Part 48

[Footnote N601: Compare Rink, Tales, etc., p. 29: “But if an animal of the largest size, more especially a whale, was captured, it was considered common property, and as indiscriminately belonging to every one who might come and assist in flensing it, whatever place he belonged to and whether he had any share in capturing the animal or not.” (Greenland). Gilder (Schwatka’s Search, p. 190) says that on the northwest shore of Hudson Bay all who arrive while a walrus is being cut up are entitled to a share of it, though the man who struck it has the first choice of pieces. At East Cape, Siberia, the Krause Brothers learned: “Wird nämlich ein Walfisch gefangen, so hat jeder Ortsbewohner das Recht, so viel Fleisch zu nehmen, als er abzuschneiden vermag.” (Geographische Blätter, vol. 5, pt. 2, p. 120).]

Dr. Rink, in describing the social order of the ancient Greenlanders,[N602] says: “Looking at what has been said regarding the rights of property and the division of the people into certain communities, in connection with the division of property into the classes just given, we are led to the conclusion that the right of any individual to hold more than a certain amount of property was, if not regulated by law, at least jealously watched by the rest of the community, and that virtually the surplus of any individual or community, fixed by the arbitrary rate which tradition or custom had assigned, was made over to those who had less.” At Point Barrow, however, the idea of individual ownership appears to be much more strongly developed. As far as we could learn, there is no limit to the amount of property which an individual, at least the head of a family, may accumulate. Even though the whalebone be, as already described, divided among all the boats’ crews “in at the death,” no objection is made to one man buying it all up, if he has the means, for his own private use.

[Footnote N602: Tales, etc., p. 29.]

This has given rise to a regular wealthy and aristocratic class, who, however, are not yet sufficiently differentiated from the poorer people to refuse to associate on any terms but those of social equality. The men of this class are the umialiks, a word which appears in many corrupted forms on the coast of Western America and is often supposed to mean “chief.” Dr. Simpson[N603] says: “The chief men are called O-mé-liks (wealthy),” but “wealthy” is an explanation of the position of these men, and not a translation of the title, which, as we obtained it, is precisely the same as the Greenland word for _owner of a boat_, umialik (from umia(_k_), and the termination lĭk or lĭ-ñ. This is one of the few cases in which the final _k_ is sounded at Point Barrow as in Greenland).

[Footnote N603: Op. cit., p. 272.]

Dr. Rink has already observed[N604] that the word used by Simpson “no doubt must be the same as the Greenlandish umialik, signifying owner of a boat,” and as I heard the title more than once carefully pronounced at Point Barrow it was the identical word. The umialiks, as Simpson says,[N605] “have acquired their position by being more thrifty and intelligent, better traders, and usually better hunters, as well as physically stronger and more daring.”[N606] They have acquired a certain amount of influence and respect from these reasons, as well as from their wealth, which enables them to purchase the services of others to man their boats, but appear to have absolutely no authority outside of their own families.[N607] Petroff[N608] considers them as a sort of “middlemen or spokesmen,” who make themselves “prominent by superintending all intercourse and traffic with visitors.”

[Footnote N604: Tales, etc., p. 25.]

[Footnote N605: Op. cit.]

[Footnote N606: Compare what the Krause Brothers say of the “chiefs” on the Siberian coast (Geographische Blätter, vol. 5, pt. 1, p. 29): “Die Autorität, welche die obenerwähnten Männer augenscheinlich ausüben, ist wohl auf Rechnung ihres grösseren Besitzes zu setzen. Der “Chief” is jedes Mal der reichste Mann, ein ‘big man.’”]

[Footnote N607: See, also, Dr. Simpson, op. cit., p. 273.]

[Footnote N608: Report, etc., p. 125.]

