Part 2

This is a struggle on the side of the Yankees for supremacy, and on our side for independence. It is urged that the Northern States are a great deal stronger than the Southern States, and therefore must win in this contest. England was a great deal stronger than Scotland, but when it was the object of England to establish by force a supremacy over Scotland, they found the Scotch very ugly customers. In this war the North has had certain successes in the field. But how was it with England in the revolutionary war? It was not for want of victories in the field that England did not conquer the American colonies, for England found when most successful in the field, the object desired was as distant as before. It is not the question when endeavoring to conquer a country, whether you can break up its embattled armies and drive them off the plain, where they have contended with you in the fight. The question is this, and this alone, whether that country is set upon separation. If it is bent upon separation, it is impossible to conquer it, and if the North could conquer us, the political and civil difficulties remaining would render that success a curse and a misery to those who achieved it. It seems but homage to an abstract principle that has caused England to bear the misery consequent upon not recognising the Confederate States. There has been a sense of the danger and mischief of interference in intestine quarrels in other countries, and England has so far paid deference to that principle of international policy, but it will not last a great while longer.

The Yankees admit a loss of 10,000 men at Fort Donaldson—more I believe than we had engaged in the fight.

_Sunday, June 15th._ My cousin, S. M., called to see me to-day; also, my friends J. C. H. and F. N. B. I was allowed fifteen minutes conversation with each in the presence of a Federal commissioned officer, such being the rule established here. A sermon was preached to the prisoners to-day by the Rev. Mr. Nourse, from Leesburg, Virginia, himself a prisoner. William J. Mills, Company D, 12th Georgia regiment, died to-day, and was buried at the “Congressional burying ground” in presence of a Confederate commissioned officer, taken there “for the purpose of witnessing” the same. A lady friend sent me a bottle of wine by the “Underground railroad.” I cannot say with Hawthorne, to drink it is more a moral than a physical enjoyment, and that like whatever else which is superlatively good, it is better appreciated by memory than by present consciousness. It is decidedly physical in its effects, and far better in reality than in anticipation.

_Monday, June 16th._ Captain L. F. Whitney, United States cavalry, called to see me to-day. Captain W. and myself were associated in the “draughtsman’s room,” United States Patent office, for nearly four years—every day engaged in the same calling, and upon terms of intimate friendship. One of his men now stands as sentinel to the room in which I am confined. Strange the mutations of time! Two years ago we would have laughed at the prophecy that we would at this time be in our present relations to each other. We talked only of the pleasures of the past without any allusion to our present difficulties, and the interview was, under the circumstances, short but agreeable. An old man was brought into our room to-day, and the officer who ushered him, remarked, as he did so, “Here is a man that wishes to see a live rebel.” Lieutenant D. replied by informing him that “the man with horns” was out, but would soon be in. I presume the old fool became satisfied that we are beings of flesh and blood, who eat, drink, sleep, and wear clothes like other civilized people.

A fellow prisoner from Charlestown, Virginia, says when General Banks was at that place he stopped at a lady’s boarding house without giving her any compensation. He sent the lady a few delicacies to eat while in her house, but when he went away he presented her a bill of $5.

_Tuesday, June 17th._ The Yankee newspapers claim a victory at Williamsburg. If that battle is a Federal triumph, they are welcome to all such. The fact is, that they have so much at stake, that they cannot afford to report their defeat, and do not scruple to lie! I feel very lonesome in this close room to-day, for those who share my captivity are reading, writing or sleeping, and I cannot do much of either, not more than record in my diary my present feelings. Solitude has the advantage or the danger of making us search more deeply into the same ideas. As our discourse is only with ourself, we always give the same direction to the conversation; we are not called to turn it to the subject which occupies another mind, and so an involuntary inclination makes us return forever to knock at the same doors. There are eight officers in this room, and we take turns in putting it in order, that is, folding up the blankets, sweeping out the room, &c., &c., and some take great interest in keeping the room clean, which is commendable. I distrust the intellect and morality of those people to whom disorder is of no consequence—who can live at ease in an Augean stable. What surrounds us, reflects more or less what is within us.

_Wednesday, June 18th._ A fellow prisoner, Mr. B., the able correspondent of the “London Times,” handed me the following interesting article to read from the “London Morning Herald” of April 25th. The Herald is the organ of Earl Derby:

“The Southern Confederacy has nearly completed its sixteenth month of existence. In common parlance, in universal conviction, in actual fact, in everything but formal diplomatic recognition, the Confederate States are an independent power. The armies that have so long ravaged their frontiers, and at last emboldened by a great superiority of numbers, and a still greater advantage in arms and material, have ventured on an advance into their territory—_come there not as partizans in a civil war, but as invaders_; they are and act as the enemies not of a faction but of a nation—nay, of the entire population. They find little sympathy, far less than was enjoyed by the French invaders of Spain. They obtain no information except that very scanty supply which the most hated enemy can always obtain from deserters; they get no provisions except what they take by force; they have no friends, and no power beyond their own lines. In saying this, we except, of course, that strip of mountains in Kentucky, Tennessee and Western Virginia, occupied by Northern colonists, and which is part of the Confederate States, simply by geographical position. It is very rare, as is evident to the most ignorant and violent of Northerners, to find a man that is within the Confederate lines who is not a devoted adherent of the Confederate Government, and a resolute defender of a country invaded by foreign armies. The Confederate Government has raised in proportion to its population as large an army as any country ever yet mustered; it could have a still larger force if it had arms to put into their hands. It has sustained several great battles, won several brilliant victories, and rallied without difficulty or discouragement after one or two severe defeats. There is no division among the people; no Unionist faction; there is no voice raised in favor of surrender. As the United States and the Confederate States form two separate and hostile nations, so the Confederate Government is clearly as independent of that of the Union as the Crown of Denmark of the Germanic Confederation, and is as completely organized and absolute within its own dominions as that which is waging war against it. It is no question now of “Secession” or Rebellion, but of a war between two distinct powers, _unequal in numbers_, but perfectly equal in _strength and status_, equally sovereign and equally national. One may wrest territory from the other, may plunder its lands, burn its towns, and blockade its ports by virtue of superior naval and military force; but the relation in which they stand to each other is not rebel and tyrant, not subject and sovereign, but that of wholly separate and independent belligerent nations. The Northern armies in Virginia or Tennessee are as the French in Spain, or Russia in Turkey—the soldiery of a foreign government engaged in the invasion of a soil to which they have no other claim than may be established by the strong hand, or bestowed by the fortunes of war. The conquest of one nation by another, rarely as it has occurred, is not wholly unknown or impossible. Poland is a conquered country, but for western intervention Turkey might have been. But the conquest of a country as large as half of Europe, which brings three or four hundred thousand of her sons to her defence, which is _fortified by primeval forests and impenetrable swamps_, and impregnable by sheer extent of uninhabitable surface, is one of the wildest schemes ever proposed by the wickedness of demagogues, or entertained by the madness of conceit. A Napoleon with a half million of soldiers would recoil from the task. Is a Lincoln with a half a million of disorderly ruffians to achieve it? The subjugation of the South is impossible, provided only the citizens of the Confederate States display in defence of their hearths and homes, of their rights and their country, the valor and the resolution which have always characterized the race from which they sprang. They are a superior race, and the children of cavaliers, and can never yield to such an enemy. They have shown as yet no signs of wavering or discouragement, and they have only to be resolute in endurance, as they have shown themselves courageous in action, to be sure of a final victory. We see in the surrender of Island No. 10, in the doubtful operations in Virginia, in the battle near Pittsburgh, no signs whatever of any approach to the termination of the war in that way in which the North proposes to terminate it, viz: by the total prostration of the Southern States, the dissolution of the Confederacy, and the reconstruction of the Union. The Northern Government must be aware of the futility of its promises, the utter impracticability of its professed designs; but the ignorant and fanatical North believe absolutely and passionately in their own omnipotence, and its rulers are not the men to undertake the unpopular, difficult and dangerous task of bringing the people to a more modest frame of mind. Nothing but a severe lesson, either a crushing defeat, or a long, expensive, result-less and disastrous war will enlighten a people whose virtues or Weakness alike make them obstinate and unreasonable in such a contest as the present. If left to themselves, _i. e._, without foreign intervention, they will probably prolong the war into another year. One thing at least appears certain, that the summer must stay for some months, even under the most favorable circumstances, the onward march of the Federal armies. If they are able then to hold their actual positions—if they retain possession of the greater part of Tennessee, Kentucky, and Northern and Western Virginia—they will remain encamped on Southern soil, wasting the crops, burning the houses, taking property of the unhappy citizens of those rich States, but making no progress whatever. Their vessels may continue to keep up a nominal blockade of the Southern coast, and a real embargo on the cotton supply, which affords bread to South Lancastershire, England. In the meantime the Confederates will be daily gaining strength, recruiting their forces, and receiving supplies of arms and ammunition, the want of which has done more to thwart their heroic efforts than either the valor or bravery of Northern troops or skill of Northern commanders. On the return of cold weather their position will be better, and the termination of the war still more remote. In the interval they cannot invade the South, and cannot hope to hang the Confederate leaders, but they will still be starving English operatives, unless England and France grow weary of seeing their subjects made the victims of the war, and insist on terminating a struggle, which, while it cannot lead to the result desired by the aggressors, inflicts on neutrals losses almost as great as the immediate objects of the aggression.”

