Part 2, § I, no. 2.

[Footnote 20: Germain de Gannay, Ganaye, or Gannaye, son of Nicolas and brother of Jean, Chancellor of France, had become a counsellor in the Parliament of Paris, on the resignation of Jean Jouvenel des Ursins, by letters patent of 1485; appointed Bishop of Cahors, by royal letters issued at Vienne in Dauphiné, August 14, 1509, in opposition to Guy de Châteauneuf, who was chosen by election but yielded his claim to him, he was consecrated May 4, 1511. In 1512 he inherited the property of his brother the Chancellor, and did homage for the seigniory of Persan on June 18. He was translated to the bishopric of Orléans in 1514, and died in 1520.]

[Footnote 21: October 2.]

[Footnote 22: See Part 2, § I, no. 3.]

[Footnote 23: Ibid. no. 4.]

[Footnote 24: See my _Les Estienne_, pp. 62 ff.]

[Footnote 25: See Part 2, § I, no. 5.]

[Footnote 26: For Latin text, see Appendix X, _a_.]

[Footnote 27: See Part 2, § I, no. 6.]

[Footnote 28: One of the three editions of Berosus bears that date, but our artist probably had nothing to do with that edition. [Note added by the author after the book had gone through the press.]]

[Footnote 29: Fol. 1 recto.]

[Footnote 30: This principal of the College of Plessis is here called Robertus Duræus Fortunatus. Du Boulay calls him simply Robertus Fortunatus, in his _Histoire de l'Université de Paris_, vol. vi. p. 159. Elsewhere he is called Dure (Duré?). In the index of the same volume, Du Boulay, under the name of Robertus Fortunatus, refers to a list of the principals of the College of Plessis, which he omitted to publish.]

[Footnote 31: See Part 2, § I, no. 7.]

[Footnote 32: _Biographie Universelle_, art. 'Tory.']

[Footnote 33: See Part 2, § I, no. 8 (p. 70).]

[Footnote 34: _Histoire de l'Imprimerie_, p. 100: _Siste, viator,--et jacentes etiam artes colito.--Hic--Godofredus Torinus Bituricus,--ubique litteris librisque clarissimus,--qui--Parisiis multos per annos philosophiam--docuit maximo concursu,--in regio Burgundiæ collegio,--simulque artem exercuit typographicam,--novam tunc ac recentem brevi perpolitam--tamen reddidit.--Quisquis ad stadium animum applicas--et inde quæris immortalitatem,--præcipuo cultori prius apprecare.--Amen._]

[Footnote 35: Fol. 49 recto.]

[Footnote 36: According to the _Biographie Universelle_, Tory joined the fraternity of booksellers in 1512; but I have found no evidence of this, and it seems to me most improbable.]

[Footnote 37: It was this sentence, no doubt, which gave birth to the idea that Tory was a bookseller at the same time that he was a professor; but it is evident that it refers to Tory's labours as an engraver, and not to bookselling or printing properly so called, as Tory did not become, successively, bookseller and printer, until later.]

[Footnote 38: _Champ fleury_, fol. 20 verso.]

[Footnote 39: Ibid. [Tory spells it 'Aurenges.']]

[Footnote 40: Ibid. fol. 19 verso.]

[Footnote 41: Ibid. and elsewhere.]

[Footnote 42: 'One may see many another example in the book of _Epitaphs of Ancient Rome_, which I saw printed at the time I sojourned in said Rome.' _Champ fleury_, fol. 41 recto. He refers to the same book again on folios 48 recto and 60 verso: 'In the book of _Epitaphs of Ancient Rome_, lately printed in said Rome, where I was then living.']

[Footnote 43: This book is the oldest printed collection of inscriptions. Unfortunately, instead of being copied from the original monuments, which still existed at Rome in such great numbers, these inscriptions were simply reproduced from one of the manuscript collections which were to be found in the libraries and some of which were themselves very old. Mazochi's book had no sooner been published than the errors which had found their way into it began to be pointed out to the printer. He tried to correct them in a supplement which appeared in 1523, but his corrections did not extend to all the inscriptions, which might still have been restored by reference to the ancient monuments. A contemporary scholar, whose name is not known, undertook to continue these corrections on his printed copy, and his emendations were transferred to three other copies. These annotations impart great value to these four volumes in the eyes of epigraphists.]

