Chapter 22

These and the like considerations operated to induce the convention of New York to dismiss the idea of a bill of rights, and the more especially as the legislative state officers being elected by the people at short periods, and thereby rendered from time to time liable to be displaced in case of mal-conduct. But these reasons will not apply to the general government, because it will appear in the sequel that the state governments are considered in it as mere dependencies, existing solely by its toleration, and possessing powers of which they may be deprived whenever the general government is disposed so to do. If then the powers of the state governments are to be totally absorbed, in which all agree, and only differ as to the mode, whether it will be effected by a rapid progression, or by as certain, but slower, operations: what is to limit the oppression of the general government? Where are the rights, which are declared to be incapable of violation? And what security have people against the wanton oppression of unprincipled governors? No constitutional redress is pointed out, and no express declaration is contained in it, to limit the boundaries of their rulers; beside which the mode and period of their being elected tends to take away their responsibility to the people over whom they may, by the power of the purse and the sword, domineer at discretion; nor is there a power on earth to tell them, What dost thou? or, Why dost thou so?

I shall now proceed to compare the constitution of the state of New York with the proposed federal government, distinguishing the paragraphs in the former, which are rendered nugatory by the latter; those which are in a great measure enervated, and such as are in the discretion of the general government to permit or not.

The 1st and 37th paragraphs of the constitution of the state of New York.

The 1st “Ordains, determines, and declares that no authority shall on any pretence whatever be exercised over the people or members of this State, but such as shall be derived from and granted by them.”

The 37th, “That no purchases or contracts for the sale of lands with or of the Indians within the limits of this state, shall be binding on the Indians, or deemed valid, unless made under the authority and with the consent of the legislature of this state.”

I beg here to observe that the whole history of this spurious constitution for the government of the United States, from its origin to the present day, and the measures taken by Congress respecting the Indian affairs in this state, are a series of violations of these paragraphs, and of the 13th article of the confederation.

It was a violation of the state constitution for the senate and assembly, on the 19th of February, 1787, to instruct their members to move in Congress for an act recommending a convention; and it was also a violation of the 13th article of the confederation for Congress, on the 21st day February, to recommend a convention to the several legislatures. It was a further violation of the constitution of this state, by the senate and assembly, on the 27th day of March, to join and to appoint delegates to meet in convention, and it being done in that hasty, if not surreptitious manner, by joint resolutions, when acts of the least consequence, even for the yoking of hogs, require to be passed under the formalities of a law, makes it more glaringly so.

It was an outrageous violation in the convention on the 17th of September, 1787, to attempt a consolidation of the union, and utterly destroy the confederation and the sovereignty of particular states, when their powers were restricted “to the sole and express purpose of revising and amending the confederation.”

It was again an infringement of the 13th article in the confederation, for Congress, on the 28th of September, not to arrest and prevent its being transmitted to the several legislatures; nor was the legislature of this state less culpable, in the beginning of February, 1788, who, in the course of three hours, took up and concluded the measure of calling a convention without apprising their constituents of the danger.

It is notorious that the right of regulating Indian affairs, especially with the five nations, has been in the colony of New York since the year 1664, and before that period, from the year 1614, whilst it was called New Nederland under the Dutch. That by the confederation, although Congress are invested with the power of regulating the trade and managing all affairs with the Indians, that they are restricted to those Indians “not members of any of the states, and a special proviso that the legislative rights of any state within its own limits be not infringed or violated.” It therefore was a violation of the confederation and of the rights of the state for the congressional commissioners of Indian affairs to treat, at fort Stanwix, with and thereat to make a purchase from the five nations without the authority or consent of the legislature of this state. It was an infraction of the rights of the citizens of this state, and an insult on their government, for those commissioners to wrest private property from individuals, imprison their persons, set at defiance the civil authority of the county of Montgomery, and violently to resist the execution of legal process. Nor was the ordinance of the 7th of August, 1786, for the regulation of Indian affairs, less so, namely, that “the Indian department be divided into two districts, viz.: the southern, which shall comprehend within its limits all the nations in the territory of the United States, who reside to the southward of the Ohio; and the northern, which shall comprehend all the nations within the said territory, and westward, not of lake Ontario, but of Hudson’s river; that a superintendent for the northern districts shall have authority to appoint two deputies to reside in such places as shall best facilitate the regulation of the Indian trade; that no person, citizen or other, under the penalty of five hundred dollars, shall reside among or trade with any Indian or Indian nations within the territory of the United States, without a licence for that purpose first obtained from the superintendent of the district, or of one of the deputies, who is hereby directed to give such licence to every person who shall produce from the supreme executive of any state a certificate under the seal of the state, that he is of good character and suitably qualified and provided for that employment, for which licence he shall pay for one year the sum of fifty dollars to the said superintendent for the use of the United States.” If this was the conduct of Congress and their officers, when possessed of powers which were declared by them to be insufficient for the purposes of government, what have we reasonably to expect will be their conduct when possessed of the powers “to regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes,” when they are armed with legislative, executive and judicial powers, and their laws the supreme laws of the land—and when the states are prohibited, without the consent of Congress, to lay any “imposts or duties on imports,” and if they do they shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States—and all such laws subject to the revision and controul of Congress.