This sort of prominence, however, appears to have been conferred upon them by the traders, who, ignorant of the very democratic state of Eskimo society, naturally look for “chiefs” to deal with. They pick out the best looking and best dressed man in the village and endeavor to win his favor by giving him presents, receiving him into the cabin, and conducting all their dealings with the natives through him. The chief, thus selected, is generally shrewd enough to make the most of the greatness thrust upon him, and no doubt often pretends to more influence and power than he actually possesses.[N609]

[Footnote N609: Compare the case of the alleged “chiefs” of the Chukches, in Nordenskiöld’s Vega, vol. 1, pp. 449 and 495.]

As to the story of the whalemen, that the “chieftainship” is the reward of the best fighter, who holds it like a “challenge cup,” subject to being called out at any time to defend his rank in a duel, as far as concerns Point Barrow, this is a sheer fable, perhaps invented by the Eskimo to impose upon the strangers, but more likely the result of misunderstanding and a vivid imagination on the part of the whites. Among umialiks, one or two appear to have more wealth and influence than the rest. Tcuñaura in Utkiavwĭñ and the late Katiga at Nuwŭk were said, according to Captain Herendeen, to be “great umialiks” and Tcuñaura was always spoken of as the foremost man in Utkiavwĭñ. We knew of one party coming up from Sidaru with presents for Tcuñaura, and were informed that the other Eskimo never sold to him, but only gave him presents. It was also said that Katiga’s infant son would one day be a “great umialik.”

All these men are or have been captains of whaling umiaks, and the title umialiks appears to be applied to them in this capacity, since many of the poorer men, who, as far as we could learn, were not considered umialiks, own umiaks which they do not fit out for whaling, but use only to transport their families from place to place in the summer.

RELIGION.

_General ideas._--It was exceedingly difficult to get any idea of the religious belief of the people, partly from our inability to make ourselves understood in regard to abstract ideas and partly from ignorance on our part of the proper method of conducting such inquiries. For instance, in trying to get at their ideas of a future life, we could only ask “Where does a man go when he dies?” to which we, of course, received the obvious answer, “To the cemetery!” Moreover, such a multitude of other and easier lines of investigation presented themselves for our attention that we were naturally inclined to neglect the difficult field of religion, and besides under the circumstances of our intercourse it was almost impossible to get the attention of the natives when their minds were not full of other subjects.

Nevertheless, many of the fragments of superstition and tradition that we were able to collect agree remarkably with what has been observed among the Eskimo elsewhere, so that it is highly probable that their religion is of the same general character as that of the Greenlanders, namely, a belief in a multitude of supernatural beings, who are to be exorcised or propitiated by various observances, especially by the performances of certain specially gifted people, who are something of the nature of wizards. So much has been written by many authors about these wizards or “doctors,” the angekut of the eastern Eskimo, the so-called “shamans” of Alaska and Siberia, that I need make no special reference to their writings except where they happen to throw light on our own observations. Dr. Simpson succeeded in obtaining more information concerning the religious belief of these people than our party was able to do, and his observations,[N610] to which ours are in some degree supplementary, tend to corroborate the conclusion at which I have arrived.

[Footnote N610: Op. cit., p. 273 et seq.]

Our information in regard to the special class of wizards was rather vague. We learned that many men in the village, distinguishable from the rest by no visible characteristics, were able to heal the sick, procure good weather, favorable winds, plenty of game, and do other things by “talking” and beating the drum. We did not learn the number of these men in either village, but we heard of very many different men doing one or the other of these things, while others of our acquaintance never attempted them. Neither did we learn that any one of these men was considered superior to the rest, as appears to be the case in some regions, nor how a man could attain this power. Some of these men, who appeared to give particular attention to curing the sick, called themselves “tû´ktĕ” (“doctor”), but, probably for want of properly directed inquiries, we did not learn the Eskimo name of these people. We were definitely informed, however, that their “talk,” when treating disease or trying to obtain fair weather, etc., was addressed to “tu´ɐña,” or a supernatural being. This name, of course, differs only in dialectic form from that applied in other places to the universal familiar spirits of Eskimo superstition.