[Footnote 44: During the first centuries of printing in France, all engravers were also booksellers.]

[Footnote 45: He has an article in the _Biographie Universelle_, however.]

[Footnote 46: _Champ fleury_, fol. 4 recto.]

[Footnote 47: We say _Basoche_ to-day.]

[Footnote 48: _Champ fleury_, fol. 12 recto and verso.]

[Footnote 49: For the Latin text, see Appendix X, _b_.]

[Footnote 50: Ibid., _c_.]

[Footnote 51: See Appendix X, _d_.]

[Footnote 52: See Part 2, § I, no. 9.]

[Footnote 53: [Twelfth-day, or Epiphany.]]

[Footnote 54: Cicero says that he borrowed this maxim from Plato: _Ut præclare scriptum est Platone._]

[Footnote 55: _Champ fleury_, fol. 1 recto.]

[Footnote 56: Ibid., verso of title-page.]

[Footnote 57: [As _Champ fleury_ is not among the works cited by French lexicographers to illustrate the historical development of the language, we search in vain for adequate explanation of some of the terms used by Tory therein. Littré defines as follows such of these varieties of letters as he includes in his dictionary: CADEAUX: _Grandes lettres placées en têtes des actes ou des chapitres dans les manuscrits en écriture cursive._--FORME: _Lettre de la belle écriture, des belles éditions, par opposition à la lettre cursive._--BÂTARDE: _Écriture ordinairement penchée, à jambages pleins, à liaisons arrondies par le haut, et à tetes sans boucles._--GOFFES: _Nom donné à une sorte de majuscules gothiques dans le commencement du XVI siècle._ See, also, for some of these alphabets, _Pantographia; Containing Accurate Copies of all the known Alphabets in the world_. By Edmund Fry. London, 1799.]]

[Footnote 58: See his introduction to Palsgrave's _Lesclaircissement de la langue françoise_. See also Appendix II.]

[Footnote 59: [_Escumeurs de latin._ Rabelais's word is _escorcher_, to flay.]]

[Footnote 60: One of the annotators of Rabelais (I do not now remember which one, but his name is of little consequence[62]) maintains that Tory intended to criticize in that epistle the author of _Pantagruel_, who had introduced him in his romance under the name of Raminagrobis. There is but one little flaw in this story, namely, that the dates are against it: _Champ fleury_ antedates _Pantagruel_, by several years. This fact, to be sure, does not prove that Rabelais did not make Tory a character in his work; but what foundation is there, I ask, for attributing the character of Raminagrobis to Tory? Simply the assertion of one of those seventeenth-century scribblers of marginal notes who lived on the great authors of the sixteenth as rats live on the most valuable manuscripts--by nibbling at them. What possible connection is there between Raminagrobis, canon and poet, whom Rabelais represents as dying about 1546, and Tory, layman and prose writer, who died twelve years earlier? Does it not remind one of the famous key to _Astrée_, of which I had occasion to prove, in my monograph upon the d'Urfés, that not a word was true? Almost the same course has been pursued with reference to the _Satire Menippée_, which has in our own day been ascribed to persons who would be greatly surprised, and far from proud of their alleged work. See what I had to say on this subject in the _Revue de la Province et de Paris_ of September 30, 1842.]

[Footnote 61: _Champ fleury_, 'Aux Lecteurs.']

[Footnote 62: It was Pasquier, I think, who first gave currency to this fable; and his opinion is the less admissible because he did not even know Tory's name, but calls him 'Georges Toré.' See Baillet, _Jugements des Savants_, vol. i, and Génin's introduction to Palsgrave, p. 10, note 4.]

[Footnote 63: _Champ fleury_, 'Aux Lecteurs.']

[Footnote 64: Folio, Venice, 1509; with 62 plates engraved on wood.]

[Footnote 65: In his book entitled _Thesauro de' scrittori_ (_Champ fleury_, fol. 35 recto). I have not seen this book, but I have seen his _Theorica et pratica ... de modo scribendi fabricandique omnes litterarum species_ (Venice, Dec. 1, 1524; quarto). This work is divided into four books and contains engravings not unlike those in _Champ fleury_. M. Brunet mentions Fante's _Liber elementorum litterarum_ (Venice, 1514; quarto), which probably was the foundation of the _Thesauro de' scrittori_, published by Ugo da Carpi.]

