c. 3 (1721) declared combinations among the journeymen tailors unlawful

in London, Westminster, and the Bills of Mortality, and fixed the hours of labour, thirteen, and the maximum wages, two shillings a day, from the end of March to the end of June, and one and eightpence for the rest of the year. Justices were given power to alter the rates at Quarter Sessions.]

3. A DISPUTE IN THE NORTHHUMBERLAND AND DURHAM COAL INDUSTRY [_Newcastle Chronicle, September 21, 1765_], 1765.

Whereas several scandalous and false reports have been and still continue to be spread abroad in the country concerning the Pitmen in the Counties of Durham and Northumberland absenting from their respective employments before the expiration of their Bonds: This is therefore to inform the Public that most of the Pitmen in the aforesaid Counties of Durham and Northumberland were bound the latter end of August, and the remainder of them were bound the beginning of September, 1764, and they served till the 24th or 25th of August, 1765, which they expect is the due time of their servitude; but the honourable Gentlemen in the Coal Trade will not let them be free till the 11th of November, 1765, which, instead of 11 months and 15 days, the respective time of their Bonds, is upwards of 14 months. So they leave the most censorious to judge whether they be right or wrong. For they are of opinion that they are free from any Bond wherein they were bound.--And an advertisement appearing in the newspapers last week commanding all persons not to employ any Pitmen whatever for the support of themselves and families, it is confidently believed that they who were the authors of the said advertisement are designed to reduce the industrious poor of the aforesaid counties to the greatest misery: as all the necessaries of Life are at such exorbitant prices, that it is impossible for them to support their families without using some other lawful means, which they will and are determined to do, as the said advertisement has caused the people whom they were employed under to discharge them from their service:--Likewise the said honourable Gentlemen have agreed and signed an Article, not to employ any Pitmen that has served in any other colliery the year before; which will reduce them to still greater hardships, as they will be obliged to serve in the same colliery for life; which they conjecture will take away the ancient character of this Kingdom as being a free nation.--So the Pitmen are not designed to work for or serve any of the said Gentlemen, in any of their collieries, till they be fully satisfied that the said Article is dissolved, and new Bonds and Agreements made and entered into for the year ensuing.

4. SICKNESS AND UNEMPLOYMENT BENEFIT CLUBS AMONG THE WOOLCOMBERS [_House of Commons Journals, Vol._ XLIX, _pp._ 323-4], 1794.

March 13, 1794. Report on Woolcombers' Petitions, 323.

William Gates being asked whether it was usual to go from place to place to seek employment, he said it was, and that their clubs or societies subsist them till they get work.... And being asked, whether there are any number of woolcombers who do not belong to the societies, he said, "There are some, but not one in one hundred that does not belong to some society."

Jonathan Sowton ... was asked, of what nature the clubs were. He said, "It is a contribution upon every woolcomber (who is willing to be a member of a club) according to the exigencies of their affairs: the one end of it is to enable the woolcombers to travel from place to place to seek for employment, when work is scarce where he resides; and the other end of it is to have relief when he is sick wherever he may be; and if he should die to be buried by the club; and it is necessary for him, to entitle himself to be relieved by these clubs, to have a certificate from the club to which he belongs, that he has behaved well in and to the woolcombing trade, and that he is an honest man; but if he defrauds anybody, he loses his claim to that certificate, and to the advantages belonging to it."[367]

[Footnote 367: _Cf._ A Proclamation against combinations in the Woolcombing industry (in Notes and Queries, Series III, Vol. 12, September 21, 1867, pp. 224-5) in February, 1718, reciting that their Societies interfered in questions of prices and apprentices and, if a member was thrown out of work on account of such interference, "they fed them with money till they could again get employment, in order to oblige their masters to employ them for want of other hands."]

5. COMBINATION ACT [_Statutes_,39 _Geo. III_, 86], 1799.

... All contracts, covenants, and agreements whatsoever, in writing or not in writing, at any time or times heretofore made or entered into by any journeymen manufacturers or other workmen, or other persons within this kingdom, for obtaining an advance of wages of them or any of them, or any other journeymen manufacturers or other workmen, or other persons in manufacture, trade, or business, or for lessening or altering their or any of their usual hours or time of working or for decreasing the quantity of work, or for preventing or hindering any person or persons from employing whomsoever he, she, or they shall think proper to employ in his, her, or their manufacture, trade, or business, in the conduct or management thereof, shall be and the same are hereby declared to be illegal, null, and void, to all intents and purposes whatsoever.

[Workmen making such agreements or combinations, or endeavouring to prevent others from hiring themselves or to induce them to quit work, or attending a meeting or persuading others to attend a meeting for such purposes, are made liable to three months imprisonment in common gaol or two months in the house of correction.]

6. COMBINATION ACT [_Statutes_, 39 _and_40 _Geo. III, c._ 106], 1800.

An Act to repeal an Act, passed in the last session of Parliament, intituled, An Act to prevent unlawful combinations of workmen; and to substitute other provisions in lieu thereof.

[All contracts heretofore entered into for obtaining an advance of wages, altering the usual time of working, decreasing the quantity of work, &c. (except contracts between masters and men) shall be void.]

II. And be it further enacted, that no journeyman, workman, or other person shall at any time after the passing of this act make or enter into, or be concerned in the making of or entering into any such contract, covenant, or agreement, in writing or not in writing, as is hereinbefore declared to be an illegal covenant, contract, or agreement; and every journeyman and workman or other person who, after the passing of this act, shall be guilty of any of the said offences, being thereof lawfully convicted, within three calendar months next after the offence shall have been committed, shall, by order of such justices, be committed to and confined in the common gaol, within his or their jurisdiction, for any time not exceeding three calendar months, or at the discretion of such justices shall be committed to some house of correction within the same jurisdiction, there to remain and to be kept to hard labour for any time not exceeding two calendar months.

III. And be it further enacted, that every journeyman or workman, or other person, who shall at any time after the passing of this act enter into any combination to obtain an advance of wages, or to lessen or alter the hours or duration of the time of working, or to decrease the quantity of work, or for any other purpose contrary to this act, or who shall, by giving money, or by persuasion, solicitation, or intimidation, or any other means, wilfully and maliciously endeavour to prevent any unhired or unemployed journeyman or workman, or other person, in any manufacture, trade, or business, or any other person wanting employment in such manufacture, trade, or business, from hiring himself to any manufacturer or tradesman, or person conducting any manufacture, trade, or business, or who shall, for the purpose of obtaining an advance of wages, or for any other purpose contrary to the provisions of this act, wilfully and maliciously decoy, persuade, solicit, intimidate, influence, or prevail, or attempt or endeavour to prevail, on any journeyman or workman, or other person hired or employed, or to be hired or employed in any such manufacture, trade, or business, to quit or leave his work, service, or employment, or who shall wilfully and maliciously hinder or prevent any manufacturer or tradesman, or other person, from employing in his or her manufacture, trade, or business, such journeymen, workmen, and other persons as he or she shall think proper, or who, being hired or employed, shall, without any just or reasonable cause, refuse to work with any other journeyman or workman employed or hired to work therein, and who shall be lawfully convicted of any of the said offences, shall, by order of such justices, be committed to and be confined in the common gaol, within his or their jurisdiction, for any time not exceeding three calendar months; or otherwise be committed to some house of correction within the same jurisdiction, there to remain and to be kept to hard labour for any time not exceeding two calendar months.

