Chapter 1

Essays on the Constitution of the United States

Published During Its Discussion by the People

1787-1788

Edited by

Paul Leicester Ford

Brooklyn, N.Y.

Historical Printing Club

1892

CONTENTS

Introduction. The Letters Of Cassius, Written By James Sullivan. The Letters Of Agrippa, Accredited To James Winthrop. Replies To The Strictures Of A Landholder, By Elbridge Gerry. The Letters Of A Landholder, Written By Oliver Ellsworth. A Letter To The Landholder. By William Williams. The Letters Of A Countryman. Written By Roger Sherman. The Letters Of A Citizen Of New Haven, Written By Roger Sherman. The Letters Of Cato, Written By George Clinton. The Letters Of Cæsar, Written By Alexander Hamilton. The Letters Of Sydney. Written By Robert Yates. Cursory Remarks By Hugh Henry Brackenridge. Letter Of Caution, Written By Samuel Chase. Letter Of A Friend To The Constitution, Written By Daniel Carroll. The Letters Of Luther Martin. Letter Of A Plain Dealer, Accredited To Spencer Roane. Remarks On The New Plan Of Government, By Hugh Williamson. Letter Of A Steady And Open Republican, Written By Charles Pinckney. Bibliography. Index. Footnotes

INTRODUCTION.

In 1888 the editor selected from the pamphlet arguments published during the discussion of the Constitution of the United States, prior to its ratification by the States, a collection of fourteen tracts, and printed them in a volume under the title of _Pamphlets on the Constitution of the United States_. The reception given that collection clearly proved that these writings were only neglected because of their rarity and inaccessibility, and has induced the editor to collect another, though largely similar class of writings, which he believes of equal value and equally unknown.

In the great discussion which took place in the years 1787 and 1788 of the adoption or rejection of the Constitution of the United States, one of the important methods of influencing public opinion, resorted to by the partisans and enemies of the proposed frame of government, was the contribution of essays to the press of the period. The newspapers were filled with anonymous articles on this question, usually the product of the great statesmen and writers of that period. Often of marked ability, and valuable as the personal views of the writers, the dispersion and destruction of the papers that contained them have resulted in their almost entire neglect as historical or legal writings, and the difficulty of their proper use has been further increased by their anonymous character, which largely destroyed the authority and weight they would have carried, had their true writers been known.

From an examination of over forty files of newspapers and many thousand separate issues, scattered in various public and private libraries, from Boston to Charleston, the editor has selected a series of these essays, and reprinted them in this volume. From various sources he has obtained the name of the writer of each. All here reprinted are the work of well-known men. Five of the writers were Signers of the Declaration of Independence; seven were members of the Federal Convention; many were members of the State Conventions, and there discussed the Constitution. All had had a wide experience in law and government. Their arguments are valuable, not merely for their reasoning, but from their statement of facts. New light is thrown upon the proceedings in the Federal Convention, so large a part of which is yet veiled in mystery; and personal motives, and state interests, are mercilessly laid bare, furnishing clues of both the support of and opposition to the Constitution. Subsequently most of the writers were prominent in administering this Constitution or opposing its development, and were largely responsible for the resulting tendencies of our government.

PAUL LEICESTER FORD. _Brooklyn, N. Y., April, 1892._

THE LETTERS OF CASSIUS, WRITTEN BY JAMES SULLIVAN.

Printed In The Massachusetts Gazette, September-December, 1787.

Note.

The letters signed Cassius were, at the time of publication, generally accredited to the pen of James Sullivan, and this opinion is adopted in Amory’s _Life of James Sullivan_. The letters themselves bear out this opinion, being clearly written by a partisan of the Hancock faction, of whom Sullivan was a warm adherent, and constant newspaper essayist.

The first two letters were printed before the promulgation of the proposed Constitution in Massachusetts, and chiefly relate to the differences between the two parties headed by John Hancock and James Bowdoin; but are included here to complete the series. The letters are of particular value as giving the position of Hancock, of whom Sullivan was the particular mouthpiece, proving him to be a supporter of the adoption of the Constitution, though the contrary has often been asserted. The early letters were commented upon by “Old Fog,” in the _Massachusetts Centinel_ of Sept. 22 and Oct. 6, 1787.

Cassius, I.

The Massachusetts Gazette, (Number 367).

TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 18, 1787.

For the Massachusetts Gazette.

It is a great pity that such an able writer as Numa(1) should take up the pen to distribute sentiments, which have a tendency to create uneasiness in the minds of the misinformed and weak, (for none other will be influenced by them) especially at this time when the state is hardly recovered from those convulsions,(2) it has so recently experienced.

