of the Court a considerable time. At last, however, it was resolved to take the opinion of Dr. Brown, a physician from Norwich, and who was desired by the Court to give his sentiments concerning the prisoners, whether he really thought they were witches or not. The doctor’s evidence amounted to this: “That he was clearly of opinion that the two girls were really bewitched; for that in Denmark there had been lately a great discovery of witches, and from some books that had been published in that kingdom, it appears that the witches there had used the same methods of afflicting persons as had been practised by the prisoners.” This evidence of Dr. Brown turned the scale against these unfortunate women, and appears to have been decisive.

The eyes of all the sensible and inquisitive part of the nation were fixed on this very extraordinary trial, and waited with impatience the decision of the Court. They were full of expectations that the point would be so fully discussed as finally to determine it, and leave no room for posterity to engage in any farther controversy concerning these notions. But this was reserved for a more enlightened age; for it appears that nothing but perplexity and confusion ensued thereupon. The judge himself was so far from being satisfied with the evidence, that, on the contrary, he was extremely doubtful concerning it; and was under such distressing fears and apprehensions during the trial, and proceeded with such extreme caution therein, that he forebore summing up the evidence, but left it to the jury, with prayers to God to direct their hearts in so weighty a matter. Accordingly the jury, after withdrawing about half-an-hour, returned with their verdict, which pronounced the prisoners guilty. After this the judge gave the law its course, pronounced sentence of death upon them, and they were executed very soon after.

Thus were these two unfortunate widows, whose only misfortune was either the poverty of their circumstances, the deformity of their persons, or the weakness of their understandings, sacrificed to the superstition of the age, the insufficiency of the evidence, and the ignorance and credulity of the jury.

Possibly it may be admitted, as some extenuation of the absurdity of this prosecution, to remember that it was undertaken in an age in which the notion of witchcraft was generally received; _that_ not only among the illiterate and vulgar, but even amongst those who were in the highest estimation for rank, piety, and learning.

It was in consequence of this ridiculous notion that one Matthew Hopkins, of Manningtree, in Essex, together with some others, were commissioned by Parliament in 1664, and the two following years, to perform a circuit, in order to discover witches. By virtue of this commission they went from town to town through many parts of Essex, Suffolk, Norfolk, and Huntingdonshire, for the purpose of detecting them; and caused sixteen to be hanged at Yarmouth, forty at Bury, and also as many more in different parts of the country as amounted in the whole to nearly one hundred persons. It is to this absurd commission that Butler alludes in Hudebras, when he says:

Hath not this present Parliament A ledger to the devil sent, Fully empow’d to treat about, Finding revolted witches out? And has he not within a year Hang’d three score of them in a shire?

This Hopkins used to call himself Witchfinder General, and had twenty shillings allowed him for every town he visited. He used many arts to extort confession from suspected persons, and when they failed he had recourse to swimming them; which was done by tying their thumbs and toes across one another, and then throwing them into the water. Thus he went on searching and swimming the poor creatures, till some gentleman, out of indignation at the barbarity of it, took him and tied his own thumbs and toes as he used to tie others, and when he was put into the water he himself swam as others had done before him. This method soon cleared the country of him, and it was a great pity the experiment was not thought of sooner.

Returning from the digression it may be noted that another religious sect which appeared in Lowestoft is the Methodists. The society first made its appearance here in the year 1761; and was introduced by that great leader of the sect, the Rev. John Wesley, and has continued. In the year 1776 their number was increased to about fifty; they purchased a piece of ground on the north side of Frary lane, and soon after erected a meeting house there, which was opened on the 19th November, 1776, by Mr. John Wesley, who came to Lowestoft for that purpose.

SECTION IX. MILITARY AND NAVAL AFFAIRS.

LOWESTOFT being a maritime town, it is consequently more distinguished for memorable transactions relative to naval affairs, than for those respecting military.

