Chapter 4

_For as I more attentively enquired into the Source of these Calamities, it seemed to me, that even as human Bodies decay and perish, either by some outward Violence, or some inward Corruption of Humours, or lastly, thro' Old Age: So Commonwealths are brought to their Period, sometimes by Foreign Force, sometimes by Civil Dissentions, at other Times by being worn out and neglected. Now tho' the Misfortunes that have befallen our Commonwealth are commonly attributed to our Civil Dissentions, I found, upon Enquiry, these are not so properly to be called the_ Cause _as the_ Beginning _of our Mischiefs. And_ Polybius, _that grave judicious Historian, teaches us, in the first place, to distinguish the_ Beginning _from the_ Cause _of any Accident. Now I affirm the_ Cause _to have been that great Blow which our Constitution received about 100 Years ago from that_ [Footnote: Lewis _the_ XI.] _Prince, who ('tis manifest) first of all broke in upon the noble and solid Institutions of our Ancestors. And as our natural Bodies when put out of joint by Violence, can never be recover'd but by replacing and restoring every Member to its true Position; so neither can we reasonably hope our Commonwealth shou'd be restor'd to Health, till through Divine Assistance it shall be put into its true and natural State again._

_And because your Highness has always approv'd your self a true Friend to our Country; I though it my Duty to inscribe, or, as it were, to consecrate this Abstract of our History to your Patronage. That being guarded by so powerful a Protection, it might with greater Authority and Safety come abroad in the World. Farewel, most illustrious_ Prince; _May the great God Almighty for ever bless and prosper your most noble Family._

Your Highness's most Obedient,

_Francis Hotoman_.

12 Kal. Sep. 1574.

* * * * *

Francogallia.

* * * * *

CHAP. I.

_The State of_ Gaul, _before it was reduced into a_ Province _by the_ Romans.

My Design being to give an Account of the Laws and Ordinances of our _Francogallia_, as far as it may tend to the Service of our _Commonwealth_, in its present Circumstances; I think it proper, in the first place, to set forth the State of _Gaul_, before it was reduced into the Form of a _Province_ by the _Romans_: For what _Cæsar, Polybius, Strabo, Ammianus_, and other Writers have told us concerning the _Origin, Antiquity_ and _Valour_ of that People, the Nature and Situation of their Country, and their private Customs, is sufficiently known to all Men, tho' but indifferently learned.

We are therefore to understand, that the State of _Gaul_ was such at that time, that neither was the _whole_ under the Government of a _single Person_: Nor were the particular [Footnote: _Civitas_, a Commonwealth.] _Commonwealths_ under the Dominion of the _Populace_, or the _Nobles_ only; but all _Gaul_ was so divided into _Commonwealths_, that the most Part were govern'd by the _Advice_ of the _Nobles_; and these were called _Free_; the rest had _Kings_. But every one of them agreed in this _Institute_, that at a certain Time of the Year a _publick Council_ of the whole Nation should be held; in which _Council_, whatever seem'd to relate to the whole _Body_ of the _Commonwealth_ was appointed and establish'd. _Cornelius Tacitus_, in his 3d Book, reckons Sixty-four _Croitates_; by which is meant (as _Cæsar_ explains it) so many Regions or Districts; in each of which, not only the same _Language, Manners_ and _Laws_, but also the same _Magistrates_ were made use of. Such, in many Places of his History, he principally mentions the Cities of the _Ædui_, the _Rhemi_ and _Arverni_ to have been. And therefore _Dumnorix_ the _Æduan_, when _Cæsar_ sent to have him slain, began to resist, and to defend himself, and to implore the Assistance of his _Fellow Citizens_; often crying out, That he was a _Freeman_, and Member of a _Free Commonwealth_, lib. 5. cap. 3.