The real well-wisher to peace and good government cannot but execrate many of the ideas which that would be disturber of tranquillity has lately proclaimed to the publick, through the channels of the Hampshire Gazette, and Independent Chronicle.(3) The man of sense, the true lover of his country, would, if a change of officers was to take place in the government to which he was subject, and men be placed in power, whom he thought not so capable of the task as those who preceded them, endeavour, all in his power, to extenuate the evil, and none but the ruthless incendiary, or the disappointed tool, would, at such a period, conduct in a manner the reverse.

It is well known, that there is a party in this state whose sentiments are in favour of aristocracy; who wish to see the constitution dissolved, and another, which shall be more arbitrary and tyrannical, established on its ruins. Perhaps a few of this description were members of the last administration.(4) If so, most happy for the commonwealth, they are now hurled from seats of power, and unable to carry into effect plans laid for subverting the liberties of the people.—Checked at once in their horrid career—all those hopes blasted which they entertained of concerting measures which would “afford them matter for derision at a future day,”—they now put on the garb of hypocrisy, and seem to weep for the terrible misfortunes which they pretend are hovering around us. Such characters are, it is hoped, forever banished from places of trust. Some of them pretend to be mighty politicians,—they display a vast knowledge of ancient times—and by their harangues about the conduct of Greece, Rome and Athens, show their acquaintance with the pages of antiquity. In some few instances, however, perhaps they are a little mistaken. The learned Numa says, “the degenerate Romans banished Cicero for saving the commonwealth.” Rome did not banish Cicero—a faction, who wished to triumph over the liberties of Rome, exiled that immortal orator; and to that, or a similar one, he at last fell a sacrifice. If a faction can be styled the people, with great propriety do the disappointed aristocraticks, and their tools, in our day, style themselves, the great majority of the people.

If Numa, and others of the like stamp, are politicians, they are very short-sighted ones. If our government is weak, is it policy to weaken it still more by false suggestions, and by a scandalous abuse of our rulers? by endeavouring to spread a spirit of discontent among the people, and prejudicing their minds against those whom, by their suffrages, they have chosen to take the helm of affairs? If this is policy, Numa is, indeed, an accomplished politician.

But the time of triumph for the aristocratick clan is now over. The people have seen their folly in listening too much to them already. Their conduct has involved the state in confusion; but it is hoped, a conduct the reverse will place matters again upon a right footing. The secret machinations, which were harboured in the breasts of those aristocratick dupes, have been laid open to publick inspection—their plans thoroughly investigated—and the horrid tendency of them, had they taken effect, been fully manifested.

They may weep, crocodile-like, till the source of their tears is dried up, they never will get the prey into their jaws, which they hoped to devour. The sting of remorse, it may be hoped, will bring them to a sense of their guilt, and an upright conduct make some amends for their high-handed offences. Should this take place, an injured people may forgive, though they never can forget them.

Let Numa reflect, that we now have, at the head of government, those men who were the first to step forth in the great cause of liberty—who risked their all to acquire the blessings of freedom; though that freedom, through the influence of such characters as himself, has been often abused.

The people know their rulers, and have confidence in them: and can it be supposed, that they would have confidence in those, whose dastardly souls, in time of danger, shrunk back from the scene of action, and kept secure in their strong holds? and when peace and independence had crowned the exertions of far more noble souls, they groped out of darkness and obscurity, and intruded themselves into places of power and trust?

Can it be expected, that the people should have confidence in such men, or feel themselves secure under their government? By no means. The bandage is taken from their eyes—they see and detest them. They have displaced them, that they may return to their former obscurity, and pass the remainder of their days in philosophizing upon their conduct. Numa and his coadjutors may exert themselves all in their power; but they cannot again stir up sedition and rebellion.

The people now have too much penetration to be led away by their falsehoods and scandal: they will, it is hoped, ere long, reap the blessings of good government, under the direction of a wise administration, and treat in a manner they deserve, every incendiary attempt against their peace and happiness.

CASSIUS.

Cassius, II.

The Massachusetts Gazette, (Number 371)

TUESDAY, OCTOBER 2, 1787.

For the Massachusetts Gazette.

To Numa’s long list of evils, which he says, in some of his productions, are prevalent in the commonwealth, he might have added, that when priests became Jesuits, the liberties of the people were in danger—in almost all countries, we shall find, that when sedition and discontent were brewing, Political Jesuits were often at the bottom of the affair.

Unhappily for Numa, the citizens of Massachusetts are not so blinded by ignorance, nor so devoted to prejudice and superstition, as the common people in those arbitrary and despotick governments, where clerical imposition reigns paramount almost to everything else; where the freedom of speech is suppressed, and the liberty of the people, with regard to examining for themselves, totally restrained.