IV. And for the more effectual suppression of all combinations amongst journeymen, workmen, and other persons employed in any manufacture, trade or business, be it further enacted, that all and every persons and person whomsoever, (whether employed in any such manufacture, trade, or business, or not), who shall attend any meeting had or held for the purpose of making or entering into any contract, covenant, or agreement, by this act declared to be illegal, or of entering into, supporting, maintaining, continuing, or carrying on any combination for any purpose by this act declared to be illegal, or who shall summons, give notice to, call upon, persuade, entice, solicit, or by intimidation, or any other means, endeavour to induce any journeyman, workman, or other person employed in any manufacture, trade, or business, to attend any such meeting, or who shall collect, demand, ask, or receive any sum of money from any such journeyman, workman, or other person, for any of the purposes aforesaid, or who shall persuade, entice, solicit, or by intimidation, or any other means, endeavour to induce any such journeyman, workman, or other person to enter into or be concerned in any such combination, or who shall pay any sum of money, or make or enter into any subscription or contribution, for or towards the support or encouragement of any such illegal meeting or combination, and who shall be lawfully convicted of any of the said offences, within three calendar months next after the offence shall have been committed, shall, by order of such justices, be committed to and confined in the common gaol within his or their jurisdiction, for any time not exceeding three calendar months, or otherwise be committed to some house of correction within the same jurisdiction, there to remain and be kept to hard labour for any time not exceeding two calendar months.

VI. And be it further enacted, that all sums of money which at any time heretofore have been paid or given as a subscription or contribution for or towards any of the purposes prohibited by this act, and shall, for the space of three calendar months next after the passing of this act, remain undivided in the hands of any treasurer, collector, receiver, trustee, agent, or other person, or placed out at interest, and all sums of money which shall at any time after the passing of this act, be paid or given as a subscription or contribution for or towards any of the purposes prohibited by this act, shall be forfeited, one moiety thereof to his Majesty, and the other moiety to such person as will sue for the same in any of his Majesty's courts of record at Westminster; and any treasurer, collector, receiver, trustee, agent, or other person in whose hands or in whose name any such sum of money shall be, or shall be placed out, or unto whom the same shall have been paid or given, shall and may be sued for the same as forfeited as aforesaid.

[All contracts between masters or other persons for reducing the wages of workmen or for altering the hours of work or for increasing the quantity of work, are to be void. Masters convicted of such agreements, shall be fined 20l.: half to go to the Crown, half to the informer and the poor of the parish.]

XVIII. And whereas it will be a great convenience and advantage to masters and workmen engaged in manufactures, that a cheap and summary mode be established for settling all disputes that may arise between them respecting wages and work; be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that, from and after the first day of August in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred, in all cases that shall or may arise within that part of Great Britain called England, where the masters and workmen cannot agree respecting the price or prices to be paid for work actually done in any manufacture, or any injury or damage done or alleged to have been done by the workmen to the work, or respecting any delay or supposed delay on the part of the workmen in finishing the work, or the not finishing such work in a good and workmanlike manner, or according to any contract; and in all cases of dispute or difference, touching any contract or agreement for work or wages between masters and workmen in any trade or manufacture, which cannot be otherwise mutually adjusted and settled by and between them, it shall and may be, and it is hereby declared to be lawful for such masters and workmen between whom such dispute or difference shall arise as aforesaid, or either of them, to demand and have an arbitration or reference of such matter or matters in dispute; and each of them is hereby authorized and empowered forthwith to nominate and appoint an arbitrator for and on his respective part and behalf, to arbitrate and determine such matter or matters in dispute as aforesaid by writing, subscribed by him in the presence of and attested by one witness, in the form expressed in the second schedule to this Act; and to deliver the same personally to the other party, or to leave the same for him at his usual place of abode, and to require the other party to name an arbitrator in like manner within two days after such reference to arbitrators shall have been so demanded; and such arbitrators so appointed as aforesaid, after they shall have accepted and taken upon them the business of the said arbitration, are hereby authorised and required to summon before them, and examine upon oath the parties and their witnesses, (which oath the said arbitrators are hereby authorised and required to administer according to the form set forth in the second schedule to this act), and forthwith to proceed to hear and determine the complaints of the parties, and the matter or matters in dispute between them; and the award to be made by such arbitrators within the time being after limited, shall in all cases be final and conclusive between the parties; but in case such arbitrators so appointed shall not agree to decide such matter or matters in dispute, so to be referred to them as aforesaid, and shall not make and sign their award within the space of three days after the signing of the submission to their award by both parties, that then it shall be lawful for the parties or either of them to require such arbitrators forthwith and without delay to go before and attend upon one of his Majesty's justices of the peace acting in and for the county, riding, city, liberty, division, or place where such dispute shall happen and be referred, and state to such justice the points in difference between them the said arbitrators, which points in difference the said justice shall and is hereby authorised and required to hear and determine and for that purpose to examine the parties and their witnesses upon oath, if he shall think fit.[368]

[Footnote 368: Compare Pt. III. Section III, Nos. 7 and 8 Arbitration Acts, pp. 568 & 570.]

7. THE SCOTTISH WEAVERS' STRIKE [_Report from Committee on Artizans and Machinery_, 1824 (_V_), _pp._ 60-63], 1812.

Evidence of Mr. Alex. Richmond. 23 February, 1824.

Were you one of the delegates appointed by the workmen in Glasgow?

Yes; on the failure of the last application to Parliament the association turned its attention to some Acts of Parliament that were discovered, empowering the justices of the peace to affix rates of wages, with a view to raising the wages; the fact was, fluctuation was a greater evil perhaps, than the lowness of the rate; previous to that period, fluctuations, to the extent of thirty per cent., took place in the course of a month, in the price of labour; an attempt was made to get an extra-judicial arrangement with the masters; the masters were divided in opinion upon the point, some of them were for a regulation, others opposed it; after several ineffectual attempts to come to an arrangement with that part of the masters who opposed it, part of the masters being in the interest of the operatives, at last a process was entered before the quarter sessions.

Will you state how the process proceeded?

