Part 29

Let us turn our eyes to a more fruitful subject; let us consider the present condition of the United States, and the particular benefits that North Carolina must reap by the proposed form of government. Without money no government can be supported; and Congress can raise no money under the present constitution. They have not the power to make commercial treaties, because they cannot preserve them when made. Hence it is, that we are the prey of every nation. We are indulged in such foreign commerce as must be hurtful to us; we are prohibited from that which might be profitable; and we are accordingly told, that in the last two years, the thirteen states have hardly paid into the treasury as much as should have been paid by a single state. Intestine commotions in some of the states—paper money in others—a want of inclination in some, and a general suspicion throughout the union that the burden is unequally laid—added to the general loss of trade—have produced a general bankruptcy, and loss of honor. We have borrowed money of Spain—she demands the principal, but we cannot pay the interest. It is a circumstance perfectly humiliating, that we should remain under obligations to that nation. We are considerably indebted to France; but she is too generous to insist upon what she knows we cannot pay, either the principal or interest. In the hour of distress, we borrowed money in Holland; not from the government but from private citizens. Those who were called the patriots, were our friends, and they are oppressed in their turn by hosts of enemies. They will soon have need of money. At this hour, we are not able to pay the interest of their loan. What is to be done? Will you borrow money again from other citizens of that oppressed republic, to pay the interest of what you borrowed from their brethren? This would a painful expedient: but our want of government may render it necessary. You have two or three ministers abroad; they must soon return home, for they cannot be supported. You have four or five hundred troops scattered along the Ohio to protect the frontier inhabitants, and give some value to your lands; those troops are ill paid, and in a fair way for being disbanded. There is hardly a circumstance remaining—hardly one external mark—by which you can deserve to be called a nation. You are not in a condition to resist the most contemptuous enemy. What is there to prevent an Algerine pirate from landing on your coast, and carrying your citizens into slavery? You have not a single sloop of war. Does one of the states attempt to raise a little money by imposts or other commercial regulations? A neighbouring state immediately alters her laws, and defeats the revenue by throwing the trade into a different channel. Instead of supporting or assisting, we are uniformly taking the advantage of one another. Such an assemblage of people are not a nation. Like a dark cloud, without cohesion or firmness, we are ready to be torn asunder, and scattered abroad by every breeze of external violence, or internal commotion.

Is there a man in this state, who believes it possible for us to continue under such a government? Let us suppose but for a minute, that such a measure should be attempted. Let us suppose that the several states shall be required and obliged to pay their several quotas according to the original plan. You know that North Carolina, in the last four years, has not paid one dollar into the treasury for eight dollars that she ought to have paid. We must increase our taxes exceedingly, and those taxes must be of the most grievous kind; they must be taxes on land and heads, taxes that cannot fail to grind the face of the poor; for it is clear that we can raise little by imports and exports. Some foreign goods are imported by water from the northern states: such goods pay a duty for the benefit of those states, which is seldom drawn back. This operates as a tax upon our citizens. On this side, Virginia promotes her revenue to the amount of twenty-five thousand dollars every year, by a tax on our tobacco that she exports. South Carolina, on the other side, may avail herself of similar opportunities. Two-thirds of foreign goods that are consumed in this state, are imported by land from Virginia or South Carolina. Such goods pay a certain impost for the benefit of the importing states, but our treasury is not profited by this commerce. By such means our citizens are taxed more than one hundred thousand dollars every year; but the state does not receive credit for a shilling of that money. Like a patient that is bleeding at both arms, North Carolina must soon expire under such wasteful operations. Unless I am greatly mistaken, we have seen enough of the state of the union, and of North Carolina in particular, to be assured that another form of government is become necessary. Is the form of government now proposed well calculated to give relief? To this we must answer in the affirmative. All foreign goods that shall be imported into these states, are to pay a duty for the use of the nation. All the states will be on a footing, whether they have bad ports or good ones. No duties will be laid on exports; hence the planter will receive the true value for his produce, wherever it may be shipped. If excises are laid on wine, spirits, or other luxuries, they must be uniform throughout the states. By a careful management of imposts and excises, the national expenses may be discharged without any other species of tax; but if a poll tax or land tax shall ever become necessary, the weight must press equally on every part of the union. For in all cases such taxes must be according to the number of inhabitants. Is it not a pleasing consideration that North Carolina, under all her natural disadvantages, must have the same facility of paying her share of the public debt, as the most favoured, or the most fortunate state? She gains no advantage by this plan, but she recovers from her misfortunes. She stands on the same footing with her sisters, and they are too generous to desire that she should stand on lower ground. When you consider those parts of the new system which are of the greatest import—those which respect the general question of liberty and safety—you will recollect that the states in convention were unanimous; and you must remember, that some of the members of that body have risqued their lives in defence of liberty: but the system does not require the help of such arguments; it will bear the most scrupulous examination.