To the like purpose Strabo writes in his Fourth Book: [Footnote: [Greek: Aristokratikai d' êsan hai pleious tôn politeiôs, ena d' hêgemona hêrounto kat eniauton to palaion hôs d' hautôs eis polemon heis hupo tou plêthous apedeiknuto stratêgos.]] "_Most_ of the _Commonwealths_ (says he) were govern'd by the _Advice_ of the _Nobles_: but every _Year_ they anciently chose a _Magistrate_; as also the People chose a _General_ to manage their Wars." The like _Cæsar_, lib. 6. Cap. 4. writes in these Words: "Those _Commonwealths_ which are esteem'd to be under the best Administration, have made a Law, that if any Man chance to hear a Rumour or Report abroad among the Bordering People, which concerned the _Commonwealth_, he ought to inform the _Magistrates_ of it, and communicate it to no body else. The _Magistrates_ conceal what they think proper, and acquaint the Multitude with the rest: For of Matters relating to the _Community_, it was not permitted to any Person to talk or discourse, but in _Council_".--Now concerning this _Common Council_ of the whole Nation, we shall quote these few Passages out of _Cæsar_. "They demanded, (says he) _lib._ 1. _cap._ 12. a _General Council_ of _all Gallia_ to be summon'd; and that this might be done by _Cæsar_'s Consent." Also, _lib._ 7. _cap._ 12.--"a _Council_ of all _Gallia_ was summon'd to meet at _Bibracte_; and there was a vast Concourse from all Parts to that Town."--And _lib._ 6. _cap._ 1--"_Cæsar_ having summon'd the _Council_ of _Gaul_ to meet early in the Spring, as he had before determin'd: Finding that the _Senenes, Carnates_ and _Treviri_ came not when all the rest came, he adjourned the _Council_ to Paris."--And, _lib_ 7. _cap._ 6. speaking of _Vercingetorix_,--"He promis'd himself, that he shou'd be able by his Diligence to unite such _Commonwealths_ to him as dissented from the rest of the Cities of _Gaul_, and to form a _General Council_ of all _Gallia_; the Power of which, the whole World should not be able to withstand."

Now concerning the _Kings_ which ruled over certain Cities in _Gallia_ the same Author makes mention of them in very many Places; Out of which this is particularly worthy our Observation: That it was the _Romans_ Custom to caress all those _Reguli_ whom they found proper for their turns: That is, such as were busy men, apt to embroil Affairs, and to sow Dissentions or Animosities between the several _Commonwealths_. These they joined with in Friendship and Society, and by most honourable publick Decrees called them their _Friends_ and _Confederates_: And many of these _Kings_ purchased, at a great Expence, this Verbal Honour from the _Chief Men_ of _Rome_. Now the _Gauls_ called such, _Reges_, or rather _Reguli_, which were chosen, not for a certain Term, (as the Magistrates of the Free Cities were) but for their Lives; tho' their Territories were never so small and inconsiderable: And these, when Customs came to be changed by Time, were afterwards called by the Names of _Dukes, Earls_, and _Marquisses_.

Of the _Commonwealths_ or _Cities_, some were much more potent than others; and upon these the lesser _Commonwealths_ depended; these they put themselves under for Protection: Such weak Cities _Cæsar_ sometimes calls the _Tributaries_ and _Subjects_ of the former; but, for the most part he says, they were in _Confederacy_ with them. _Livius_ writes, _lib. 5._ that when _Tarquinius Priscus_ reigned in _Rome_, the _Bituriges_ had the principal Authority among the _Celtæ_, and gave a _King_ to them. When _Cæsar_ first enter'd _Gaul_, A.U.C. 695. he found it divided into Two Factions; the _Ædui_ were at the Head of the one, the _Arverni_ of the other, who many Years contended for the Superiority: But that which greatly increas'd this Contention, was, Because the _Bituriges_, who were next Neighbours to the _Arverni_, were yet _in file & imperio_ that is, Subjects and Allies to the _Ædui_. On the other hand, the _Sequani_ (tho' Borderers on the _Ædui_) were under the Protection of the _Arverni_, lib. 1. Cap. 12. lib. 6. cap. 4. The _Romans_ finding such-like Dissention; to be for their Interest; that is, proper Opportunities to enlarge their own Power, did all they cou'd to foment them: And therefore made a League with the _Ædui_, whom (with a great many Compliments) they titled _Brothers and Friends of the People of Rome_. Under the Protection and League of the _Ædui_, I find to have been first the _Senones_, with whom some time before the _Parisians_ had join'd their _Commonwealth_ in League and Amity. Next, the _Bellouaci_, who had nevertheless a great City of their own, abounding in Numbers of People, and were of principal Authority and Repute among the _Belgæ_, lib. 2. cap. 4. and lib. 7. cap. 7. _Cæsar_ reckons the _Centrones_, _Grudii_, _Levaci_, _Pleumosii_, _Gordunni_, under the Dominion of the _Nervii_, lib. 5. cap. 11. He names the _Eburones_ and _Condrasii_ as Clients of the _Treviri_, lib. 4. cap. 2. And of the _Commonwealth_ of the _Veneti_ (these are in _Armorica_ or _Brittanny_) he writes, that their Domination extended over all those Maritime Regions; and that almost all that frequented those Seas were their Tributaries, _lib._ 3. _cap._ 2. But the Power of the _Arverni_ was so great, that it not only equall'd that of the Ædui, but a little before _Cæsar_'s Arrival, had got most of their Clients and Dependents from them, _lib._ 6 _cap._ 4. _lib._ 7. _cap._ 10. Whereupon, as Strabo writes in his 4th Book, they made War against _Cæsar_ with Four hundred thousand Men under the Conduct of their General _Vercingetorix_. These were very averse to Kingly Government: So that _Celtillus_, Father to _Vercingetorix_, a Man of great Power and Reputation (reckon'd the first Man in all _Gaul_,) was put to Death, by _Order_ of his _Commonwealth_, for aspiring to the _Kingdom_. The _Sequani_, on the other hand, had a King, one _Catamantales_, to whom the _Romans_ gave the Title of their _Friend_ and _Ally_, lib. 1. cap. 2. Also the _Suessiones_, who were Masters of most large and fertile Territories, with 12 great Cities, and cou'd muster Fifty thousand fighting Men, had a little before that time _Divitiacus_, the most potent Prince of all _Gallia_ for their King; he had not only the Command of the greatest Part of _Belgæ_, but even of _Britanny_. At _Cæsar_'s Arrival they had one _Galba_ for their King, _lib._ 2. _cap._ 1. In _Aquitania_, the _Grandfather_ of one _Piso_ an _Aquitanian_ reigned, and was called _Friend_ by the People of _Rome_, lib. 4. cap. 3. The _Senones_, a People of great Strength and Authority among the _Gauls_, had for some time _Moritasgus_ their King; whose Ancestors had also been Kings in the same Place, _lib._ 5. _cap._ 13. The _Nitiobriges_ or _Agenois_, had _Olovico_ for their King; and he also had the Appellation given him of _Friend_ by the _Senate_ of _Rome_, lib. 7. cap. 6.