The justices of the peace found the rate demanded reasonable; it was amended in some instances, and the masters immediately refused to pay the rate. Our counsel in the process had consented, for the purpose of obviating the difficulties and getting over the objections that might be made against the expediency, to withdraw the imperative part of the prayer; the prayer of the petition originally founded upon, prayed, that they might be compelled to pay the price, but it was only a declaratory decision, as the imperative part was withdrawn, for the purpose of preventing the difficulty; we then, as the masters refused to pay, tried every method of getting an extra-judicial decision. The present Lord Justice Clerk had been a member of the Committee of the House of Commons in 1809, and appeared decidedly opposed to the principle of interference; and we conceived from the sentiments of the court, that though they had decided the law, if we went on the expediency of the case, we might very likely lose, and we determined therefore to try the experiment of striking work.

What was the result of this strike?

About three weeks after the effort commenced, there was a direct interference, on the part of government, to suppress it, by the apprehension of all the parties concerned.

What do you mean by the apprehension of all the parties concerned?

There was a committee of five, who had conducted the process during the whole period, and we were all apprehended and committed to gaol.

You were one of the five?

I was.

Under what law were you apprehended?

There was no specific law. There was a case I might have mentioned, but as it applies to the combination, I will introduce it here. In 1811, a combination had taken place amongst the cotton spinners; and in a case that was aggravated by assault, that was tried at the Glasgow circuit, the present Lord President Hope, who then presided, stated it as an aggravation of the crime of combination, that there was a clear remedy in law, as the magistrates had full power and authority to affix rates of wages, or settle disputes: that was the ground on which we entered the action in 1812. In the face of this, after having acted upon it on this principle, the mere act of striking work in a body was construed as an infringement of the Combination Law; and after having acted upon the authority of Lord President Hope, we were convicted, on what law I am yet at a loss to know.

Have there been any combinations, or any individuals prosecuted for combinations, since that period?

The only other branch of the cotton trade that ever had an association or combination efficient in Scotland, was the calico printers, and they were the next that were followed by the suppression of the cotton weavers' branch in 1815.

In what manner were they broken up?

By the interference of government; immediately after this case, the Lord Advocate proceeded against them, as public prosecutor in Scotland.

Were they paid higher than other mechanics?

Yes: their wages frequently averaged from forty to fifty shillings a week, previous to that; now they are down from twelve to fifteen shillings.

8. THE REPEAL OF THE COMBINATION ACTS [_Statutes_, 5 _Geo. IV_, 95], 1824.

An Act to repeal the Laws relative to the Combination of Workman; and for other purposes.

[A large number of statutes, wholly or partly repealed, including 39 & 40 Geo. III., 106, except the arbitration clauses.]

II. And be it further enacted, that journeymen, workmen or other persons who shall enter into any combination to obtain an advance, or to fix the rate of wages, or to lessen or alter the hours or duration of the time of working, or to decrease the quantity of work, or to induce another to depart from his service before the end of the time or term for which he is hired, or to quit or return his work before the same shall be finished, or, not being hired, to refuse to enter into work or employment, or to regulate the mode of carrying on any manufacture, trade or business, or the management thereof, shall not therefore be subject or liable to any indictment or prosecution for conspiracy, or to any other criminal information or punishment whatever, under the common or the statute law.

III. And be it further enacted, that masters, employers or other persons, who shall enter into any combination to lower or to fix the rate of wages, or to increase or alter the hours or duration of the time of working, or to increase the quantity of work, or to regulate the mode of carrying on any manufacture trade or business, or the management thereof, shall not therefore be subject or liable to any indictment or prosecution, or for conspiracy, or to any other criminal information or punishment whatever, under the common or the statute law.

V. And be it further enacted, that if any person, by violence to the person or property, by threats or by intimidation, shall wilfully or maliciously force another to depart from his hiring or work before the end of the time or term for which he is hired, or return his work before the same shall be finished, or damnify, spoil or destroy any machinery, tools, goods, wares or work, or prevent any person not being hired from accepting any work or employment; or if any person shall wilfully or maliciously use or employ violence to the person or property, threats or intimidation towards another on account of his not complying with or conforming to any rules, orders, resolutions or regulations made to obtain an advance of wages, or to lessen or alter the hours of working, or to decrease the quantity of work, or to regulate the mode of carrying on any manufacture, trade or business, or the management thereof; or if any person, by violence to the person or property, by threats or by intimidation, shall wilfully or maliciously force any master or mistress manufacturer, his or her foreman or agent, to make any alteration in their mode of regulating, managing, conducting or carrying on their manufacture, trade or business; every person so offending, or causing, procuring, aiding, abetting or assisting in such offence, being convicted thereof in manner hereafter mentioned, shall be imprisoned only, or imprisoned and kept to hard labour, for any time not exceeding two calendar months.

VI. And be it further enacted, that if any persons shall combine, and by violence to the person or property or by threats or intimidation, wilfully and maliciously force another to depart from his service before the end of the time or term for which he or she is hired, or return his or her work before the same shall be finished, or damnify, spoil or destroy any machinery, tools, goods, wares or work, or prevent any person not being hired from accepting any work or employment; or if any persons so combined shall wilfully or maliciously use or employ violence to the person or property, or threats or intimidation towards another, on account of his or her not complying with or conforming to any rules, orders, resolutions or regulations made to obtain an advance of wages, or to lessen or alter the hours of working, or to decrease the quantity of work, or to regulate the mode of carrying on any manufacture, trade or business, or the management thereof; or if any persons shall combine, and by violence to the person or property, or by threats or intimidation, wilfully or maliciously force any master or mistress manufacturer, his or her foreman or agent, to make any alteration in their mode of regulating, managing, conducting or carrying on their manufacture, trade or business; each and every person so offending, or causing, procuring, aiding, abetting or assisting in such offence, being convicted thereof in manner hereinafter mentioned, shall be imprisoned only, or imprisoned and kept to hard labour, for any time not exceeding two calendar months.

9. A PROSECUTION OF STRIKERS UNDER THE COMMON LAW OF CONSPIRACY [_The Times, June 4, 1824_], 1810.

_To the Editor of the Times._

SIR,--

That the Committee have proceeded, I will not say rashly, but, upon misinformation, will be evident from a slight attention to the evidence of Mr. Richard Taylor, printer.

In reply to some introductory questions, he states that he has been a printer some 20 years--that he has turned his attention to the combination laws--and that his opinion is, that they are of no service. He afterwards states as follows:--

"There were some men imprisoned for combining a great many years ago, and that created a great deal of misunderstanding; for they were some of the most respectable of the workmen--those who had been intrusted by their fellow-workmen at large to negotiate an advance of prices with the masters; and of course the inflicting of imprisonment on men who are generally respected was a thing which created a great deal of ill-blood: a deal of mischief was the consequence of it."