When you refer the proposed system to the particular circumstances of North Carolina, and consider how she is to be affected by this plan, you must find the utmost reason to rejoice in the prospect of better times. This is a sentiment that I have ventured with the greater confidence, because it is the general opinion of my late honourable colleagues,(63) and I have the utmost reliance in their superior abilities. But if our constituents shall discover faults where we could not see any—or if they shall suppose that a plan is formed for abridging their liberties, when we imagined that we had been securing both liberty and property on a more stable foundation—if they perceive that they are to suffer a loss, where we thought they must rise from a misfortune—they will, at least do us the justice to charge those errors to the head, and not to the heart.

The proposed system is now in your hands, and with it the fate of your country. We have a common interest for we are embarked in the same vessel. At present she is in a sea of trouble, without sails, oars, or pilot; ready to be dashed to pieces by every flaw of wind. You may secure a port, unless you think it better to remain at sea. If there is any man among you that wishes for troubled times and fluctuating measures, that he may live by speculations, and thrive by the calamities of the state, this government is not for him.

If there is any man who envies the prosperity of a native citizen—who wishes that we should remain without native merchants or seamen, without shipping, without manufactures, without commerce—poor and contemptible, the tributaries of a sovereign country—this government is not for him.

And if there is any man who has never been reconciled to our independence, who wishes to see us degraded and insulted abroad, oppressed by anarchy at home, and torn into pieces by factions—incapable of resistance, and ready to become a prey to the first invader—this government is not for him.

But it is a government, unless I am greatly mistaken, that gives the fairest promise of being firm and honourable; safe from foreign invasion or domestic sedition—a government by which our commerce must be protected and enlarged; the value of our produce and of our lands must be increased; the labourer and the mechanic must be encouraged and supported. It is a form of government that is perfectly fitted for protecting liberty and property, and for cherishing the good citizen and honest man.

LETTER OF A STEADY AND OPEN REPUBLICAN, WRITTEN BY CHARLES PINCKNEY.

Printed In The State Gazette Of South Carolina, May, 1788.

Note.

In the file of the _State Gazette of South Carolina_ in the possession of the Charleston Chamber of Commerce, a slip is inserted opposite this essay, on which is writing contemporary with the paper, stating that it was written by Charles Pinckney. It is almost the only essay on this subject contained in the file, which is not merely extracted from some northern paper; and Pinckney was, indeed, almost the only South Carolinian who had given any attention to the subject involved, or who wrote for the press.

A Republican.

The State Gazette Of South Carolina, (Number 3610)

MONDAY, MAY 5, 1788.

MRS. TIMOTHY:

The enclosed,(64) copied from a paper sent me by a friend, seems so peculiarly adapted to our present situation, that I cannot forbear selecting it from the crowd of publications since the appearance of the proposed Federal Constitution, and recommending it, thro’ your paper, to the most serious attention of all our fellow-citizens; but previously a few HINTS, by way of introduction, will not, I hope, be impertinent.

New Hampshire and Georgia are the two extreme barriers of the United States, if the latter can with any propriety be called a barrier without this state in conjunction; and both together, we know, are not, in point of force, ready for any sudden emergency, to be compared to New Hampshire.

It cannot be doubted that Great Britain has her busy emissaries throughout the states, and not a few amongst us; and should the Constitution be rejected, how long can we flatter ourselves to be free from Indian cruelties and depredations, some time since begun in Georgia, and if at this moment warded off from us, ’tis principally owing to the dread of an efficacious union of the states by the adoption of the Federal Constitution. The three southern states particularly, we have had for several years past, good grounds to think Great Britain wishes to separate from the rest, and to have reverted to her if possible.

Mr. Martin’s(65) long mischievous detail of the opinions and proceedings of the late general convention, (already occupying a large space in six of your Gazettes, and still unfinished,) with all his colourings and uncandid insinuations, in regard to General Washington and Doct. Franklin, may suit the short-sighted selfish wishes of _an individual_ of a state situated almost in the centre of the rest, and much safer by that means from sudden alarms. But the generous, manly _and truly federal sentiments of Maryland_ are well known, and ’tis not doubted will be unequivocally shewn at her convention very shortly to be held—and that New Hampshire, early in her first meeting on that important subject, has only by consent taken farther time to consider of it, and will at her next meeting adopt it, is the general opinion.