But concerning all these Kingdoms, one thing is remarkable, and must not lightly be past by; which is That _they were not hereditary_, but _conferr'd_ by the _People_ upon such as had the Reputation of being just Men. Secondly, That they had no _arbitrary_ or _unlimited Authority_, but were bound and _circumscribed_ by _Laws_; so that they were no less accountable to, and subject to the Power of the People, than the People was to theirs; insomuch that those _Kingdoms_ seem'd nothing else but _Magistracies for Life_. For Cæsar makes mention of several _private Men_, whose _Ancestors_ had formerly been _such Kings_; among these he reckons _Casticus_, the Son of _Catamantales_, whose Father had been King of the _Sequani_ many Years, _lib._ 1. _cap._ 2. and _Piso_ the _Aquitanian_, lib. 4. cap. 3. also _Tasgetius_, whose Ancestors had been Kings among the _Carnutes_, lib. 5. cap. 8.

Now concerning the Extent of their _Power_ and _Jurisdiction_, he brings in _Ambiorix_, King of the _Eburones_, giving an account of it, _lib._ 5. _cap._ 8. "The Constitution of our Government is such (says he) that the People have no less Power and Authority over me than I have over the People. _Non minus habet in me juris multitudo, quam ipse in multitudinem._" Which Form of Government, _Plato, Aristotle, Polybius_ and _Cicero_ have for this Reason determined to be the _best_ and _most Excellent_: "Because (says _Plato_) shou'd Kingly Government be left without a Bridle, when it has attained to supreme Power, as if it stood upon a slippery Place, it easily falls into Tyranny: And therefore it ought to be restrained as with a Curb, by the Authority of the Nobles; and such chosen men as the People have empower'd to that End and Purpose."

* * * * *

CHAP. II.

_Probable Conjectures concerning the_ ancient Language _of the_ Gauls.