A fellow prisoner showed me a beautiful love-letter he received from his affianced this morning by the “Underground railroad.” The object of his affections is not permitted to visit him, because she has been herself a prisoner on account of her “Secession” convictions, but she brings a letter from Alexandria nearly every day, and sends to the “handsome Lieutenant:”

The letter! aye, the letter! “’Tis there a woman loves to speak her wishes; It spares the blushes of the love-sick maiden, And every word’s a smile, each line a tongue.”

_Thursday, June 19th._ The only event of interest to me to-day has been the visit of an attached lady friend, Miss E. A., who brought me some necessary articles of clothing, quite acceptable under the circumstances, but more appreciated on account of the motive which prompted the mission. This lady has two brothers in the 17th regiment of Virginia volunteers. As an old friend, our interview of fifteen minutes afforded me much pleasure; but the Yankee officer present seemed desirous to institute an espionage, more to annoy than to discharge his orders, and which caused me to wish him in a climate where we are told that the heat is intolerable—at all events during my short interview with this to me beautiful angel of mercy. In this despotic government I have noticed the ladies as well as the sterner sex fear to express a sentiment against the tyranny of him whom they call a Republican President. On the contrary all must praise Abraham Lincoln, or be considered a traitor! Great God, it seems as if they wish to honor themselves through their master; they elevate him on their shoulders as a pedestal; they surround him with a halo of light, in order that some of it may be reflected on themselves. It is still the fable of the dog, who contents himself with the chain and collar, so that they are of gold.

_June 20th._ I received some excellent smoking tobacco and cigars this morning, a present from a lady in Prince George county, Maryland. God bless the ladies!

The “New York Times” of yesterday contains the following in reference to my friend Captain Monaghan, of the sixth Louisiana regiment, who was paroled in the city during the first three or four days after he arrived here:

(COPY OF PARAGRAPH.)

“THE LOUISIANA TIGER.”

“Captain Manahan, of the Louisiana Tigers, who has been lionizing at Willard’s hotel for several days, has been sent to the old capitol prison by order of Secretary Stanton. A gentleman, formerly of New Orleans, and well acquainted with the Captain, states that he does not wish to be exchanged, and is loyal to the “Stars and Stripes.””

The Captain being anxious to correct a statement so devoid of truth, and which impeached his loyalty to the South, wrote to the editor of the “New York Times,” but as the sequel shows he was not permitted to send the letter, and thus the ignorant of the North were led to believe this lie, as they have thousands of others circulated in the same way, and without the shadow of foundation in truth:

“OLD CAPITOL PRISON, WASHINGTON, D.C., JUNE 20, 1862.

_To the Editor of the New York Times_,

SIR: A paragraph appeared in your edition of yesterday, headed “the Louisiana Tiger,” and I infer that the informer, who furnished matter for this paragraph, must have been made the dupe of a joker. I am no tiger, but the Captain of Company F, sixth regiment Louisiana volunteers. I have been on parole some days, anxiously awaiting an exchange. “Lionizing” is no amusement to me, but a great bore. My convictions, as well as my heart, are with my brethren, who are fighting in defence of my invaded country. I would that my strong right arm were there also. I trust this will be a sufficient answer to the New Orleans gentleman, who has _dared_ to cast a stigma upon my loyalty and _devotion_ to the _South_; and if further proof of the fact were necessary, it may be discovered in the act of Mr. Secretary Stanton, who has ordered me to be incarcerated in this place.

Respectfully your obedient servant, WM. MONAGHAN, _Captain Company F, 6th Regiment Louisiana Volunteers, Prisoner of War_.”

This letter was sent to the Provost Marshal for approval, but was returned with the following note from Mr. William P. Wood, the superintendent of the prison:

”OLD CAPITOL PRISON, JUNE 25, 1862.

The foregoing communication was placed in my hands by Captain Monaghan, to be examined at the Provost Marshal’s office, and has been returned to me marked “not approved,” and is returned to Captain M. by me, such being the usual procedure with letters “not approved.”

WM. P. WOOD, _Superintendent_.”

_Saturday, June 21st._ P. C. H. called to see me to-day. He is a clerk in the Adjutant General’s office, but was formerly with me in the United States Patent office. A member of Company F, 35th Georgia, died in prison to-day, but I could not learn his name.

_June 22d._ The Rev. Father Boyle, (Catholic Priest,) called to see me to-day. He was allowed to come into my room alone, upon a promise not to talk about war matters. He brought me a copy of the “National Intelligencer” of June 12th, from which I extract the following:

“COTTON BURNING.”