What pity the salutary caution of Doct. Franklin, just previous to his signing the constitution recommended by the convention, had not been strictly attended to! If we split, it will in all probability happen in running headlong on the dangerous rock he so prophetically (as it were) warned us from, “That the opinions of the errors of the constitution born within the walls of the convention, should die there, and not a syllable be whispered abroad.” This Hint is full of that foresight and penetration the Doctor has always been remarkable for.

When the general convention met, no citizen of the United States could expect less from it than I did, so many jarring interests and prejudices to reconcile! The variety of pressing dangers at our doors, even during the war, were barely sufficient to force us to act in concert, and necessarily give way at times to each other. But when the great work was done and published, I was not only most agreeably disappointed, but struck with amazement. Nothing less than that superintending hand of Providence, that so miraculously carried us through the war (in my humble opinion), could have brought it about so complete, upon the whole.

The constitution recommended, in all respects, takes its rise where it ought, from the people; its President, Senate, and House of Representatives, are sufficient and wholesome checks on each other, and at proper periods are dissolved again into the common mass of the people: longer periods would probably have produced danger; shorter, tumult, instability and inefficacy. Every article of these and other essentials to a republican government, are, in my opinion, well secured; were it otherwise, not a citizen of the United States would have been more alarmed, or more early in opposition to it, than

A STEADY AND OPEN REPUBLICAN.

_Charleston, May 2d, 1788._

BIBLIOGRAPHY.

[This list is only of those essays to which some clue of authorship has been found. When written over a pen name the pseudonym is added.—_Ed._]

Brackenridge, Hugh Henry. Pittsburg Gazette.

Bryan, Samuel. “Centinel.” Independent Gazetteer.

Carroll, Daniel. “A Friend to the Constitution.” Maryland Journal.

Chase, Samuel. “Caution.” Maryland Journal.

Clinton, De Witt. “A Countryman.” New York Journal.

Clinton, George. “Cato.” New York Journal.

Coxe, Tench. “A Freeman.” Pennsylvania Gazette.

Coxe, Tench. “An American.” Independent Gazetteer.

Coxe, Tench. “A Pennsylvanian.” Pennsylvania Gazette.

Duer, William. “Philo-Publius.” Daily Advertiser.

Davie, William Richardson. “Publicola.” North Carolina State Gazette.

Dickinson, John. “Fabius.” Humphrey’s Mercury.

Ellsworth, Oliver. “A Landholder.” Connecticut Courant.

Findley, William. “An Officer of the Continental Army.” Independent Gazetteer.

Gerry, Elbridge. Massachusetts Centinel.

Gerry, Elbridge. American Herald.

Hamilton, Alexander. “Publius.” Various papers.

Hamilton, Alexander. “Cæsar.” Daily Advertiser.

Hanson, Alexander Contee. “Aristides.” Maryland Journal.

Hopkinson, Francis. “A. B.” Independent Gazetteer.

Iredell, James. “Marcus.” North Carolina State Gazette.

Jay, John. “Publius.” Various papers.

Lamb, John. “Conciliator.” New York Journal.

McKnight, Dr. Charles. “The Examiner.” Daily Advertiser.

Martin, Luther. Maryland Journal.

Madison, James. “Publius.” Various papers.

Nicholas, John. “Decius.” Virginia Independent Chronicle.

Pinckney, Charles. “A Steady and Open Republican.” State Gazette of South Carolina.

Randolph, Thomas Mann. “A Republican Federalist.” Virginia Independent Chronicle.

Roane, Spencer. “A Plain Dealer.” Virginia Independent Chronicle.

Sherman, Roger. “A Countryman.” New Haven Gazette.

Sherman, Roger. “A Citizen of New Haven.” New Haven Gazette.

Sullivan, James. “Cassius.” Massachusetts Gazette.

Tucker, St. George. “A State Soldier.” Virginia Independent Chronicle.

Williams, William. American Mercury.

Williamson, Hugh. North Carolina State Gazette.

Winthrop, James. “Agrippa.” Massachusetts Gazette.

Workman, Benjamin. “Philadelphiensis.” Independent Gazetteer.

Yates, Robert. “Brutus.” New York Journal.