[Footnote 66: I do not know the title of his work, but I think that the reference is to the book thus described in the Libri catalogue of 1859: _La Operina da imparare discrivere littera cancellarescha. Roma, per invenzione di Lodovico Vicentino_, in quarto (1523). As for the variant spelling of the author's name, which Tory calls Vincentino, it is explainable; for we find in the Libri catalogue of 1857: _Ragola da imparare scrivere varii caratteri di lettere, di L. Vincentino_. (Venetia, Zoppino, 1533, in quarto.) I have also seen mentioned a work of the same sort entitled: _Regula occulte scribendi seu componendi cipharam itaquenemo litteras interpretari possit communes omnibus, inventa et composita a domino Jacobo Silvestro sive Florentino_. (Rome, 1526, quarto.)]

[Footnote 67: The doubt expressed by Tory is due to the fact that he was unable to read the text of Dürer's work, which was published in German in 1525. The Latin translation was not published until 1532, and the French still later.]

[Footnote 68: _Champ fleury_, fol. 13 recto.]

[Footnote 69: Ibid. fol. 14 recto.]

[Footnote 70: Ibid. fol. 41 verso.]

[Footnote 71: _Des Types_, etc., 2d part, 16th century, p. 166.]

[Footnote 72: _Champ fleury_, fol. 14 recto.]

[Footnote 73: It was the fashion, in that epoch of renascence, to treat everything allegorically. Tory was not the only one who propounded a theory to explain the shapes of letters.]

[Footnote 74: _Champ fleury_, fol. 24 recto.]

[Footnote 75: [And if any wonder why this book is written in Romance, according to the language of the French, when we are Italians, I will say that it is for two reasons: one, for that we are in France, and the other, for that the speaking of it is more delectable and more common to all people.] Prologue to the _Trésor_, published by M. Pierre Chabaille (quarto; Imprimerie Impérial, 1863; p. 3). The second reason probably explains why Marco Polo printed the narrative of his voyage in French.]

[Footnote 76: [That is to say, philologists.]]

[Footnote 77: [That is to say, the lines between the different dialects are less clearly marked in the case of the men.]]

[Footnote 78: Although myself a native of Lyon, I confess that I do not understand the meaning of these words, of which Tory, by a regrettable exception, gives no translation. A friend of mine in that city, M. Ant. Péricaud, thinks that the meaning is: 'Chômez-vous? Chômez cette fête.']

[Footnote 79: _Champ fleury_, fol. 33 verso.]

[Footnote 80: There are some provinces where the final S is still pronounced. The English also have retained the custom, which is a necessity with them because the article is invariable, so that the plural cannot otherwise be distinguished from the singular.]

[Footnote 81: _Champ fleury_, fol. 57 recto.]

[Footnote 82: Ibid., fol. 58 verso. Again, as in note 5 on page 18, I will call attention to the fact that the English, who are much more French in this respect than is generally supposed, have retained the old pronunciation. They sound the final T in words borrowed from us.]

[Footnote 83: _Champ fleury_, fol. 52 recto.]

[Footnote 84: Ibid. fol. 56 verso.]

[Footnote 85: Ibid. fol. 37 verso.]

[Footnote 86: I have seen this binding on an octavo copy of the _Ædiloquium_ of 1530, now in the Bibliothèque Nationale and on the _Sommaire de Chroniques de J. B. Egnasio_, of 1529, owned by M. Didot. [The famous collection of M. Didot has since been dispersed.]]

[Footnote 87: Book of Hours of 1556, owned by M. Niel. This volume was printed by the Kervers, who had bought Tory's old plant.]

[Footnote 88: I have seen it on the Hours of 1531, and the _Diodorus_ of 1535, which two volumes also are [1865] owned by M. Didot.]

[Footnote 89: [See nos. 1 and 2, on p. 45, infra.]]

[Footnote 90: Fol. 43 verso. Inadvertently, no doubt, this mark is reversed on the first page of _Champ fleury_. Tory attached little importance to the error, for the same engraving often appeared afterward. It is not signed [with the double cross], like the one here reproduced.]

[Footnote 91: Here, and in numberless other passages in his books, Tory alludes to Italy, of which he always retained a grateful memory.]

[Footnote 92: _Champ fleury_, fol. 43 recto.]

[Footnote 93: [See page 12, supra.]]

[Footnote 94: The Renaissance, at this time, was at its height.]

[Footnote 95: Read Μηδὲν ἄγαν.]