The town having always depended upon the herring fishery for its chief support, has rendered this fishery a constant nursery for seamen; and the great advantages which maritime powers have always received from their fisheries, are too many to be enumerated, as well as too evident to require a demonstration; for the constant protection and encouragement which those powers have always found it their interest to afford them, are indubitable proofs both of their usefulness and importance. But exclusive of the valuable benefits which the nation has derived from the herring fishery, in common with other fisheries, in supplying his majesty’s service with a considerable number of useful seamen, it has also received many other advantages in consequence of the several very able and gallant sea commanders with which the town has furnished the royal Navy; and who, by the wisdom of their Councils, and gallantry of their actions, have rendered very essential services to their country, and received the most distinguished honours to themselves.

In the memorable sea-fights between England and Holland during the first Dutch war, in the reign of Charles II, among commanders who remarkably distinguished themselves in those important struggles were Admiral Allen, Admiral Utber, and his son, Captain Utber, all of whom belonged to this town.

It was that gallant sea-officer, Admiral Sir Thomas Allen, who first commenced hostilities against the Dutch, in 1665, by attacking their Smyrna fleet, consisting of forty merchant ships, of which some were very large, were well provided with ordnance and had four third-rate men of war for their convoy. Sir Thomas had only eight ships with him; but what he wanted in force, he supplied by his eminent courage and conduct; for he immediately attacked them, killed Commodore Bracknell, their commander, took four of their merchant ships, richly laden, and drove the remainder into Cadiz. {151}

In the great sea fight off Lowestoft, June 3, 1665, all the three abovementioned commanders had a respective share in that memorable engagement.

The English fleet consisted of 114 sail of men of war and frigates, 28 fire ships, and several bomb ketches, and had on board about 22,000 seamen and soldiers; and the whole was commanded by the Duke of York. Admiral Opdam commanded the Dutch fleet. The fight began about three in the morning, and for some time victory was doubtful; but about noon, the Earl of Sandwich, with the blue squadron, forced himself into the centre of the Dutch fleet, divided it into two parts, and began that confusion which ended in a total defeat. The Duke of York, in the Royal Charles of eighty guns, and Admiral Opdam, in the Eendracht of eighty-four guns, were closely engaged, and continued the fight with great obstinacy for several hours, wherein his highness was in the utmost danger. Several persons of distinction were killed on board his ship, particularly the Earl of Falmouth, the King’s favourite; Lord Muskerry, and Mr. Boyle, son of the Earl of Cork, who were killed with one ball, and so near the Duke, that he was covered with their blood and brains, and a splinter from the last named gentleman’s skull, grazed his hand. About one o’clock the Dutch Admiral blew up, with a prodigious explosion; by which accident the Admiral and 500 of his men perished. Vice-Admiral Stillingwert was shot through the middle by a cannon ball; and Vice-Admiral Cortenaar received a shot in his thigh, of which he instantly died. These ships bearing out of the line on the death of their commanders, without striking their flags, drew many after them; so that by eight at night Van Tromp, who fought to the last, and kept fighting as he retreated, had not above thirty ships left with him. This was the most signal victory the English ever gained, and the severest blow at sea that the Dutch ever felt. In this action the Dutch had eighteen ships taken and fourteen sank, exclusive of those which were either burnt or blown up; and lost 6000 men, including 2300 taken prisoners. The English lost only the Charity of forty-six guns, had 250 men killed, and 340 wounded; among whom were (besides those already mentioned) the Earls of Portland and Marlborough, Vice-Admiral Sampson, and Sir John Lawson, who died of a wound in his knee, though he survived the battle. Among the wounded was Mr. Howard, youngest son of the Earl of Berkshire; he was landed at Lowestoft, where he died of his wounds on the 6th of June following, and was interred in the chancel of Lowestoft church.