Yates, Robert. “Sydney.” New York Journal.

INDEX.

“A. B.,” pseudonym of, 416.

Adams, John, 117, 231.

“Agrippa,” pseudonym of, 22, 29, 49, 417.

“American,” pseudonym of, 415.

American Herald, 123, 416.

American Mercury, 417.

American Museum, 315.

Anarchy, danger of, 15, 165; predicted, 18.

Anti-Federalists, character of, 25.

“Aristides,” pseudonym of, 372, 416.

Aristocracy, favorers of, 5; small danger of, 165; southern, 258; causes of, 298; tendencies to, 223.

Articles of Confederation, 238; advantages of, 77; amendment of, 80, 98; defects in, 255; ease of amendment of, 117; proposed amendment to, 84.

Baldwin, Simeon, 213.

Ballot, 305.

Baltimore, 327, 333.

Bill of rights, 28, 95, 113, 117, 119, 163, 219, 299, 320, 325, 364.

Blair, John, 162.

Bowdoin, James, 3, 6.

Brackenridge, H. H., 315, 415.

“Brutus,” pseudonym of, 269, 295, 417.

Bryan, George, 221.

Bryan, Samuel, 415.

“Cæsar,” pseudonym of, 245, 250, 279, 416.

Canada, 191; dangers from, 157.

Capital, 262; place for, 73, 321.

Capitation tax, 272.

“Capt. M’Daniel,” pseudonym of, 122.

Carroll, Daniel, 325, 329, 415.

Carthage, 93.

“Cassius,” pseudonym of, 1, 51, 416.

“Cato,” pseudonym of, 243, 281, 415.

“Caution,” pseudonym of, 323, 415.

“Centinel, The,” pseudonym of, 218, 415.

“Charles James Fox,” pseudonym of, 51.

Chase, Samuel, 323, 415; promises of, 333; speech of, 325.

Childs, Francis, 250.

“Citizen of New Haven,” pseudonym of, 229, 416.

Citizenship, 270; rights of, 42.

Clinton, De Witt, 415.

Clinton, George, 173, 243, 281, 415.

Coinage, uniformity of, 35.

Coke, 266.

Commerce of America, 95; inter-state, congressional power over, 118; regulation of, 97.

Commercial treaties, power to make, 234.

“Conciliator,” pseudonym of, 416.

Congress, Continental, action on the Constitution, 253, 289; retrospective view of, 298; inadequate powers of, 34.

Congress, difference between state legislature and, 224; length of session of, 239; members of, 225; character of, 227; character from South, 258; election of, 86; privileges of, 33; restriction on, 234; interest of, 220; journal of, 33; nature of, 267; powers of, 27, 32, 34, 41, 98; to alienate territory, 80; to coerce the states, 184; over delinquent states, 358; over citizens, 80; over elections, 30, 37, 118, 276; over inter-state commerce, 118; over judiciary, 66; over militia, 184; law-making powers of, 45; of taxation, 235; over territories, 43; over trade, 61; representation in, 151.

Connecticut, 183, 355; address to, 215; constitution of, 148; Courant, 135, 415; convention, 178, 207; legislature of, 219; manufactures of, 202; taxation in, 74, 148; tribute to New York from, 180.

Constituents, instructions from, 28.

Constitution, a creation of power, 145, 147; adequacy of, 35; adopting clause of, 131, 184, 362; advantages of, 21; amendment of, 44, 100, 118, 200, 233, 251, 284, 334; attempts to surprise the people with, 327; character of opposers of, 11, 143; comparison of, 339; with constitution of N. Y., 297; with English, 381; consolidating tendencies of, 65, 69, 70, 158, 258, 297; construction of, 43; objections to, 25, 53, 132, 151; definition of, 116; despotic power of, 28; effect of, 95; excellence of language of, 156; expense of, 60; general clauses of, 83, 96, 119; importance of, 248; judicial power under, 39; laws made under, 360; merits of, 27; new powers granted by, 238; powers under, 153, 156, 163, 220; opposition to, 39; preamble of, 208; reasons for not submitting to state legislature, 139; reception of, 9; rejection of, 100; remarks on, 237, 395; supreme law of the land, 184; want of explicitness in, 155, 260, 265; should be tried before amending, 235; writers against, 12.