It is, however, the case that, even in this country, the weak and ignorant are often led too implicitly to put their faith wholly upon what their spiritual teachers think proper to inform them, and precipitately imbibe sentiments from them, which, if their teacher is a designing knave, may prove detrimental to society. The Jesuit will, however, find it very difficult, notwithstanding many circumstances may seem to favor his views, to carry the point of altering a free government to one more arbitrary, in such a country as this.

The cloak of religion too often answers to promote plans detrimental to the peace and happiness of mankind. The priests, who accompanied the Spaniards when they first invaded the kingdoms of Mexico and Peru, urged on those blood-hounds to perpetrate scenes of cruelty and horror (at the bare recital of which human nature shudders), with assurances that it would tend to promote the cause of the Christian religion, if they effected the conquest of those unhappy people, and that any conduct was justifiable to bring infidels to a sense of their duty.

The teacher of the benign and peaceable doctrine of the Saviour of mankind, often thinks he can, with greater security, on account of his profession, disseminate the seeds of sedition and discontent, without being suspected. This thought no doubt occurred to Numa before he exhibited his designing productions to the publick. Sheltered under the sacred wing of religion, how many an impious wretch stalks secure from publick justice,

“Whose mem’ries ought, and will perhaps yet live, In all the glare which infamy can give.”

Numa indicates that he means to prepare the minds of the people for the reception of that government which the Federal Convention shall think most proper for them to adopt. In the name of common sense, what can that scribbler mean by this assertion? Is a scandalous abuse of our rulers—the propagation of sentiments which are calculated to set the publick mind in a ferment—if they are so far attended to as to have any influence among the people—a fit preparation for such a measure? Surely, by no means, and every thinking mind will discover that the productions of Numa are either intended to effect secret purposes, or that they are merely effusions of the fanatick brain of that Quixote of the day.

Instead of vile insinuations and falsehoods being spread among the people, in regard to their rulers, in order to prepare their minds for the reception of that form of government which the Federal Convention may propose, sentiments the very reverse ought to be propagated. The people ought to be inspired with the highest confidence in those who preside over the affairs of the state. It ought to be implanted in their minds, that their rulers are men fit to conduct every plan which might be proposed, to promote the general welfare of the people; and this with truth may be asserted. But Numa has no more intention of preparing the minds of the people for the government which the Federal Convention may propose, than Queen Catharine has of abdicating the throne of Russia.

The people of Massachusetts ought to be cautioned, above everything, to be on their guard with respect to the conduct of Political Jesuits. They have generally been the curse of almost every country that has cherished; they have often been the promoters of revolution and bloodshed. A set of infernal fiends, let loose from the dreary mansions of Beelzebub, cannot be more detrimental to the place and happiness of society, than a band of Political Jesuits.

Citizens of Massachusetts! those men who now preside over you are, and ever have been, the patrons of freedom and independence! men whose exertions have been unceasing to promote and secure to you the blessings of a free government; whose grand stimulus to act is the advancement of your welfare and happiness!—men whose conduct is not stinted by the narrow concerns of self, and who, “when their country calls, can yield their treasure up, and know no wish beyond the publick good.” Such are the men who now wield the affairs of state, and whose deeds will, when those of that vile clan of calumniators who exist in this state are rotting in the tomb of oblivion, conspicuously adorn the brightest pages of the American revolution.

Numa(5) and his band, the calumniators of true worth, may bustle away for a while; but they will ere long be obliged to retire from the bright flashes of patriotism and merit; and, after finding their endeavours fruitless, to sully The Character of the Brightest Luminary that ever Adorned the Hemisphere of Massachusetts,(6) and many other illustrious patriots, who compose the present administration, they will retire to gnash their teeth in anguish and disappointment, in the caverns of obscurity—a punishment their conduct most justly merits.

CASSIUS.

Cassius, III.

The Massachusetts Gazette, (Number 383)

FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 16, 1787.

For the Massachusetts Gazette.

It was the saying of an eminent legislator, that if we had angels to govern us, we should quarrel with them. The conduct of some among us has repeatedly evinced, beyond a doubt, that this would actually be the case; we have proof of this in a more particular manner in the opposition now made by some (but I sincerely hope the number is few) to the form of government agreed upon by the late federal Convention. I firmly believe, if a form of government was proposed to some of the inhabitants of the United States by the great Author of Nature himself, founded on the basis of eternal rectitude, and sanctioned in the courts above, that they would object to it.

It is a happy circumstance for the citizens of the United States that they are acquainted with the motives which actuate the present opposers to the plan of federal government; as they now, instead of listening with candour to the dictates of mad frenzy and wild ambition, will treat with the deserved contempt all their productions.