It is therefore evident that this state, by adopting the new government, will enervate their legislative rights, and totally surrender into the hands of Congress the management and regulation of the Indian trade to an improper government, and the traders to be fleeced by iniquitous impositions, operating at one and the same time as a monopoly and a poll-tax. The deputy by the above ordinance, has a right to exact yearly fifty dollars from every trader, which Congress may increase to any amount, and give it all the operation of a monopoly; fifty dollars on a cargo of 10,000 dollars’ value will be inconsiderable, on a cargo of 1000 dollars burthensome, but on a cargo of 100 dollars will be intolerable, and amount to a total prohibition, as to small adventurers.

II, III, IX, XII, AND XXXI.

The second paragraph provides “that the supreme legislative power within this state shall be vested in two separate and distinct bodies of men, the one to be called the assembly, and the other to be called the senate of the state of New York, who together shall form the legislature.”

The ninth provides “that the assembly shall be the judge of their own members, and enjoy the same privileges, and proceed in doing business in like manner as the assembly of the colony of New York of right formerly did.”

The twelfth paragraph provides “that the senate shall, in like manner, be judges of their own members,” etc.

The 31st describes even the stile of laws—that the stile of all laws shall be as follows: “Be it enacted by the people of the state of New York represented in senate and assembly,” and that all writs and proceedings shall run in the name of the people of the state of New York, and tested in the name of the chancellor or the chief judge from whence they shall issue.

The third provides against laws that may be hastily and inadvertently passed, inconsistent with the spirit of the constitution and the public good, and that “the governor, the chancellor and judges of the supreme court, shall revise all bills about to be passed into laws, by the legislature.”

The powers vested in the legislature of this state by these paragraphs will be weakened, for the proposed new government declares that “all legislative powers therein granted shall be vested in a congress of the United States, which shall consist of a senate and a house of representatives,” and it further prescribes, that “this constitution and the laws of the United States, which shall be made in pursuance thereof; and all treaties made, or which shall be made under the authority of the United States, shall be the supreme law of the land, and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, anything in the constitution or laws of any state to the contrary notwithstanding; and the members of the several state legislatures, and all executive and judicial officers, both of the United States and of the several states, shall be bound by oath or affirmation to support this constitution.”

Those who are full of faith, suppose that the words in pursuance thereof are restrictive, but if they reflect a moment and take into consideration the comprehensive expressions of the instrument, they will find that their restrictive construction is unavailing, and this is evinced by 1st art., 8 sect., where this government has a power “to lay and collect all taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts, and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States,” and also “to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers vested by this constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or office thereof.”

Art. 1st, sect. 7, provides a qualified negative, that is, that “every bill which shall be passed [by] the house of representatives and the senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the president of the United States.”

To conclude my observations on this head, it appears to me as impossible that these powers in the state constitution and those in the general government can exist and operate together, as it would be for a man to serve two masters whose interests clash, and secure the approbation of both. Can there at the same time and place be and operate two supreme legislatures, executives, and judicials? Will a “guarantee of a republican form of government to every state in the union” be of any avail, or secure the establishment and retention of state rights?

If this guarantee had remained, as it was first reported by the committee of the whole house, to wit, ... “that a republican constitution, and its existing laws, ought to be guaranteed to each state by the United States,” it would have been substantial; but the changing the word _constitution_ into the word _form_ bears no favorable appearance.