[Footnote 96: [Against which not even the gods contend.]]

[Footnote 97: [See page 1, supra.]]

[Footnote 98: This eminent artist, who has no article in the _Biographie Universelle_, and who is not even mentioned in the _desiderata_ of the _Notice des tableaux du Louvre de l'école française_, published by M. Villot, did not die until about 1528, if my reckoning is accurate. We can establish the fact of his existence so late as 1522 by the documents published by M. de Laborde in his book on the Renaissance. I once owned an original letter of Perreal, which shows him in full vigour in 1511. That letter, which I presented to M. Alexandre Sirand, magistrate at Bourg, has been published by him in his _Courses Archéologiques_, vol. iii, p. 5, in connection with the church at Brou, in which Perreal was deeply interested. The letter I refer to is dated November 15 (1511) and addressed to Margaret of Austria (widow of the Duke of Savoy), to whom Perreal offers his services as superintendent of the work of building the church. That princess accepted his offer, as we see by her reply of February, 1511 (1512 new style): 'Since Jehan Le Maire hath left us, we choose to have no other overseer in our edifices at Brou than yourself.' (See the work last cited.)]

[Footnote 99: La Caille, in his _Histoire de l'Imprimerie_, p. 98, gives the date erroneously as September 28, 1584.]

[Footnote 100: See an extract from it in Part 2, § 2, no. 1.]

[Footnote 101: [_fait et fait faire._]]

[Footnote 102: See Part 2, § 2, no. 1.]

[Footnote 103: Ibid. no. 2.]

[Footnote 104: Ibid. no. 3.]

[Footnote 105: Ibid. no. 6.]

[Footnote 106: _Champ fleury_, fol. 73 recto.]

[Footnote 107: Several bibliographers, misled doubtless by the date of the license, mention an edition of _Champ fleury_ of 1526; but there is none. Not until 1549 was there an octavo edition, printed for the bookseller Vivant Gautherot. I shall speak of it hereafter.]

[Footnote 108: See the description of _Champ fleury_, Part 2, § I, no. 10.]

[Footnote 109: For Gourmont, see the _Notice historique_ which follows my work entitled: _Les Estienne et les types grecs de François Iᵉʳ_.]

[Footnote 110: Gilles de Gourmont had just published Lucian's _Dialogues_ in Greek (quarto, 1528); but Tory's translation was made from a Latin version. Although he knew Greek, he did not use it when he could avoid it. As a general rule he translated from Latin versions such Greek authors as he dealt with.]

[Footnote 111: This was, as we have seen, the sign of the famous printer Chrétien Wechel; it was on the right as one ascends rue Saint-Jacques, near the church of Saint-Benoît. The Pot Cassé was opposite.]

[Footnote 112: See a description of it in Part 2, § I, no. 11.]

[Footnote 113: [_Raphael durbin_, _Michel lange_, _Leonard vince_, _Albert durer_, are Tory's versions of these names.]]

[Footnote 114: The description of the volume in Part 2 (p. 87 infra), places this promise in the dedicatory letter.]

[Footnote 115: _Histoire de l'Imprimerie_, p. 98.]

[Footnote 116: See Part 2, § I, no. 13.]

[Footnote 117: _Champ fleury_, 'avis au lecteur.'--See also fol. 1 verso: 'And so I will write in French according to my own humble style and mother tongue, nor fail, albeit I am of lowly and humble parents, and poor in paltry goods, to give pleasure to the devoted lovers of goodly letters. Herein it may be I shall seem a new man, for that no one has heretofore been known to teach the fashioning and quality of letters by writing in the French language; but, desirous to cast some light on our language, I am content to be the first little pointer to arouse some noble mind which shall put forth greater efforts, as did the Greeks and Romans of old, to establish and ordain the French language by fixed rules for pronouncing and speaking well. God grant that some noble lord may be pleased to offer pledges and worthy gifts to those who shall be able to do this well.'--François I himself was the noble lord referred to.]

[Footnote 118: See Part 2, § II, no. 4.]

[Footnote 119: As to this date, see no. v below, p. 31, and note 1.]

[Footnote 120: See Part 2, § I, no. 14.]

[Footnote 121: See Appendix X, _e_.]