In this Place it seems proper to handle a Question much disputed and canvass'd by Learned Men; _viz._ What was the Language of the Gauls in those old Times? For as to what belongs to their Religion, Laws, and the Customs of the People, _Cæsar_, as I said before, has at large given us an account. In the first place we ought to take notice, that _Cæsar_, in the Beginning of his Commentaries, where he divides the Gauls into Three Nations, the _Belgæ_, the _Aquitanæ_, and the _Celtæ_, tells us they all differ'd, not only in their _Customs_, but in their _Language_ [Footnote: [Greek: all enious micron parallattontas tais glôttais]]: Which also _Strabo_ confirms, _lib._ 4. where he says they were not [Greek: homolhôttous], of one Language, but a little differing in their Languages. And the same thing _Ammianus Marcellinus_ testifies in his 15th Book. But what many Learned Men (especially of our own Country) have maintain'd, _viz._ That the _Gauls_ commonly used the _Greek Tongue_, may be refuted by this single Instance which _Cæsar_ takes notice of _lib._ 5. _cap._ 12. That when _Q. Cicero_ was besieged in his Camp, he dispatched Letters written in the _Greek_ Language, "_Lest (if they were intercepted) his Designs shou'd be discover'd by the_ Gauls." But to this some object, what _Strabo_ writes, _lib._ 4. _viz._ "That all Sorts of good Literature (and especially that of the _Greek Language_) flourish'd at _Marseilles_ to such a degree, that the _Gauls_, by the Example of the _Massilians_, were mightily delighted with the _Greek_ Tongue, insomuch that they began to write their very Bargains and Contracts in it." Now to this there is a short and ready Reply: For, in the first place, if the _Gauls_ learnt _Greek_ by the Example of the _Massilians_, 'tis plain, 'twas none of their Mother-tongue. Secondly, _Strabo_ in the same place clearly shows us, that the Fashion of writing their Contracts in _Greek_ began but in his Time, when all _Gallia_ was in Subjection to the _Romans_. Besides, he speaks precisely only of those _Gauls_ who were Borderers and next Neighbours to the _Massilians_, of whom he says, that not only many of their private Men, but even their Cities (by publick Decrees, and proposing great Rewards) invited several Learned Men of _Massilia_ to instruct their Youth.

It remains that we shou'd clear that place in _Cæsar_, where he tells us the _Gauls_, in their publick and private Reckonings, _Græcis literis usos fuisse_. But let us see whether the word _Græcis_ in that place ought not to be left out, not only as _unnecessary_ but _surreptitious_. Since it was sufficient to express _Cæsar_'s Meaning to have said, that the _Gauls_ made no use of _Letters_ or _Writing_ in the Learning of the _Druids_, but in all other Matters, and in publick and private Accounts, they did make use of _Writing_: For _uti litteris, to use Letters_, is a frequent Expression for _Writing_ among Latin Authors. Besides, it had been a Contradiction to say the _Gauls_ were unskill'd in the _Greek_ Tongue, as _Cæsar_ had averr'd a little before; and afterwards to say, that they wrote all their publick and private Accounts in _Greek_. As to what many suppose, that the words _literis Græcis_ in that place, are not to be taken for _Writing Greek_, but only for the _Characters_ of the _Letters_; I can less approve of this Explanation than the former; because though many ancient Writers (as we just now said) frequently used the Expression, _Uti litteris_ for _Scribere_; yet I never observ'd, that any of them ever used it to signify the _Forms_ and _Fashions_ of the _Characters_. Neither does it make at all for their Opinion, what _Cæsar_ says in the First Book of his Commentaries, _viz._ That there were found in the _Helvetian_ Camp, Tablets, _literis Græcis conscriptas_; as if the same Person, who had learnt to make use of the _Greek Forms_ of _Characters_, might not as easily have learnt the _Greek Language_; or as if there might not be among the _Helvetii_, _Priests_ or _Gentlemens Sons_, who might then have learnt _Greek_, as our's now learn _Latin_; _Greek_ being at that Time a Language in Vogue and Esteem. The very Neighbourhood of the School of _Massilia_ is sufficient to confute that Opinion: And therefore _Cæsar_, when he speaks of his own Letter to _Cicero_, tells us, he sent that Letter written in _Greek Characters_, lest (in case it were intercepted) his Designs shou'd be discover'd by the Enemy. _Justinius_, lib. 20. says, there was a Decree of the Senate made, that no _Carthaginian_, after that Time, shou'd study the [Footnote: _Græcis literas._] _Greek Language_ or _Writing_, lest he shou'd be able to speak or write to the Enemy without an Interpreter. _Tacitus_, in his Book _de moribus Germanorum_, tells us, that several Tombs and Monuments were yet to be seen in the Confines of _Germany_ and _Swisserland_ with _Greek_ Inscriptions on them. _Livius_, lib. 9. says, The _Roman_ Boys formerly studied the _Tuscan_ Language, as now they do the _Greek_. And in his 28th Book,--"_Hanibal_ erected an Altar, and dedicated it with a large Inscription of all his Atchievements, in the _Greek_ and _Punick_ Tongues. _Idem Lib._ 40. Both Altars and Inscriptions on them in the _Greek_ and _Latin_ Tongues." Lastly, I cannot imagine, that _Cæsar_ wou'd have expressed himself (if he had meant, as these wou'd have him) _Græcis literis scribere_; but rather, _Græcarum literarum formâ_, as we see in _Tacitus_, Lib. 11. "_Novas literarum formas addidit._" He added new Characters of Letters: Having found, that the _Greek_ Literature was not begun and perfected at once. And again,--"_Et forme literis latinis quæ veterrimis Græcorum_, &c."