The London Star of May 27th thus appreciates the Confederate policy of cotton burning:

“If it be true that thousands of bales of goods—incapable of being converted into munitions of war, and absolutely secure, as private properly, from confiscation by the Federals—are being burnt or rolled into the river, the Confederates are committing social as well as political suicide. It is an act that has no comparison in modern history. It is not, like the destruction of Moscow, an act of desperate patriotism, for it impoverishes the vanquished, without in the least injuring the victors. If all the cotton, tobacco and sugar between Richmond and Mobile were given to the flames, it would not retard by an hour the fall of those cities, nor enhance by a dollar the cost of the conquest. Neither can it be supposed, except by men whose offences and disasters have phrenzied their intellects, that these huge incendiarisms will attract the slightest favor to their cause from across the Atlantic. They must be mad, indeed, to reckon that England and France will come to the help of men who are wantonly injuring themselves and the subjects of those powers. The only kindness that Europe can show them, is to advise that they abstain from such barbarous outrages, and make their peace as quickly as they can with the government that is as superior in right as in strength, having both the right and the power to retaliate upon such atrocities by a splendid act of mercy to mankind.”

ANOTHER BATTLE WITH JACKSON’S ARMY.

Advices received at the War Department state that Jackson’s army attacked General Shields’s advance on Monday morning, near Port Republic. The conflict is said to have been maintained for about four hours by about two thousand of our men against the main body of Jackson’s army. The enemy’s force became so overwhelming in number that our advance was compelled to fall back, which it did in good order, until it met the main body of General Shields’s Command, near Conrad’s store. As soon as this was effected, the enemy in turn retired. The fighting is said to have been very severe, and the loss heavy on both sides. No further particulars have reached the department.

AN ACCOUNT OF THE BATTLE.

LURAY, VA., JUNE 10, 1862.

Colonel Carroll, commanding the fourth brigade, consisting of the eighty-fourth Pennsylvania, the eleventh Pennsylvania, the seventh Indiana, and the first Virginia regiments, altogether about sixteen hundred strong, reached Port Republic on Sunday, and reconnoitered and found the enemy in the town. They had a skirmish, and concluded to hold the bridge. They ordered it not to be burned, and put guns in position commanding it.

At six o’clock on Monday this battery was opened upon by some twenty heavy guns, which were placed in position during the night. Our forces tried to reach the bridge repeatedly to destroy it, but were met by storms of bullets, and had to retire. A large cavalry force crossed and attacked our troops, while their infantry followed our men, opposing them at every step, after driving them back with heavy loss; but our numbers, after General Tyler’s third brigade arrived, were so much inferior to the enemy—theirs being at least five to one—that our position became so untenable, that it was impossible to hold it. We were therefore compelled to fall back, our boys fighting every foot of the way. After falling back some three or four miles, a body of cavalry were sent to attack us, but were received in such a manner as to compel them to retire, after which the engagement ended, having lasted about five hours.

Our loss in killed and wounded is not known, but it is large, as is also that of the enemy. We lost a large number of prisoners.

Colonel Carroll’s horse fell, injuring the Colonel badly, and Captain Kelly, of General Shields’s staff, was also much injured in the head. He received praise from all who witnessed his conduct in the action.

Colonel Buckley, of the 29th Ohio, was badly wounded. His men charged three times to obtain possession of his body, but it was carried off by the enemy.

General Ashby, of cavalry notoriety, was positively killed during the fight at the bridge over Middle river. Captain Keogh charged with a body of cavalry, and held the bridge some time during a terrible storm of grape.

This was one of the most hotly contested engagements of the whole war, as is indicated by the loss compared with the numbers engaged, who fought like demons.

Two regiments from the first brigade arrived in time to assist in covering the retreat. The pioneer corps also assisted. Colonel Buckley has arrived here wounded.

THE RETREAT OF GENERAL BANKS—HIS OFFICIAL REPORT.

_Report of the march of the first division fifth corps d’armie from Strasburg, Virginia, to Williamsport, Maryland, on the 24th and 25th days of May, 1862._

HEADQUARTERS ARMY SHENANDOAH.

HON. E. M. STANTON, _Secretary of War_.

Information was received on the evening of May 23d, that the enemy, in very large force, had descended on the guard at Front Royal, Colonel Kenly, first Maryland regiment, commanding, burning the bridges and driving our troops toward Strasburg with great loss. Owing to what was deemed an extravagant statement of the enemy’s strength, these reports were received with some distrust; but a regiment of infantry, with a strong detachment of cavalry and a section of artillery, were immediately sent to reinforce Colonel Kenly. Later in the evening despatches from fugitives who had escaped to Winchester informed us that Colonel Kenly’s force had been destroyed, with but few exceptions, and the enemy, 15,000 or 20,000 strong, were advancing by rapid marches on Winchester.

Orders were immediately given to halt the reinforcements sent to Front Royal, which had moved by different routes, and detachments of troops, under experienced officers, were sent in every direction to explore the roads leading from Front Royal to Strasburg, Middletown, Newtown and Winchester, to ascertain the force, position and purpose of this sudden movement of the enemy. It was soon found that his pickets were in possession of every road, and rumors from every quarter represented him in movement, in the rear of his pickets, in the direction of our camp.