As soon as the battle was over the English retired to Southwold Bay to rest; where they received fresh orders to sail again as soon as possible in search of the Dutch fleet. Accordingly on the 5th July, the fleet steered from the bay to the coast of Holland. The standard was borne by the Earl of Sandwich, and the Blue flag by Sir Thomas Allen, having for his Vice and Rear-Admirals Sir Christopher Minnes and Sir John Haringn. {152a} The design of the expedition was to intercept de Ruyter on his return with the Turkey and East India fleets, or at least to take or burn the merchant ships, of which they had certain intelligence. But they succeeded in neither of these attempts. De Ruyter returned unexpectedly by the north of Scotland, and arrived safely in Holland. The fleets, consisting of twenty sail, took the same northern route, in hopes of avoiding the English, but receiving intelligence at sea that this would prove very difficult, if not impossible, they took shelter in the port of Berghen, in Norway. This port was easy of access, and covered only by an old castle; the Danish governor, indeed, promised to protect the Dutch as much as possible, and the Dutch, to facilitate their intention, landed forty-one pieces of cannon, which were disposed on a line before the fort; after they had taken this precaution, the Dutch formed another line across the bay, consisting of their largest ships, and in this defensive posture they waited the arrival of the English. It was not long before the English appeared; for the Earl of Sandwich having received advice of the Dutch fleet having put into Berghen for protection, detached Sir Thomas Tyddiman with fourteen sail of men of war, (one of them was the Guernsey, commanded by Captain Utber), and three fireships to attack and destroy them. Sir Thomas appeared at Berghen on the 1st of August, 1665, and though he executed this expedition with great courage, yet, having the wind against him, and the enemy making a prodigious fire from the castle, the line, and the ships, he was forced to bear out of the bay, which he performed without the loss of a ship, though he had five or six ill treated; one of which was the Guernsey, Captain Utber, who was unfortunately slain in the engagement. {152b}

In the great sea fight in 1666, which lasted four days, it is probable that both the Admirals Allen and Utber had their shares in that remarkable engagement, thought, they are not particularly mentioned. For when the fight was over, and both fleets had retired to their respective coasts to refit and prepare for a fresh engagement, on their proceeding to sea again, the English fleet consisting of eighty men of war, great and small, and nineteen fireships, were divided into three squadrons, under the command of Prince Rupert and Duke of Albermarle; and the second squadron of this fleet was commanded by Sir Thomas Allen, who had under him Sir Thomas Tyddiman and Rear Admiral Utber.

The Dutch fleet consisted of eighty-eight men of war and twenty fireships, and was divided into three squadrons, under de Ruyter, Evertz, and Van Tromp. On the 25th July, about noon, the English fleet came up with the enemy off the North Foreland. Sir Thomas Allen, with the white squadron, began the battle by attacking Evertz. About one o’clock Prince Rupert and the Duke of Albemarle made a desperate attack upon de Ruyter, and after fighting about three hours were obliged to go on board another ship. During this interval, the Admirals Allen, Tyddiman, and Utber, in the white squadron, had utterly defeated Evertz: his Vice-Admiral de Vries, and Rear-Admiral Keenders, being both killed. The Vice-Admiral of Zealand was taken, and another ship of fifty guns burnt. The Prince and the Duke, who were both in the same ship, fought de Ruyter, ship to ship; disabled the Guelderland of sixty-six guns, one of his seconds; killed the Captain of another, and mortally wounded two more, after which the Dutch squadron began to fly. De Ruyter’s ship was so miserably torn, and his crew so dispirited and fatigued, that he could make but little resistance, and nothing but the want of wind could have hindered the English from boarding him. De Ruyter continued his retreat all that night, and the next day Prince Rupert and the Duke of Albemarle pursued him as fast as the wind would permit. A fireship was then dispatched to bear down on the Dutch Admiral, and missed very little of setting him on fire. At last they approached so near to each other as to cannonade a second time, when De Ruyter finding himself so extremely oppressed, and his fleet in the most imminent danger, that in a fit of despair he cried: “My God, what a wretch am I among so many thousand bullets! is there not one to put me out of my pain?” By degrees, however, the Dutch drew near their own shallow coast, where the English could not follow them. On this occasion Prince Rupert ungenerously insulted him, by sending a little shallop, called Fanfan, with only two guns on board, which, being rowed near to De Ruyter’s ship, fired upon him for two hours; at last a ball from the Dutch Admiral so damaged his contemptible enemy, that the crew were forced to sheer off very briskly, to save their lives.

This was one of the greatest victories obtained at this war. In this battle the Dutch lost twenty ships, had four Admirals and a great many captains killed; as to common seamen, the number slain was computed to be 4,000, and 3,000 wounded. The English had only the Resolution burnt, three captains and about 300 seamen killed.