We at first supposed that “tuɐña” meant some particular individual demon, but Dr. Simpson is probably right in saying that the Point Barrow natives, like the rest of the Eskimo, recognize a host of tuɐñain, since “tuɐña” was described to us under a variety of forms. Most of the natives whom we asked if they had seen tuɐña, said that they had not, but that other men, mentioning certain “doctors,” had seen him. One man, however, said that he had seen tuɐña in the kûdyĭgĭ, when the people “talked” sitting in the dark, with their heads bowed and faces covered, and tuɐña came with a noise like a great bird.[N611] He had raised his head and saw tuɐña, like a man with bloodless cheeks.[N612] Tuɐña again was called “a bad man, dead” (apparently a ghost), sometimes as large as a man and sometimes dwarfish, sometimes a fleshless skeleton, while one man, to describe him, made the same grimace that a white man would use to indicate a hobgoblin, with staring eyes, gaping mouth, and hands outstretched like claws. Apparently “tuɐña” in conversation with us was used to designate all the various supernatural objects of their belief, ghosts as well as familiar spirits. For instance, in Greenland, according to Rink,[N613] a ghost “manifests himself by whistling or singing in the ears.” Now, Lieut. Ray was walking rapidly one day in the winter with an Eskimo and his wife, and the woman suddenly stopped and said she “heard tuɐña”--that he made a noise like _singing in the ears_.

[Footnote N611: Compare Graah’s account of the ceremony of summoning a _torngak_ in East Greenland (Narrative, p. 123). “Come he did, however, at last, and his approach was announced by a strange rushing sound, very like the sound of a _large bird_ flying beneath the roof.” (The italics are my own.) The _angekut_ evidently have some juggling contrivance, carefully concealed from laymen, perhaps of the nature of a “whizzing-stick.”]

[Footnote N612: Compare Rink’s description of the ceremony of summoning a tornak to ask his advice, in Greenland (Tales, etc., p. 60). This was performed before a company in a darkened house. The angekok lay on the floor, beside a suspended skin and drum, with his hands tied behind his back and his head between his legs. A song was sung by the audience, and the angekok invoked his tornak, beating on the skin and the drum. The spirit announced his arrival by a peculiar sound and the appearance of a light or fire.]

[Footnote N613: Tales, etc., p. 14.]

The people generally have a great dread of “tuɐña,” who they say would kill them, and are very averse to going out alone in the dark. One of each party that came over from the village in the evening usually carried a drawn knife, preferably one of the large double-edged knives, supposed to be Siberian and already described, in his hand as defense against tuɐña, and a drawn knife was sometimes even carried in the daylight “nanumunlu tuɐñamunlu,” “for bear and demon.” Notwithstanding their apparently genuine dread of “tuɐña,” they are by no means averse to talking or even joking about him.

The knife also serves as a protection against the aurora, which most of them agree is bad, and when bright likely to kill a person by striking him in the back of the neck. However, brandishing the knife at it will keep it off. Besides, as a woman told me one night, you can drive off a “bad” aurora by throwing at it dog’s excrement and urine.[N614]

[Footnote N614: Compare Rink (Tales, etc. p. 56): “Several fetid and stinking matters, such as old urine, are excellent means for keeping away all kinds of evil-intentioned spirits and ghosts.”]

Lieut. Ray saw in one of the houses in Utkaiwiñ, a contrivance for frightening away a “tuɐña” from the entrance to a house should he try to get in. The man had hung in the trapdoor the handle of a seal-drag by means of a thong spiked to the wall with a large knife, and told Lieut. Ray that if “tuɐña” tried to get into the house he would undoubtedly catch hold of the handle to help himself up, which would pull down the knife upon his head and frighten him off. We never had an opportunity of witnessing the ceremony of summoning “tuɐña,” nor did we ever hear of the ceremony taking place during our stay at the station, but we were fortunate enough to observe several other performances, though they do not appear to be frequent. The ceremony of healing the sick and the ceremonies connected with the whale-fishery have already been described.