Now lest any body shou'd wonder, how the Word _Græcis_ crept into _Cæsar_'s Text, I will instance you the like Mischance in _Pliny_, _lib._ 7. _cap._ 57. where 'tis thus written,--"_Gentium consensus tacitus primum omnium conspiravit ut_ IONUM _literis uterentur_." And afterwards,--"_Sequens gentium consensus in tonsoribus fuit._" And again,--"_Tertius consensus est in Horarum observatione._" Now who is there that sees not plainly the Word IONUM ought to be left out, as well because 'tis apparently unnecessary, (for _Pliny_ had no farther Design than to let us know, that Men first of all consented in the Writing and Form of their Letters) as because 'tis false, that the _Ionian_ Letters were the first invented; as _Pliny_ himself in his foregoing Chapter, and _Tacitus_, _lib._ 11. have told us? I have observed however two Places, (_Gregorius Turonensis_, lib. 5. and _Aimoinus_, lib. 3. cap. 41.) wherein 'tis intimated, that the _Gauls_ used the _Forms_ of the _Greek_ Letters: For where they speak of King _Chilperick_,--"_He added_ (say they) _some Letters to our Letters_; and those were, [Greek: o, ps, z, ph]; and sent Epistles to the several Schools in his Kingdom, that the Boys should be so taught." _Aimoinus_ mentions only three Letters, [Greek: ch, th, ph]. But we must understand, that these were _Franks_, not _Gauls_; or rather _Franco-gauls_, who made use of their own native Language, the _German_ Tongue; not that ancient Language of the _Gauls_, which had grown out of use under the _Roman_ Government: Besides, if the _Francogalli_ had made use of the _Greek_ Letters, how came they at first to except these, when they made use of all the rest? But we have said enough, and too much of this Matter. As for their Opinion who believe that the _Gauls_ spoke the _German_ Language, _Cæsar_ confutes it in that single place, wherein he tells us, that _Ariovistus_, by Reason of his long Conversation in _Gallia_, spoke the _Gallick_ Tongue.

Now for two Reasons their Opinion seems to me to be most probable, who write, that the _Ancient Gauls_ had a peculiar Language of their own, not much differing from the _British_: First, because _Cæsar_ tells us it was the Custom for these _Gauls_ who had a mind to be thoroughly instructed in the Learning of the _Druyds_, to pass over into _Britain_; and since the _Druyds_ made no use of Books, 'tis agreeable to Reason, that they taught in the same Language which was used in _Gallia_. Secondly, because _Tacitus_ in his Life of _Agricola_, writes, that the Language of the _Gauls_ and _Britains_ differ'd but very little: neither does that Conjecture of _Beatus Rhenanus_ seem unlikely to me, who believes the Language which is now made use of in _Basse Bretayne_ [_Britones Britonantes_] to be the Remains of our ancient Tongue. His Reasons for this Opinion may be better learn'd from his own Commentaries, than told in this Place. The Language which we at present make use of, may easily be known to be a Compound of the several Tongues of divers Nations. And (to speak plainly and briefly) may be divided into four Parts. One half of it we have from the _Romans_, as every one that understands _Latin_ ever so little, may observe: For besides, that the _Gauls_ being subject to the _Romans_, wou'd naturally fall into their Customs and Language, 'tis manifest that the _Romans_ were very industrious to propagate their Tongue, and to make it universal, and (as it were) venerable among all Nations. And to that End settled Publick Schools up and down, at _Autan, Besancon, Lyons_, &c. as _Valerius Maximus, Tacitus_, and _Ausonius_ tell us. The other half of it may be subdivided thus. One third of it we hold from the _Ancient Gauls_, another from the _Franks_, and the last from the _Greek_ Language: For it has been demonstrated long since by many Authors, that we find innumerable _Frank_ (that is, _German_) Words (as we shall hereafter prove) in our daily Speech. And several learned Men have shewn us, that many _Greek_ Words are adapted to our common Use, which we do not owe to the Learning and Schools of the _Druyds_, (who I believe spoke no _Greek_); but to the Schools and Conversation of the _Massilians_, whom we formerly mentioned.

* * * * *

CHAP. III.

_The State of_ Gaul, _after it was reduced into the form of a_ Province _by the_ Romans.