[Footnote 122: This volume contains also: _Epistre du seigneur Elisee Calense, natif Damphrate, quil envoya a Rufin ... translatee .... par maistre Geofroy Tory de Bourges._]

[Footnote 123: The year 1531 did not begin until Easter Sunday, April 9.]

[Footnote 124: See, for other details concerning Tory's _Xenophon_, Part 2, § I, no. 15.]

[Footnote 125: Ibid. § II, no. 5.]

[Footnote 126: See Part 2, § I, no. 16.]

[Footnote 127: [_A libraire juré_ was a bookseller who had taken the oath to follow the rules prescribed by the University.]]

[Footnote 128: See Part 2, § I, no. 17.]

[Footnote 129: The reform went even further than Tory suggested, for orthographic accents were invented, which have no other purpose than to distinguish words of the same sound but of different meaning; and therein it disregarded logic, for it not only did not distinguish in this way all words of the same sound (_son_, for example, which has three totally different meanings, received no accent), but it placed accents on words which had but one meaning,--_déjà_, for example; of what use is the grave accent on the _a?_ Moreover, it placed accents in certain cases on words which in other cases have none. Thus it wrote '_votre_ ami et le _nôtre_,' and '_notre_ ami et le _vôtre_.']

[Footnote 130: See supra, p. 8.]

[Footnote 131: It is printed at the end of his book, which has some similarity to Tory's. The full title is: _Lesperon de discipline pour inciter les humains aux bonnes lettres_, etc. On the title-page are the arms of Savoy, to indicate the nativity of the author, who was born in La Bresse, which then belonged to the House of Savoy.]

[Footnote 132: See in Appendix II, the Latin verses printed on the verso of the title of _Lesclaircissement de la langue françoise_, an English work reprinted in 1852 at M. Génin's instance.]

[Footnote 133: This error has been made by many writers. The creation of king's printer was so far from being identical with the foundation of the Imprimerie Royale, that there continued to be functionaries bearing that title even after the foundation of the Imprimerie du Louvre, in 1640, as we shall see later (Appendix IX).]

[Footnote 134: Jean de la Barre, chevalier, Comte d'Étampes, counsellor and chamberlain in ordinary to the king, first gentleman of his chamber, and keeper of the provostry of Paris, granted the licenses to print at this time.]

[Footnote 135: The license had no sooner expired than the work was reprinted, as may be seen by a copy of an edition of 8 leaves, octavo, in gothic type, dated 1531, now in the Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 136: See the description of these two opuscula in Part 2, § III, nos. 1 and 2.]

[Footnote 137: A much stranger omission is that of de la Barre's signature, which had to be added by hand to every copy, at the foot of the license.]

[Footnote 138: [The _saint-augustin_ was a 13-point type, so called because it was used in 1467 to print St. Augustine's _De Civitate Dei_. The _philosophie_ was 10-point.]]

[Footnote 139: See his little book entitled _Les Trois Ilots de la Cité_; octavo, 1860 (an extract from the _Revue Archéologique_).]

[Footnote 140: See Part 2, § III, no. 3.]

[Footnote 141: See Appendix VI.]

[Footnote 142: [The _écu au soleil_ was a coin issued under Louis XI and Charles VIII, with a sun above the crown. The _livre tournois_ was worth 20 sous.]]

[Footnote 143: See Appendix VIII.]

[Footnote 144: Concerning the _libraires jurés_ and _non jurés_, see Chevillier, _Origine de l'imprimerie de Paris_, part 4.]

[Footnote 145: [_Don du roi._] See Appendix III.]

[Footnote 146: See Part 2, §§ III and IV.]

[Footnote 147: This most necessary reform spread very rapidly. The year had not ended when another Paris printer, Antoine Augereau, published a small treatise on the subject, entitled: _Briefve doctrine pour deuement escripre selon la proprieté du langaige françoys_. ['Brief instructions for writing the French language properly.'] This curious work, which is printed with the _Miroir de très chrestienne princesse Marguerite de France_, in an octavo volume, 1533, informs us among other things that the final E which requires the acute accent was at that time called _masculine_, and that the word _feminine_ was applied to it when it did not take the accent. These are, as we see, the terms used by Tory. Hence doubtless the term _féminine_, which is still applied to-day, in French poetry, to silent rhymes. (See Appendix V.)]

[Footnote 148: _Archives de l'Empire_, carton S, no. 18.--See also _Les Trois Ilots de la Cité_, by M. Adolphe Berty, p. 15.]