Convention, Federal, 238, 247, 284, 287; appeals to the people, 140; character of the members of, 20; committees of, 348; dissenting members of, 104; harmony of, 191; ignorance of the members of, 22; illegal action of, 104; irritated condition of, 367; journals of, 347; large vs. small states in, 355; meetings of, 345; meetings of members of, 355; object of, 35; powers of, 252, 290; proceedings in, 130, 174, 183, 341; secrecy of, 252, 298; spirit of, 167; wisdom of, 252.

Convention, second, 62, 235, 375.

Council, lack of, 162.

“Countryman, A,” pseudonym of, 211, 415, 416.

Courts, Federal, 36, 40, 83.

Courts, State, 54.

Coxe, Tench, 415.

Credit, public, 73, 197.

Creditors, public, 60; justice to, 35.

Criminal prosecution, laws for, 67.

Daily Advertiser, 250, 279, 415, 416.

Davie, William Richardson, 415.

Debt, Continental, 60, 73, 77, 95, 97, 127.

Debtors, opposition of, to constitution, 144.

“Decius,” pseudonym of, 416.

Delaware, 163, 355.

Dickinson, John, 415.

Duer, William, 415.

Duties, 77; Massachusetts’ share of, 84; paid by consumers, 271; uniformity of, 35.

Eastern states, carrying trade of, 162.

Elections, 116; frequency of, 227; power of Congress over, 30, 118, 276; provisions for, 37.

Ellsworth, Oliver, 135, 415.

England, laws of, against treason, 42; religious freedom in, 168.

Europe, governments of, 256; treaties with, 89.

“Examiner,” pseudonym of, 18, 416.

Excise forbidden, 118.

Executive, 158, 260, 310; advice of, 38; blended with legislative, 240, 275; council for, 163; impeachment of, 39; ineligible, after service, 234; may be a woman, 319; method of electing, 263; not specified, 319; objections to, 162; powers of, 39, 261; power over pardon, 234, 240; power to convene Congress, 275; re-eligibility of, 354, 374; to be elected annually, 119; under constitution, 37; vote of, 38; veto power of, 34.

Ex post facto law, 163.

“Fabius,” pseudonym of, 415.

Federal Government, necessity for, 141.

Federalists, aristocratic tendencies of, 89.

Findley, William, 100, 321, 415.

Fisheries, 194; power over, 234.

Flax, 202.

Foreign influence, 103.

Foreign nations, intercourse with, 80.

Forests, value of, 194.

France, public debt to, 73.

Franchise, 226.

Frankland, 258.

Franklin, Benjamin, 23, 26, 218, 321, 370.

“Freeman,” pseudonym of, 415.

“Friend to the Constitution,” 329, 415.

Georgia, 164, 190, 259, 355.

Gerry, Elbridge, 25, 51, 53, 104, 123, 127, 130, 137, 161, 172, 182, 186, 339, 341, 350, 416; conciliating conduct of, 174; hypocrisy of, 174; objections to constitutions, 132; remarks on, 150.

Goddard, William, 341.

Government, divisions of, 116; encroaching tendencies of, 376; General and State linked, 153; Greek and Roman, 55; importance, 247; necessity of, to society, 111; opposition to, 24; a strong one necessary for liberty, 147.

Great Britain, dangers from, 190; resentment of, 89.

Habeas corpus, suspension of, 36.

Hamilton, Alexander, 245, 279, 416.

Hampshire Gazette, 5.

Hancock, John, 3, 5, 10.

Hanson, Alexander Contee, 372, 416.

Hartford, 216.

Harvard College Library, 40.

Holland, public debt due, 73.

Hopkinson, Francis, 416.

Humphrey’s Mercury, 415.

Impeachment, 39, 233, 312, 391; in Massachusetts, 41; methods of, 30; powers of Senate in, 29.

Independent Chronicle, 5.

Independent Gazetteer, 218, 415, 416, 417.

India, trade with, 109.

Indian affairs, 301; lands, 300.

Iredell, James, 416.

Jay, John, 416.

Judiciary, 54, 159, 235, 241; appeals to, 130, 184, 361; appointment of, 69; dangers from, 66, 164; federal, 83; limits of 67, 118; national, 309; oppressiveness of, 159; powers of, 96; restrictions on federal, 119; state, 241.

“Junius,” pseudonym of, 51.

Jury, trial by, 41, 131, 308.

“Kempis, O’Flanagan,” pseudonym of, 51.

Lamb, John, 173, 245, 416.

“Landholder, A,” 129, 135, 205, 339, 344, 415; replies to, 123.

Land grants, power of courts over, 75.

Lands, western, 60, 63, 73.