Mr. Richard Taylor, then, here states that a great deal of mischief was effected by that prosecution. But what will the Committee say, if, when that evidence is put right, it shall be found to reflect not upon the Combination Laws now attempted to be repealed, but upon the old common law, which it is intended to leave in force? Mr. Taylor makes a slight mistake as to the fact; which mistake being corrected, the whole tide of his argument is turned away from the Combination Laws, and made to bear upon the common law for conspiracy....

... How Mr. Taylor, knowing that some of the offenders in that case were sentenced to two years' imprisonment, and knowing, at the same time, that the Combination Laws do not admit of an imprisonment for more than three months, should yet say that those men were tried upon the Combination Laws, is most inconceivable.

I am, Sir, etc., J.W.[369]

[Footnote 369: John Walter, proprietor of _The Times_.]

10. AN ACT REVISING THE LAW AFFECTING COMBINATIONS [_Statutes_, 6 _Geo. IV_, 109], 1825.

An Act to repeal the Laws relating to the combination of Workmen, and to make other Provisions in lieu thereof.

III. And be it further enacted, that from and after the passing of this act, if any person shall by violence to the person or property or by threats or intimidation, or by molesting or in any way obstructing another, force or endeavour to force any journeyman, manufacturer, workman, or other person hired or employed in any manufacture, trade, or business to depart from his hiring, employment, or work, or to return his work before the same shall be finished, or prevent or endeavour to prevent any journeyman, manufacturer, workman, or other person not being hired or employed from hiring himself to or from accepting work or employment from any person or persons; or if any person shall use or employ violence to the person or property of another, or threats or intimidation, or shall molest or in any way obstruct another for the purpose of forcing or inducing such person to belong to any club or association, or to contribute to any common fund, or to pay any fine or penalty, or on account of his not belonging to any particular club or association, or not having contributed or having refused to contribute to any common fund, or to pay any fine or penalty, or on account of his not having complied or of his refusing to comply with any rules, orders, resolutions, or regulations made to obtain an advance or to reduce the rate of wages, or to lessen or alter the hours of working, or to decrease or alter the quantity of work, or to regulate the mode or carrying on any manufacture, trade, or business, or the management thereof; or if any person shall by violence to the person or property of another, or by threats or intimidation, or by molesting or in any way obstructing another, force or endeavour to force any manufacturer or person carrying on any trade or business to make an alteration in his mode of regulating, managing, conducting, or carrying on such manufacture, trade or business, or to limit the number of his apprentices, or the number or description of his journeymen, workmen or servants; every person so offending, or aiding, abetting, or assisting therein, being convicted thereof in manner hereinafter mentioned, shall be imprisoned only, or shall and may be imprisoned and kept to hard labour, for any time not exceeding three calendar months.

IV. Provided always, and be it enacted, that this act shall not extend to subject any persons to punishment who shall meet together for the sole purpose of consulting upon and determining the rate of wages or prices which the persons present at such meeting, or any of them, shall require or demand for his or their work, or the hours or time for which he or they shall work, in any manufacture, trade or business, or who shall enter into any agreement, verbal or written, among themselves, for the purpose of fixing the rate of wages or prices which the parties entering into such agreement, or any of them, shall require or demand for his or their work, or the hours of time for which he or they will work, in any manufacture, trade, or business; and that persons so meeting for the purposes aforesaid, or entering into any such agreement as aforesaid, shall not be liable to any prosecution or penalty for so doing; any law or statute to the contrary notwithstanding.

V. Provided also, and be it further enacted, that this act shall not extend to subject any persons to punishment who shall meet together for the sole purpose of consulting upon and determining the rate of wages or prices which the persons present at such meeting, or any of them, shall pay to his or their journeymen, workmen, or servants for their work, or the hours, or time of working, in any manufacture, trade, or business; or who shall enter into any agreement, verbal or written, among themselves, for the purpose of fixing the rate of wages or prices which the parties entering into such agreement, or any of them, shall pay to his or their journeymen, workmen, or servants for their work, or the hours or time of working, in any manufacture, trade or business; and that persons so meeting for the purposes aforesaid, or entering into any such agreement as aforesaid, shall not be liable to any prosecution or penalty for so doing, any law or statute to the contrary notwithstanding.

11. THE CONVICTION OF THE DORCHESTER LABOURERS [_The Times, March 20, 1834_], 1834.

Spring Assizes, Western Circuit, Dorchester. Monday, March 17. Crown Court (before Baron Williams). Administering unlawful oaths.

James Lovelace, George Lovelace, Thomas Stanfield, John Stanfield, James Hammet, and James Brine were indicted for administering ... a certain unlawful oath and engagement, purporting to bind the person taking the same not to inform or give evidence against any associate, and not to reveal or discover any such unlawful combination.[370] ...

John Lock.--I live at Half Puddle. I went to Toll Puddle a fortnight before Christmas. I know the prisoner James Brine. I saw him that evening at John Woolley's. He called me out and I went with him. He took me to Thomas Stanfield's, and asked me if I would go in with him. I refused and went away. I saw him in about a fortnight afterwards in a barn. He asked me if I would go to Toll Puddle with him. I agreed to do so. James Hammet was then with him. Edward Legg, Richard Peary, Henry Courtney, and Elias Riggs were with us. They joined us as we were going along. One of them asked if there would not be something to pay, and one said there would be 1s. to pay on entering, and 1d. a week after. We all went into Thomas Stanfield's house into a room upstairs. John Stanfield came to the door of the room. I saw James Lovelace and George Lovelace go along the passage. One of the men asked if we were ready. We said, yes. One of them said, "Then bind your eyes," and we took out handkerchiefs and bound over our eyes. They then led us into another room on the same floor. Someone then read a paper, but I don't know what the meaning of it was. After that we were asked to kneel down, which we did. Then there was some more reading; I don't know what it was about. It seemed to be out of some part of the Bible. Then we got up and took off the bandages from our eyes. I had then seen James Lovelace and John Stanfield in the room. Some one read again, but I don't know what it was, and then we were told to kiss the book, when our eyes were unblinded, and I saw the book, which looked like a little Bible. I then saw all the prisoners there. James Lovelace had on a white dress, it was not a smock-frock. They told us the rules, that we should have to pay 1s. then, and a 1d. a week afterwards, to support the men when they were standing out from their work. They said we were as brothers; that when we were to stop for wages we should not tell our masters ourselves, but that the masters would have a note or a letter sent to them.

* * * * *

Mrs. Francis Wetham.--I am the wife of a painter in the town. In October, last year, James Lovelace and another person came to our shop; he said he wanted something painted from a design he had brought; he had two papers with him, on one was a representation of a skull, and on the other a skeleton arm extended with a scythe; he said it was to be painted on canvas, a complete skeleton on a dark ground, six feet high; over the head, "Remember thine end." I asked him what it was for, whether a flag or a sign; he told me it was a secret for a society, and he would tell me no more; if I wanted further information I was to send to him, "J. Lovelace, Toll Puddle."