[Footnote 149: See Part 2, § III, no. 6.]

[Footnote 150: The existence of Tory's bindery is proved by the numerous bindings with the Pot Cassé, not only of books from that artist's presses, to which I have already referred, but of books printed by others. I will mention particularly a lovely book of Hours, octavo, on vellum, printed by Herman Hardoin about 1527, and preserved in the Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 151: Olivier Mallard the printer was probably a relative of Jean Mallart the writer, whose name appears about the same time in the accounts of François I: 'To Jehan Mallart, writer, for writing _unes heures_ [a book of Hours] on parchment, presented to the king to be illuminated, XLV livres as a gift, charged upon the _deniers de l'espargne à l'entour du roy_.' (From a roll not dated, but _circa_ 1538, published by M. de Laborde, _Renaissance des Arts_, vol. i, p. 924.) These Mallards were probably of Norman origin, for there were about the same time several booksellers of that name at Rouen. One of them, indeed, Jean Mallard, had the Pot Cassé for his sign in 1542. He was probably a brother of Olivier, who had authorized him to adopt that symbol. (See _Heures a l'usage de Rouen_, octavo, gothic type, 1542.) I am indebted for this information to the learned author of the _Manuel du Bibliophile normand_, M. Ed. Frère.]

[Footnote 152: It was this publication, no doubt, that led Papillon to say that Tory died in 1536. (_Traité de la gravure sur bois_, vol. i, p. 509.)]

[Footnote 153: Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 154: 'Caussarum in suprema Parisiorum curia patronus.' This mouth-filling phrase presumably means _avocat_ in the Parliament of Paris.]

[Footnote 155: Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 156: Crapelet, _Études pratiques_, etc., p. 48.]

[Footnote 157: In Appendix VI will be found [an English version of] M. Crapelet's [French] translation. I have given the original text in my work on the Estiennes, pp. 11 ff.]

[Footnote 158: See Part 3 (_Iconography_), under 1541 and 1542.]

[Footnote 159: The rent of these premises, which was only 16 livres in 1420, and 22 in 1498, was raised to 160 livres in 1551, to 200 in 1567, and to 400 in 1605. (_Les Trois Ilots de la Cité_, by Adolphe Berty, p. 15). It seems that the raising of rents in Paris is not a modern invention.]

[Footnote 160: _Histoire de l'Imprimerie_, p. 110.]

[Footnote 161: His mother, Iolande Bonhomme, widow of Thielman Kerver, first of the name, also lived on rue Saint-Jacques, at the sign of the _Licorne_ (_Unicornis_).]

[Footnote 162: See p. 47 infra, no. 10.]

[Footnote 163: Bibliothèque Nationale.]

[Footnote 164: In the preceding year, an analogous book was published at Rome, under this title: _Libro di M. Giovanbattista Palatino, cittadino Romano, nel quel s'insegna a scrivere ogni sorte lettera, antica et moderna, di qualunque natione, con le sue regole et misure, et essempi: et con un breve et util discorso de le cifre_, etc. Quarto, Rome, 1548; with 15 plates.]

[Footnote 165: It might perhaps be interesting to publish this book to-day (it is now very rare), scrupulously following the first edition, as has been done in the case of Palsgrave's _Lesclaircissement de la langue françoise_.]

[Footnote 166: The floriated letters engraved by Tory which appear in the course of the book, and of which the entire alphabet is given on the verso of folio 78 of the first edition, are replaced in the second by letters of an entirely different make.]

[Footnote 167: _Histoire de l'Imprimerie_, p. 99.]

[Footnote 168: It will be seen that I apparently had most excellent grounds for saying in my first edition that Tory lived until after 1550. Could one imagine that a historian of Berry, a townsman of Tory and friend of Jean Toubeau, could blunder so stupidly concerning the date of our artist's death? La Caille even makes him live until the close of the sixteenth century.]

[Footnote 169: [For the Latin original, see Appendix X, _f_.]]

[Footnote 170: [Tory's signature referred to consists in the double, or Lorraine, cross found on nos. 5 and 10.]]

[Footnote 171: See Part 2, § II, no. 2 (2).]

[Footnote 172: See p. 38, note 4, supra.]

[Footnote 173: One of our most skilful binders, M. Capé, used this design in his bindings. An example may be seen on a copy of the Hours (quarto) of 1527 in the Bibliothèque Nationale.]