IV, V, XII, XVI.

The fourth provides, “that the assembly of the state of New York shall consist of at least seventy members, to be annually chosen in the several counties in certain proportions.” The 5th, 12th and 16th, declare that a census shall be taken every seven years, to regulate the augmentation of the number seventy, so as not to exceed three hundred. Here seventy members are divided among the several counties, and consequently into at least as many poles and sets of members to be annually chosen. If this is contrasted with the constitution for the federal government—the constitutional assembly or house of representatives will be found to consist of sixty-five members divided among thirteen states, to be chosen every second year. Six for the state of New York; not distributed among the counties, but by all the counties. And, although “the times, places and manner of holding elections for senators and representatives shall be prescribed in each state by the legislature thereof,” yet, as it provides that “Congress may at any time by law, make or alter those regulations, except as to places of chusing senators”—the power in the state government to prescribe rules in those cases will be superseded by the executive of the general government, perhaps to the great inconvenience of the people.

FROM THE VITH TO THE XIITH.

The sixth paragraph recites that an opinion hath long prevailed among divers of the good people of this state that the voting at the election by ballot would tend more to preserve the liberty and equal freedom of the people than voting viva voce; to the end, therefore, that a fair experiment be made which of these two methods of voting is to be preferred, it declares that after the war elections shall be by ballot.

The seventh and eighth regulate the freeholds, and what property shall entitle a man to vote; the ninth, the mode of conducting business in the assembly, and their privileges; the tenth, eleventh, and twelfth, the number of the senate, and how and by whom they shall be elected.

As these clauses regulate the mode of elections and qualifications of the voters of senate and assembly, a relation of what gave rise to the provisions for voting by ballot and that of the value of the freehold, will help to unravel what otherwise may appear mysterious.

In respect to the first it may be necessary to observe that under the colonial government there existed violent parties, not known by the name of whig or tory—republicans and aristocrats. Those who were in the employments of government, or the _ins_, were for extending the prerogative of the crown, while the _outs_ were checks to it. Many of the leaders on both sides were under strong expectations that sooner or later that branch of colonial government called the king’s council would be erected into a hereditary house of lords. The _ins_ being nearest to the disposition of the offices of honor and profit, and in the way of obtaining patents for vacant lands, and being from time to time joined by other crown officers and dependents, who flocked to and settled in this colony since the year 1763, had the means of making use of undue influence to retain their situations, which made the _outs_ at last dispair of ever having a turn, unless the elections were by ballot. This opinion was propagated in every part of the colony before and at the time of the revolution, and so strongly did it operate upon the committee that were ordered to consider of and report the constitution, that at one time they had the whole system interwoven in the draft; but either because it would have made it too lengthy, or that one of the parties were then reduced, and not likely to rise again into importance, about the time the draft was reported, it was struck out and was left by the constitution to the legislature to decide, as experience on the exercise of both principles should suggest.

SYDNEY.

Sydney, II.

The New York Journal, (Number 2321)

SATURDAY, JUNE 14, 1788.

For the Daily Patriotic Register.

TO THE CITIZENS OF THE STATE OF NEW YORK.

(Concluded from yesterday’s paper.)

As to the value of the freeholds, there has been great diversity of opinions, for notwithstanding all agreed that the rights and liberties of a country were ever in danger from the rich and poor, and their safety in the middle sort or yeomanry of the country, still the difficulty occurred in establishing the mean.

While the convention, in 1776, was setting at Harlem, the outlines of a constitution were handed about, to try, it was supposed, the temper of the members, in which it was proposed to have a governor, lieutenant governor, senate, and assembly; the qualification of the governor, lieutenant governor, and senate, to be that each should possess real estate to the value of 10,000 pounds, and to be elected by freeholders possessing freeholds to the value of 1,000 pounds. Although this was not attended with bad effects, yet the qualifications of the electors gave rise to various arguments, and, among others, that as taxation and representation ought to go together, so the right of electing shall be in proportion to the value of each man’s estate. To exemplify this, a man of £100 estate had one vote; a man of £1000 should have ten, and a man of ten thousand pounds a hundred, and so on in the same ratio. Others on the contrary supposed that there ought to be no other criterion than the age of twenty-one, a citizen born and resident in this country; out of the two extremes was produced the present system of election and qualification, both admitted to be as secure and consistent rights as any that have been contrived.