* * * * *

The following letter was then put in and read:--

Bere Heath, Feb. 1, 1834.

Brother,

We met this evening for the purpose of forming our committee. There was 16 present, of whom 10 was chosen--namely, a president, vice-president, secretary, treasurer, warden, conductor, three outside guardians and one inside guardian. All seemed united in heart, and expressed his approval of the meeting. Father and Hallett wished very much to join us, but wish it not to be known. I advised them to come Tuesday evening at 6 o'clock, and I would send for you to come at that time, if possible, and enter them, that they may be gone before the company come. I received a note this morning which gave me great encouragement, and I am led to acknowledge the force of union.

(Signed by the secretary.)

The following rules were then put in and read:--

_General Rules._

1. That this Society be called the Friendly Society of Agricultural Labourers.

* * * * *

20. That if any master attempts to reduce the wages of his workmen, if they are members of this order, they shall instantly communicate the same to the corresponding secretary, in order that they may receive the support of the grand lodge; and in the meantime they shall use their utmost endeavours to finish the work they may have in hand, if any, and shall assist each other, so that they may all leave the place together, and with as much promptitude as possible.

21. That if any member of this society ... solely on account of his taking an active part in the affairs of this order ... shall be discharged from his employment ... then the whole body of men at that place shall instantly leave that place, and no member of this society shall be allowed to take work at such place until such member be reinstated in his situation.

[22. If a member divulge any secret of the society, members throughout the country shall refuse to work with him.]

23. That the object of this society can never be promoted by any act or acts of violence, but, on the contrary, all such proceedings must tend to injure the cause and destroy the society itself. This order therefore will not countenance any violation of the laws.[371]

[Footnote 370: The indictment was framed on 37 Geo. III, 123, against seditious and illegal confederacies.]

[Footnote 371: The prisoners were found Guilty. On March 19 they were sentenced to seven years' transportation. April 16, Lord Howick, in answer to a question in Parliament, said that he believed their ship had already sailed. The remainder of their sentence was remitted in 1836.]

12. AN ADDRESS OF THE WORKING MEN'S ASSOCIATION TO QUEEN VICTORIA [_The Life and Struggles of William Lovett_, _pp._ 124-8], 1837.

Madam,

While we approach your Majesty in the spirit of plain men seeking their political and social rights, apart from mere names, forms, or useless ceremonies, we yield to none in the just fulfilment of our duties, or in the ardent wish that our country may be made to advance to the highest point of prosperity and happiness....

The country over which your Majesty has been called on to preside, has by the powers and industry of its inhabitants been made to teem with abundance, and were all its resources wisely developed and justly distributed, would impart ample means of happiness to all its inhabitants.

But, by many monstrous anomalies springing out of the constitution of society, the corruptions of government, and the defective education of mankind, we find the bulk of the nation toiling slaves from birth till death--thousands wanting food, or subsisting on the scantiest pittance, having neither time nor means to obtain instruction, much less of cultivating the higher faculties and brightest affections, but forced by their situation to engender enmity, jealousy, and contention, and too often to become the victims of intemperance and crime.

* * * * *

The exclusive few have ever been intent in keeping the people ignorant and deluded, and have sedulously administered to their vices and fomented their prejudices. Hence the use of their privileges and distinctions to allure the wealthy and corrupt the innocent; hence their desire to retain within their own circle all the powers of the Legislative and Executive, all the riches of Church and State....

To this baneful source of exclusive political power may be traced the persecutions of fanaticism, the feuds of superstition, and most of the wars and carnage which disgrace our history. To this pernicious origin may justly be attributed the unremitted toil and wretchedness of your Majesty's industrious people, together with most of the vices and crimes springing from poverty and ignorance, which, in a country blessed by nature, enriched by art, and boasting of her progress and knowledge, mock her humanity and degrade her character.

* * * * *

We entreat your Majesty that, whoever may be in your ministry, you will instruct them, as a first and essential measure of reform, to prepare a bill for extending the Right of Suffrage to all the adult population of the kingdom; excepting such as may be justly incapacitated by crime or defection of the light of reason; together with such other essential details as shall enable all men to exercise their political rights unmolested.

13. A CHARTIST MANIFESTO ON THE SACRED MONTH [_William Lovett, Life and Struggles_, _p._ 214], 1839.

We respectfully submit the following propositions for your serious consideration[372]:--

That at all the simultaneous public meetings to be held for the purpose of petitioning the Queen to call good men to her councils, as well as at all subsequent meetings of your unions or associations up to the 1st of July, you submit the following questions to the people there assembled:--

1. Whether they will be prepared, at the request of the Convention, to withdraw all sums of money they may individually or collectively have placed in savings banks, private banks, or in the hands of any person hostile to their just rights?

2. Whether, at the same request, they will be prepared immediately to convert all their paper money into gold and silver?

3. Whether, if the Convention shall determine that a sacred month will be necessary to prepare the millions to secure the charter of their political salvation, they will firmly resolve to abstain from their labours during that period, as well as from the use of all intoxicating drinks?

4. Whether, according to their old constitutional right--a right which modern legislators would fain annihilate--they have prepared themselves with the arms of freemen to defend the laws and constitutional privileges their ancestors bequeathed to them?

[Footnote 372: Addressed to the Chartist Convention.]

14. THE ROCHDALE PIONEERS [_Industrial Co-operation_, _Ed. Catherine Webb_, _pp._ 68-9], 1844.

The objects of this Society are to form arrangements for the pecuniary benefit and improvement of the social and domestic condition of its members, by raising a sufficient amount of capital, in shares of one pound each, to bring into operation the following plans and arrangements:--

The establishment of a Store for the sale of provisions, clothing, etc.

The building, purchasing, or erecting a number of houses, in which those members desiring to assist each other in improving their domestic and social condition may reside. To commence the manufacture of such articles as the Society may determine upon, for the employment of such members as may be without employment, or who may be suffering in consequence of repeated reductions in their wages.

As a further benefit and security to the members of this Society, the Society shall purchase or rent an estate or estates of land, which shall be cultivated by the members who may be out of employment or whose labour may be badly remunerated.

That, as soon as practicable, this Society shall proceed to arrange the powers of production, distribution, education and government: or, in other words, to establish a self-supporting home colony of united interests, or assist other societies in establishing such colonies.

That, for the promotion of sobriety, a Temperance Hotel be opened in one of the Society's houses as soon as convenient.

SECTION V

THE RELIEF OF THE POOR

1. Settlement Law, 1662--2. Defoe's pamphlet "Giving Alms no Charity," 1704--3. The Workhouse Test Act, 1722--4. Gilbert's Act, 1782--5. Speenhamland "Act of Parliament," 1795--6. The Workhouse System, 1797--7. Two Varieties of the Roundsman System of Relief, 1797--8. Another Example of the Roundsman System, 1808--9. Report of the Poor Law Commission, 1834--10. The Poor Law Amendment Act, 1834--11. Outdoor Relief Prohibitory Order, 1844.