On the 21st of February, 1883, Lieut. Ray and Capt. Herendeen happened to be at the village on time to see the tuɐña, who had been causing the bad weather, expelled from the village. Some of the natives said the next day that they had _killed_ the tuɐña, but they said at the same time he had gone “a long way off.” When Lieut. Ray reached the village, women were standing at the doors of the houses armed with snow-knives and clubs with which they made passes over the entrance when the people inside called out. He entered one house and found a woman vigorously driving the tuɐña out of every corner with a knife. They then repaired to the kûdyĭgi, where there were ten or twelve people, each of whom, to quote from Lieut. Ray’s note book, “made a charge against the evil spirit, telling what injuries they had received from it.” Then they went into the open air, where a fire had been built in front of the entrance, and formed a half circle around the fire. Each then went up and made a speech, bending over the fire (according to Simpson, who describes a similar ceremony at Nuwŭk on p. 274 of his paper, coaxing the tuɐña to come under the fire to warm himself). Then they brought out a large tub full of urine, to which, Simpson says, each man present had contributed, and held it ready near the fire, while two men stood with their rifles in readiness, and a boy stood near the fire with a large stone in his hands, bracing himself firmly with his feet spread apart for a vigorous throw. Then they chanted as follows (the words of this chant were obtained afterward by the writer):

Tâk tâk tâk tohâ! Nìju´a hâ! He! he! he! Haiyahe! Yaiyahe! Hwi!

And instantly the contents of the tub were dashed on the fire, the stone thrown into the embers, and both men discharged their rifles, one into the embers, and one into the cloud of steam as it rose. Then all brushed their clothes violently and shouted, and the tuɐña was killed. By a fortunate coincidence, the next day was the finest we had had for a long time.

Sacrifices are also occasionally made to these supernatural beings as in Greenland “gifts were offered to the inue of certain rocks, capes and ice firths, principally when traveling and passing those places.”[N615]

[Footnote N615: Rink, Tales, etc., p. 56.]

Capt. Herendeen, in the fall of 1882, went to the rivers in company with one of the “doctors.” When they arrived at the river Kuaru, where the latter intended to stay for the fishing, he got out his drum and “talked” for a long time, and breaking off very small pieces of tobacco threw them into the air, crying out, “Tuɐña, tuɐña, I give you tobacco! give me plenty of fish.” When they passed the dead men at the cemetery, he gave them tobacco in the same way, asking them also for fish.[N616] We noticed but few other superstitious observances which have not been already described. As in Greenland and elsewhere, superstition requires certain persons to abstain from certain kinds of food. For instance, Mûñialu, and apparently many others, were not permitted to eat the burbot, another man was denied ptarmigan, and a woman[N617] at Nuwŭk was not allowed to eat “earth food,” that is, anything which grew upon the ground. Lieut. Ray also mentions a man who was forbidden bear’s flesh.[N618]

[Footnote N616: “When an Innuit passes the place where a relative has died, he pauses and deposits a piece of meat near by.” Baffin Land, Hall, Artic Researches, p. 574.]

[Footnote N617: Report Point Barrow Expedition, p. 46.]

[Footnote N618: Compare Rink, Tales, etc., p. 64; Crantz, vol. 1, p. 215, and Parry, 2d voyage, p. 548: “Seal’s flesh is forbidden, for instance, in one disease, that of the walrus in the other; the heart is denied to some, and the liver to others.”]

We observed some traces of the superstition concerning the heads of seals and other marine animals taken in the chase, which has been noticed elsewhere. Crantz says:[N619] “The heads of seals must not be fractured, nor must they be thrown into the sea, but be piled in a heap before the door,[N620] that the souls of the seals may not be enraged and scare their brethren from the coast.” And Capt. Parry found that at Winter Island they carefully preserved the heads of all the animals killed during the winter, except two or three of the walrus which he obtained with great difficulty. The natives told him that they were to be thrown into the sea in the summer, but at Iglulik they readily sold them before the summer arrived.[N621]

[Footnote N619: Vol. 1, p. 216.]