The opposers to the plan of federal government, are composed of such as are either deeply in debt and know not how to extricate themselves, should a strict administration of law and justice take place, or those who are determined not to be contented under any form of government, or of such as mean to “owe their greatness to their country’s ruin.”—Are such fit men to point out objections to a government, proposed by the first characters in the universe, after a long and candid discussion of the subject?—Are such fit characters to propose a government for ruling a free and enlightened people?—Can those who are known to be divested of honour, justice and integrity, expect to propagate sentiments that will outweigh those of men whose character as true republicans and wise statesmen, are known from pole to pole—men, whose wisdom and firmness have emancipated the United States from the yoke of bondage, and laid the foundation of an empire, which (if the people will still follow their precepts) will last till time shall be swallowed up in the “wasteless ages of eternity?”—Can scribblers whose fame is but of a day, think to influence the citizens of the United States so far as to cause them to respect a form of government calculated to diffuse the blessings of civil society far and wide?—If they can harbour ideas of such a nature, I pity their weakness and despise their villainy.

Some writers in Pennsylvania, New York and Massachusetts, have displayed their scribbling talents in opposition to the plan of federal government; but it is easy to perceive by their arguments, that they are men who are fearful of not being noticed in a federal government, or are some of the stamp before mentioned. Their arguments are without weight, and their assertions and insinuations as foreign to the real state of facts as anything possibly can be: they anticipate evils, which, in the nature of things, it is almost impossible should ever happen, and, for the most part, their reasoning (if it is not a degradation to reason to call such jargon by its name) is incoherent, nonsensical and absurd.

Some writers in Massachusetts have discovered such weakness, inconsistency and folly in their productions, that it discovers them to be entirely ignorant of the subject they pretend to discuss, and totally unacquainted with the plan of government proposed by the federal convention. Among this number, is a scribbler under the signature of Vox Populi;(7) whose signature, to have been consistent with his productions, should have been Vox Insania. This pompous and very learned scribbler, goes on to harangue the public about the danger, hazard, terror and destruction which will attend the adoption of the federal Constitution. He pleads, in a mournful strain, much about woful experience. From this circumstance, I am induced to suppose Vox Populi was an adherent of the celebrated Shays, in his unfortunate expedition the last winter, and wofully experienced the misfortune attendant on the insurgents, through the energy of government. However, the inhabitants of Massachusetts may be assured, that they will have Woful Experience with a witness, if they suffer themselves to be led away by such ignorant, knavish and designing numbheads as Vox Populi and his clan, so far as to reject the plan of federal government proposed by the Convention. Vox Populi complains that our source for taxes is exhausted, and says we must have a new system for taxation: but he must consider, that if the federal government is adopted, we shall not have occasion to employ the legislature so great a part of the year as we are now obliged to do; of consequence, government will be able to apply their money to better uses than paying anti-federalists, while they are spreading their poisonous vapours through the already too much infected atmosphere.

Mr. Vox Populi remarks, that some people are already taxed more than their estates are worth; in this instance I sincerely believe he speaks the truth. But what is the occasion of their being thus taxed?—It is because they make a show as though they have property, though in fact it belongs to another; they live sumptuously, and riot in the property of their unfortunate creditors. Perhaps Mr. Vox Populi is one of this class, and has wofully experienced a taxation more than his whole estate is worth: if he is, I would advise him, instead of employing his time in belching out his “de factos, plene proofs” and other chit-chat of the like kind, and disseminating his execrable “ideas,” to go about adjusting his affairs, as it will tend more to his honour, and perhaps be the means of saving him from the woful experience of confinement in a place much more fit for him than that in which he now is.

I pity Mr. Vox Populi’s weakness and conceit, in thinking he and others of his class have accents not less majestick than thunder, as I really think he is very singular in his opinion. Instead of his “accents” being majestick as thunder, they are as harmless and insignificant as the feeble breeze.

Citizens of Massachusetts, look well about you; you are beset by harpies, knaves and blockheads, who are employing every artifice and falsehood to effect your ruin. The plan of federal government is fraught with every thing favourable to your happiness, your freedom and your future welfare: if you reject it, posterity will execrate your memories, and ceaselessly insult your ashes: if you adopt it, they will revere your departed shades, and offer up libations of gratitude on your tombs.

May that wisdom which is profitable to direct guide your judgments—and may you, by adopting the federal government, secure to yourselves and your posterity every social and religious advantage, and every national blessing.

CASSIUS.

Cassius, IV.

The Massachusetts Gazette, (Number 385)

FRIDAY, NOVEMBER 23, 1787.

For the Massachusetts Gazette.