The national organisation of poor-relief was permanently affected by the constitutional troubles of the seventeenth century. Supervision and pressure from a central authority were removed and were not again strongly felt till near the close of this period. This change shows itself in the documentary evidence; national regulation is rare and comes only as the result of a special emergency or panic (Nos. 1, 3, 4, 10). The Settlement Act of 1662 (No. 1), with its successors, was an attempt to meet the special local difficulties which sprang from the want of central control and uniformity. The Act of 1722 provided the machinery for the more drastic treatment of the poor advocated in Defoe's pamphlet (No. 2), by means of a workhouse and a system of tests for relief; for this purpose unions of parishes could be formed (No. 3). Gilbert's Act (No. 4) in the last quarter of the century was a reversion to milder policy; it was intended to distinguish more clearly the different classes of poor relieved, to provide suitable treatment for the old infirm and children in institutions, and to find employment for the able-bodied. It illustrates the growing pressure of industrial changes on the working classes, as well as the current of humanitarian feeling which ran a broken course from this time to the end of the period. It was an adoptive, not a compulsory, Act, and no more legislative changes of the first importance were made till 1834. Meanwhile vast transformations were being made in town and, especially, in country life, and the destitution line was crossed by a whole section of the nation. The Settlement laws were relaxed, but, after Pitt's abortive proposals in 1795, Parliament stood aside. The initiative was thus left to the local authority. The so-called Speenhamland Act of Parliament (No. 5) is the classic instance of the methods of supplementary allowances adopted by the Justices in various counties. Its aim was humane; its effect, to check the pressure for higher wages, was not intended (see No. 5, note).

The eighteenth century system produced great local variety, some examples of which are given from the survey published by Eden in 1797 (Nos. 6 and 7). The official workhouse, the farming of the poor to a contractor, the employment of the poor within the workhouse, and the relief of the rates by the Roundsman system of servile labour are described (Nos. 6 and 7. See also No. 8).

The Poor Law Commission of 1834 (No. 9) was the culminating point of a reaction against the results of the previous half century. Its intention was to make a clean sweep of tradition and to reassert the principle of uniformity. Its authors, in the spirit of their age, hoped to make their reform negatively, by cutting away influences which corrupted human nature. The extracts (No. 9) show their leading principles and recommendations. The Act of 1834 (No. 10) embodied their conclusions, leaving a large discretion to a new central authority. The Regulations and Orders (No. 11) of these Commissioners and their successors, the Poor Law and Local Government Boards, were, henceforward, the chief directing force of Poor Relief policy.

AUTHORITIES

Nicholls' _History of the English Poor Law_, Mackay, ditto (a continuation), and Fowle, _The Poor Law_, are general modern descriptions. Webb, _English Poor Law Policy_, is an historical criticism of the system from 1834; see also Kirkman Gray, _Philanthropy and the State_. The eighteenth century is described in Cunningham, _Growth of English Industry and Commerce, Modern Times_; Webb, _English Local Government, The Parish and the County_; Redlich and Hirst, _Local Government in England_, Vol. I; Hammond, _The Village Labourer_, c. 7; Hasbach, _The English Agricultural Labourer_, _c._ 3 and _c._ 4, and Mantoux, _La Révolution Industrielle_. Ashby, _The Poor Law in a Warwickshire Village_ (in Oxford Studies in Social and Legal History, Vol. III), provides illustrations.

Bibliographies in Hasbach and Cunningham, _op. cit._

_Contemporary_ (1) _Documentary Sources_.--The best collection of contemporary statistics, of paupers, diet, cost, etc., in the eighteenth century is given in Eden, The State of the Poor. The Report of the 1834 Commission (XXVII and XXVIII) describes conditions and the new policy. See also Report of Committees on the Poor Law, 1817 (VI) and 1819 (III), and Report of Committee on Labourers' Wages, 1824 (VI).

(2) _Literary authorities._--Illustrations of contemporary opinion can be found for different periods in Defoe, Giving Alms no Charity, Reports of the Society for Bettering the Condition of the Poor (1795-1808), Rose, Observations on the Poor Law. A municipal system is described in Cary, The Proceedings of the Corporation of Bristol. A general survey was made in the middle of the eighteenth century by Burn, History of the Poor Laws, and at the end by Eden, The State of the Poor.

1. SETTLEMENT LAW [_Statutes_, 14 _Charles II_, _c._ 12], 1662.

An Act for the better relief of the poor of this kingdom.

Whereas the necessity, number and continual increase of the poor, not only within the Cities of London and Westminster with the liberties of each of them, but also through the whole kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales, is very great and exceeding burdensome, being occasioned by reason of some defects in the law concerning the settling of the poor and for want of a due provision of the regulations of relief and employment in such parishes or places where they are legally settled, which doth enforce many to turn incorrigible rogues and others to perish for want, together with the neglect of the faithful execution of such laws and statutes as have formerly been made for the apprehending of rogues and vagabonds and for the good of the poor. For remedy whereof and for the preventing the perishing of any of the poor, whether old or young, for want of such supplies as are necessary, may it please your most Excellent Majesty that it may be enacted ... that whereas by reason of some defects in the law poor people are not restrained from going from one parish to another and therefore do endeavour to settle themselves in those parishes where there is the best stock, the largest commons or wastes to build cottages, and the most woods for them to burn and destroy and when they have consumed it then to another parish, and at last become rogues and vagabonds to the great discouragement of parishes to provide stocks where it is liable to be devoured by strangers ... it shall and may be lawful upon complaint made by the churchwardens or overseers of the poor of any parish to any Justice of Peace, within forty days after any such person or persons coming so to settle, as aforesaid in any tenement under the yearly value of ten pounds for any two justices of the peace whereof one to be of the Quorum of the division where any person or persons that are likely to be chargeable to the parish shall come to inhabit, by their warrant to remove and convey such person or persons to such parish where he or they were last legally settled either as a native householder sojourner apprentice or servant for the space of forty days at the least unless he or they give sufficient security for the discharge of the said parish to be allowed by the said Justices.

[II. Appeal to Quarter Sessions.

III. Persons allowed to go for the Harvest into another parish if they have a certificate of settlement in their original parish.

IV. Provision for setting up workhouses in London and within the Bills of Mortality.]

[VI. and XXIII. The President and Governors of such workhouses may set rogues and vagrants to work in the workhouse with the consent of the Privy Council. Justices of the Peace may sentence disorderly persons and "sturdy beggars" to transportation not exceeding seven years.

Persons allowed to go for the harvest into another parish if they have a certificate of settlement in their original parish.