In the same year, when the Dutch and French fleets were endeavouring to form a junction, Sir Thomas Allen, with his squadron, attacked the French fleet, and having boarded the Ruby, a fine ship of 1000 tons and fifty-four guns, he carried her in a short time. This bold attempt so intimidated the French ministry, that they scarce ventured their fleet out of sight of its own shore afterwards.

The first Dutch war being ended, Sir Thomas was sent, in 1669, with a stout squadron, into the Mediterranean, to suppress the insults of the Algerines, where he did his country very eminent services, and was the last employment he ever engaged in. {153}

After Sir Thomas had honorably finished the Algerine war, and in pursuance of his instructions, appointed Sir Edward Spragge to command in his place in the Mediterranean, he returned to England, where, for the many services he had rendered his country, he was created a baronet, 14th December, 1669. But having been constantly engaged in the most active, as well as dangerous scenes of action, and being worn down with fatigue, and crowned with success, he was under the necessity of withdrawing himself from the service of the public; and having acquired a handsome fortune, he purchased the estate of Somerley Hall, and removing thither from Lowestoft, it became afterwards the place of his future residence, thereby exchanging the dangerous and tumultuous scenes of war for the calm and undisturbed repose of rural retirement. During the residence of Sir Thomas at Lowestoft, he lived in a black flint-stone house on the east side of High street; where, on that side next the sea, he caused a small round tower to be erected, that he might be enabled to command an extensive prospect of the German Ocean, an object of great consequence during the Dutch wars. He buried a daughter in the north-east corner of the north isle of Lowestoft church, where a handsome monument is erected to her memory.

Another valiant and experienced Admiral belonging to Lowestoft, and who remarkably distinguished himself by his gallantry in the service of his country, was Sir John Ashby.

King William had no sooner ascended the throne of this kingdom than he found himself obliged to engage in war with France, who had sent James II over into Ireland with a considerable force, escorted by a fleet of twenty-two sail of men-of-war.

His Majesty’s affairs in England were at this time in so critical a state, that it was some time before he could provide a force sufficient to cruise on the coast of Ireland. At last Admiral Herbert, who commanded the English fleet, in the begining of April, 1689, sailed for Cork, with a squadron which consisted of no more than twelve ships of war (one of which was the Defiance, Captain Ashby) one fireship, two yachts, and two smacks. On the 29th of that month he discovered a fleet of forty-four sail, a convoy that followed King James; on the 30th, he saw them standing into Bantree bay; he lay off that place till morning, and about break of day resolved to attack the enemy. The French detached their merchant ships to land the supply at a place down the bay while they engaged the enemy. The English fleet was reinforced to nineteen ships. The French fleet consisted in the whole of twenty-eight ships. As the English had the wind, they could have avoided fighting if they pleased; but the Admiral exerted his utmost efforts to get into the bay, and come to a close engagement. About ten in the morning, on the 1st of May, the French bore down upon the English, when the battle began. The fight was pretty warm for two hours, but then slackened, because a great part of the English fleet could not come up, but they continued firing on both sides till about five in the afternoon. Admiral Herbert had no opportunity of bringing his whole fleet to engage, as the wind would not suffer him to enter the bay, and consequently was under the necessity of keeping out at sea all the time of the engagement, therefore the dispute was very unequal; but about the hour before-mentioned, the French fleet stood in the bay, which put an end to the fight.

This is the battle of Bantree bay, which, though inconsiderable of itself, {155} is yet magnified by some writers as a very important stroke. The French had one ship, called the Diamond, set on fire, and two others so much damaged as to withdraw from the line. The affair, however, was certainly of no very great consequence; and the small advantage that was claimed by the French was more to be ascribed to a favourable wind and superior force, than either a want of courage or conduct on the part of the English. After the action Admiral Herbert bore away for the Scilly Islands, and having cruized there for some time returned to Spithead; on which occasion the King himself went down to Portsmouth, where, to shew his determination to distinguish and reward merit, though not pointed out to him by success, he declared Admiral Herbert Earl of Torrington, and knighted Captain John Ashby and Captain Cloudesley Shovel; giving, at the same time, a bounty of ten shillings to each seaman, and making a provision for the widows of such as had been killed in the action. Sir John Ashby was also presented with a gold watch, set with diamonds.