It is apprehended, from the duplicity in the wording of 1st art., 4th sec., that seemingly to leave in the power of the respective legislatures to regulate the elections, and still, that Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations; and the undesigned wording of the sixth article, that the constitution and laws of the United States which shall be made in pursuance thereof shall be the law of the land, anything in the constitution or laws of any State to the contrary notwithstanding, will render the whole system ineffectual, if not nugatory, and a new system as destructive to the liberties of the citizens as that of the ratio of voices to the ratio of property introduced. Besides being liable to have the whole State erected into one district, and consequently may give rise to the inconveniences I mentioned before.

VII, SEC. 6; VIII, SEC. 6; IX, SEC. 6; X, SECTION 6; XI, SEC. 6; XII, SEC. 2, 6; XVI, SEC. 6; XIII, XXXV, XLI.

By the 13th paragraph “no member of this State shall be disfranchised, or deprived of any of the rights or privileges secured to the subjects of the State by this constitution, unless by the law of the land, or judgment of its peers.”

The 35th adopts, under certain exceptions and modifications, the common law of England, the statute law of England and Great Britain, and the acts of the legislature of the colony, which together formed the law on the 19th of April, 1775.

The 41st provides that the trial by jury remain inviolate forever; that no acts of attainder shall be passed by the legislature of this State for crimes other than those committed before the termination of the present war. And that the legislature shall at no time hereafter institute any new courts but such as shall proceed according to the course of the common law.

There can be no doubt that if the new government be adopted in all its latitude, every one of these paragraphs will become a dead letter: nor will it solve any difficulties, if the United States guarantee “to every state in the union a republican form of government;” we may be allowed the form and not the substance, and that it was so intended will appear from the changing the word _constitution_ to the word _form_ and the omission of the words, _and its existing laws_. And I do not even think it uncharitable to suppose that it was designedly done; but whether it was so or not, by leaving out these words the jurisprudence of each state is left to the mercy of the new government. By 1st art., 8th sec., 1st clause, “The Congress shall have power to lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States.”

By the 9th clause of the same section, “To constitute tribunals inferior to the court.”

By the 18th clause, “To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department thereof.”

The 3d art., 1st sec., “The judicial power of the United States shall be vested in one supreme court, and in such inferior courts as the Congress may from time to time ordain and establish.”

By sec. 2nd, “The judicial power shall extend to all cases in law and equity.” To have in various instances an original and exclusive, in others a concurrent jurisdiction, and the supreme court in many cases an appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact. It provides, indeed, that the trial for crimes shall be by jury, but has left the trial in civil matters to the mercy of construction and their own legislative sovereign will and pleasure.

By the 3d art., 3d sec., “The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of treason, but no attainder shall work a corruption of blood or forfeiture, except during the life of the person attainted.” By 1st art., 9th sec., 3d clause, “No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed.”

XVII, XVIII, XIX, XX, XXI, XXIII, XL.

The 17th orders “That the supreme executive power and authority of this State shall be vested in a governor.” By the 18th he is commander-in-chief of the militia and admiral of the navy of the State; may grant pardons to all persons convicted of crimes; he may suspend the execution of the sentence in treason or murder.

By the 19th paragraph he is to see that the laws and resolutions of the legislature be faithfully executed.

By the 27th he is president of the council of appointment, and has a casting vote and the commissioning of all officers.

The 20th and 21st paragraphs give the lieutenant-governor, on the death, resignation, removal from office, or impeachment of the governor, all the powers of a governor.

The 40th paragraph orders that the militia at all times, both in peace and war, shall be armed and disciplined, and kept in readiness; in what manner the Quakers shall be excused; and that a magazine of warlike stores be forever kept at the expence of the State, and by act of the legislature, established, maintained, and continued in every county in the State.

Whoever considers the following powers vested in the government, and compares them with the above, must readily perceive they are either all enervated or annihilated.

By the 1st art., 8th sec., 15th, 16th and 17th clauses, Congress will be empowered to call forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions; to provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia, for the governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, and for the erection of forts, magazines, etc.

And by the 2nd art., 2d sec., “The president shall be commander-in-chief of the army and navy of the United States, and of the militia of the several States when called into actual service of the United States, except in cases of impeachment.”