Provision made for setting up workhouses in London and within the Bills of Mortality. The President and Governors of such workhouses may set rogues and vagrants to work in the workhouse. Justices of the Peace may, with the leave of the Privy Council, sentence disorderly persons and "sturdy beggars" to transportation not exceeding seven years.][373]

[Footnote 373: Amended by 8 and 9 Wm. and Mary, 30. Persons with certificates from churchwardens of their parishes, acknowledging them to be inhabitants, not to be removed from any other parish till chargeable and then to be chargeable in the parish where the certificates were given. Any one receiving relief to wear a badge. Also by 35 Geo. III, 101. "No poor person shall be removed ... to the place of his or her last legal settlement, until such person shall have become actually chargeable to the parish."]

2. DEFOE'S PAMPHLET, "GIVING ALMS NO CHARITY" [_D. Defoe, Giving Alms no Charity, etc._], 1704.

I humbly crave leave to lay these heads down as fundamental maxims, which I am ready at any time to defend and make out.

1. There is in England more labour than hands to perform it, and consequently a want of people, not of employment.

2. No man in England, of sound limbs and senses, can be poor merely for want of work.

3. All our workhouses, corporations and charities for employing the poor, and setting them to work, as now they are employed, or any Acts of Parliament, to empower overseers of parishes, or parishes themselves, to employ the poor, except as shall be hereafter excepted, are, and will be public nuisances, mischiefs to the nation which serve to the ruin of families and the increase of the poor.

4. That it is a regulation of the poor that is wanted in England, not a setting them to work.

* * * * *

The poverty and exigence of the poor in England is plainly derived from one of these two particular causes,

_Casualty or Crime._

By Casualty, I mean sickness of families, loss of limbs or sight, and any, either natural or accidental, impotence as to labour.

The crimes of our people, and from whence their poverty derives, as the visible and direct fountains are:

1. Luxury. 2. Sloth. 3. Pride.

This is so apparent in every place, that I think it needs no explication; that English labouring people eat and drink, but especially the latter, three times as much in value as any sort of foreigners of the same dimensions in the world.

* * * * *

There is a general taint of slothfulness upon our poor, there is nothing more frequent, than for an Englishman to work till he has got his pocket full of money, and then go and be idle, or perhaps drunk, till it is all gone, and perhaps he himself in debt; and ask him in his cups what he intends, he will tell you honestly, he will drink as long as it lasts, and then go to work for more.

3. THE WORKHOUSE TEST ACT [_Statutes_, 9 _Geo. I_ _c._ 7], 1722.

An Act for amending the laws relating to the settlement, employment and relief of the poor.

IV. And for the greater ease of parishes in the relief of the poor, be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that it shall and may be lawful for the churchwardens and overseers of the poor in any parish, town, township or place, with the consent of the major part of the parishioners or inhabitants of the same parish, town, township or place, in vestry, or other parish or public meeting for that purpose assembled, or of so many of them as shall be so assembled, upon usual notice thereof first given, to purchase or hire any house or houses in the same parish, township or place, and to contract with any person or persons for the lodging, keeping, maintaining and employing any or all such poor in their respective parishes, townships or places, as shall desire to receive relief or collection from the same parish, and there to keep, maintain and employ all such poor persons, and take the benefit of the work, labour and service of any such poor person or persons, who shall be kept or maintained in any such house or houses, for the better maintenance and relief of such poor person or persons, who shall be there kept or maintained; and in case any poor person or persons of any parish, town, township or place, where such house or houses shall be so purchased or hired, shall refuse to be lodged, kept or maintained in such house or houses, such poor person or persons so refusing shall be put out of the book or books where the names of the persons who ought to receive collection in the said parish, town, township or place, are to be registered, and shall not be entitled to ask or receive collection or relief from the churchwardens and overseers of the poor of the same parish, town or township; and where any parish, town or township shall be too small to purchase or hire such house or houses for the poor of their own parish only, it shall and may be lawful for two or more such parishes, towns or townships or places, with the consent of the major part of the parishioners or inhabitants, and with the approbation of any justice of peace dwelling in or near any such parish, town or place, signified under his hand and seal, to unite in purchasing, hiring, or taking such house, for the lodging, keeping and maintaining of the poor of the several parishes, townships or places so uniting, and there to keep, maintain and employ the poor of the parishes so uniting, and to take and have the benefit of the work, labour or service of any poor there kept and maintained, for the better maintenance and relief of the poor there kept, maintained and employed; and that if any poor person or persons in the respective parishes, townships or places so uniting, shall refuse to be lodged, kept and maintained in the house, hired or taken for such uniting parishes, townships or places, he, she or they so refusing, shall be put out of the collection-book, where his, her or their names were registered, and shall not be entitled to ask or demand relief or collection from the churchwardens and overseers of the poor in their respective parishes, townships or places; and that it shall and may be lawful for the churchwardens and overseers of the poor, with the consent of the major part of the parishioners or inhabitants, to contract with the churchwardens and overseers of the poor of any other parish, township or place, for the lodging, maintaining or employing, of any poor person or persons of such other parish, township or place, as to them shall seem meet; and in case any poor person or persons of such other parish, township or place, shall refuse to be lodged, maintained and employed in such house or houses, he, she or they so refusing, shall be put out of the collection-book of such other parish, township or place, where his, her or their names were registered, and shall not be entitled to ask, demand or receive any relief or collection from the churchwardens and overseers of the poor of his, her or their respective parish, township or place: provided always, that no poor person or persons, his, her or their apprentice, child or children, shall acquire a settlement in the parish, town or place, to which he, she or they are removed by virtue of this act. No person or persons shall be deemed, adjudged or taken, to acquire or gain any settlement in any parish or place, for or by virtue of any purchase of any estate or interest in such parish or place, whereof the consideration for such purchase doth not amount to the sum of thirty pounds, _bona fide_ paid, for any longer or further time than such person or persons shall inhabit in such estate, and shall then be liable to be removed to such parish or place, where such person or persons were last legally settled, before the said purchase and inhabitancy therein.

VI. No person or persons whatsoever, who shall be taxed, rated or assessed to the scavenger or repairs of the highway, and shall duly pay the same, shall be deemed or taken to have any legal settlement in any city, parish, town or hamlet, for or by reason of his, her or their paying to such scavenger's rate or repairs of the highway as aforesaid; any law to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding.

4. GILBERT'S ACT [_Statutes_, 22 _George III_, _c._ 83], 1782.

An act for the better relief and employment of the poor.

Whereas notwithstanding the many laws now in being for the relief and employment of the poor, and the great sums of money raised for those purposes, their sufferings and distresses are nevertheless very grievous; and, by the incapacity, negligence, or misconduct of overseers, the money raised for the relief of the poor is frequently misapplied, and sometimes expended in defraying the charges of litigations about settlements indiscreetly and unadvisedly carried on....