[Footnote N620: Beechey saw the skulls of seals and other animals kept in piles round the houses at Hotham Inlet (Voyage, p. 259).]

[Footnote N621: Second Voyage, p. 510.]

I tried very hard to get a full series of skulls from the seals taken at Utkiavwĭñ in the winter of 1882-’83, but though I frequently asked the natives to bring them over for sale, they never did so, till at last one young woman promised to bring me all I wanted at the price of half a pound of gunpowder a skull. Nevertheless, she brought over only two or three at that price. We did not observe what was done with the skulls, but frequently observed quantities of the smaller bones of the seals carefully tucked away in the crevices of the ice at some distance from the shore. We had comparatively little difficulty in obtaining skulls of the walrus, but I observed that the bottom of Tûseráru, the little pond at the edge of the village, was covered with old walrus skulls, as if they had been deposited there for years. The superstition appears to be in full force among the Chukches, who live near the place where the _Vega_ wintered. Nordenskiöld was unable to purchase a pair of fresh walrus heads at the first village he visited, though the tusks were offered for sale the next day[N622] and at Pitlekaj.[N623] “Some prejudice * * * prevented the Chukches from parting with the heads of the seal, though * * * we offered a high price for them. ‘Irgatti’ (to-morrow) was the usual answer. But the promise was never kept.”

[Footnote N622: Vega, vol. 1, p. 435.]

[Footnote N623: Vega, vol. 2, p. 137.]

_Amulets._--Like the Greenlanders[N624] and other Eskimos, they place great reliance on amulets or talismans, which are carried on the person, in the boat, or even inserted in weapons, each apparently with some specific purpose, which indeed we learned in the case of some of those in the collection. Like the amulets of the Greenlanders, they appear to be[N625] “certain animals or things which had belonged to or been in contact with certain persons (e.g., the people of ancient times, or fortunate hunters) or supernatural beings,” and “objects which merely by their appearance recalled the effect expected from the amulet, such as figures of various objects.” To the latter class belong the rudely flaked flint images of whales, already mentioned, and probably many of the other small images of men and animals already described, especially those fitted with holes for strings to hang them up by.

[Footnote N624: John Davis describes the Greenlanders in 1586 as follows: “They are idolaters, and have images great store, which they wore about them, and in their boats, which we suppose they worship.” (Hakluyt, Voyages, etc., 1589, p. 782.)]

[Footnote N625: Rink, Tales, etc., p. 52.]

The flint whale is a very common amulet, intended, as we understood, to give good luck, in whaling, and is worn habitually by many of the men and boys under the clothes, suspended around the neck by a string. The captain and harpooner of a whaling crew also wear them as pendants on the fillets already described, and on the breast of the jacket. We obtained five of these objects, all of very nearly the same shape, but of different materials and varying somewhat in size. Fig. 421 represents one of these (No. 56703 [208] from Utkiavwĭñ) made of a piece of hard colorless glass, probably a fragment of a ship’s “deadlight.” It is rather roughly flaked into a figure of a “bowhead” whale, 3.4 inches long, as seen from above and very much flattened with exaggerated flukes. The flippers were rudely indicated in the outline, but the left one is broken off.

No. 89613 [771] from Utkiavwĭñ is a very similar image, 2.4 inches long, which perhaps is of the same material, though it may be made of rock crystal. No. 56707 [159] from Utkiavwĭñ is a very small whale (1.4 inches long), chipped in large flakes out of a water-worn pebble of smoky quartz, while No. 89577 [939] Fig. 422, from the same village, which is a trifle larger (2 inches long), is made of dark crimson jasper. The large black flint whale, No. 56683 [61], also from Utkiavwĭñ, which is 3.9 inches long, is the rudest of all the figures of the whales. It is precisely the shape of the blade of a skin scraper, except for the roughly indicated flukes.