VII. And be it further enacted, that it shall and may be lawful for two justices of the peace of the limit where such poor house shall be, or be so agreed to be situated, and they are hereby required, as soon as conveniently may be after such agreement shall have been made as aforesaid, upon application to them by two or more of the persons who shall have signed such agreement, and upon producing the same to them, to appoint one of the persons so recommended to be guardian of the poor for each of such parishes, townships, and places, in the form contained in the said schedule, No. VII, or to that or the like effect; and every such guardian shall attend the monthly meetings hereby directed to be holden, and execute the several powers and authorities given to guardians by this act, and shall have, and is hereby invested with, all the powers and authorities given to overseers of the poor by any other act or acts of parliament.

XVII. The guardians of the poor of the several parishes, townships and places which shall adopt the provisions of this act, shall provide a suitable and convenient house or houses, with proper buildings and accommodations thereto, when wanted.

And, to render the provisions of this act more practicable and beneficial, be it further enacted, that no person shall be sent to such poor house or houses, except such as are become indigent by old age, sickness, or infirmities, and are unable to acquire a maintenance by their labour; and except such orphan children as shall be sent thither by order of the guardian or guardians of the poor, with the approbation of the visitor; and except such children as shall necessarily go with their mothers thither for sustenance.

XXX. And, be it further enacted, that all infant children of tender years, and who, from accident or misfortune, shall become chargeable to the parish or place to which they belong, may either be sent to such poor house as aforesaid, or be placed by the guardian or guardians of the poor, with the approbation of the visitor, with some reputable person or persons in or near the parish, township, or place, to which they belong, at such weekly allowance as shall be agreed upon between the parish officers and such person or persons with the approbation of the visitor, until such child or children shall be of sufficient age to be put into service, or bound apprentice to husbandry, or some trade or occupation; and a list of the names of every child so placed out, and by whom and where kept, shall be given to the visitor; who shall see that they are properly treated, or cause them to be removed, and placed under the care of some other person or persons, if he finds just cause so to do; and when every such child shall attain such age, he or she shall be so placed out, at the expense of the parish, township, or place, to which he or she shall belong, according to the laws in being: provided nevertheless, that if the parents or relations of any poor child sent to such house, or so placed out as aforesaid, or any other responsible person, shall desire to receive and provide for any such poor child or children, and signify the same to the guardians at their monthly meeting, the guardians shall, and are hereby required to dismiss, or cause to be dismissed, such child or children from the poor-house, or from the care of such person or persons as aforesaid, and deliver him, her, or them, to the parent, relation, or other person so applying as aforesaid: provided also, that nothing herein contained shall give any power to separate any child or children, under the age of seven years, from his, her, or their parent or parents, without the consent of such parent or parents.

XXXI. And be it further enacted, that all idle or disorderly persons who are able, but unwilling, to work or maintain themselves and their families, shall be prosecuted by the guardians of the poor of the several parishes, townships, and places, wherein they reside, and punished in such manner as idle and disorderly persons are directed to be by the statute made in the seventeenth year of the reign of his late majesty King George the Second; and if any guardian shall neglect to make complaint thereof, against every such person or persons, to some neighbouring justice of the peace, within ten days after it shall come to his knowledge, he shall, for every such neglect, forfeit a sum not exceeding five pounds, nor less than twenty shillings, one moiety whereof, when recovered, shall be paid to the informer, and the other moiety to be disposed of as the other forfeitures are hereinafter directed to be applied.

XXXII. And be it further enacted, that where there shall be, in any parish, township, or place, any poor person or persons who shall be able and willing to work, but who cannot get employment, it shall and may be lawful for the guardian of the poor of such parish, township or place, and he is hereby required, on application made to him by or on behalf of such poor person, to agree for the labour of such poor person or persons, at any work or employment suited to his or her strength and capacity, in any parish, township or place, near the place of his or her residence, and to maintain, or cause such person or persons to be properly maintained, lodged, and provided for, until such employment shall be procured, and during the time of such work, and to receive the money to be earned by such work or labour, and apply it in such maintenance, as far as the same will go, and make up the deficiency, if any; and if the same shall happen to exceed the money expended in such maintenance, to account for the surplus, which shall afterwards, within one calendar month, be given to such poor person or persons who shall have earned such money, if no further expenses shall be then incurred on his or her account to exhaust the same. And in case such poor person or persons shall refuse to work, or run away from such work or employment, complaint shall be made thereof by the guardian to some justice or justices of the peace in or near the said parish, township, or place; who shall enquire into the same upon oath, and on conviction punish such offender or offenders, by committing him, her, or them, to the house of correction, there to be kept to hard labour for any time not exceeding three calendar months, nor less than one calendar month.

XLI. And whereas it frequently happens that poor children, pregnant women, or poor persons afflicted with sickness, or some bodily infirmity, are enticed, taken, or conveyed by parish officers, or other persons, from one parish or place to another, without any legal order of removal, in order to ease the one parish or place, and to burden the other with such poor person: for remedy thereof, be it further enacted, that, when any guardian, or other person or persons, shall so entice, take, convey, or remove, or cause or procure to be so enticed, taken, conveyed, or removed, any such poor person or persons from one parish or place to another, which shall adopt the provisions of this act, without an order of removal from two justices of the peace for that purpose, every person or persons so offending shall, for every such offence, forfeit a sum not exceeding twenty pounds, nor less than five pounds.

5. SPEENHAMLAND "ACT OF PARLIAMENT" [_The Reading Mercury, May 11, 1795_], 1795.

Berkshire, to wit.

At a General Meeting of the Justices of this County, together with several discreet persons assembled by public advertisement,[374] on Wednesday the 6th day of May, 1795, at the Pelican Inn in Speenhamland (in pursuance of an order of the last Court of General Quarter Sessions) for the purpose of rating Husbandry Wages, by the day or week, if then approved of, [names of those present]....

Resolved unanimously,

That the present state of the Poor does require further assistance than has been generally given them.

Resolved,

That it is not expedient for the Magistrates to grant that assistance by regulating the Wages of Day Labourers, according to the directions of the Statutes of the 5th Elizabeth and 1st James: But the Magistrates very earnestly recommend to the Farmers and others throughout the county, to increase the pay of their Labourers in proportion to the present price of provisions; and agreeable thereto, the Magistrates now present, have unanimously resolved that they will, in their several divisions, make the following calculations and allowances for relief of all poor and industrious men and their families, who to the satisfaction of the Justices of their Parish, shall endeavour (as far as they can) for their own support and maintenance.

That is to say,

When the Gallon Loaf of Second Flour, weighing 8lb. 11ozs. shall cost 1s.

Then every poor and industrious man shall have for his own support 3s. weekly, either produced by his own or his family's labour, or an allowance from the poor rates, and for the support of his wife and every other of his family, 1s. 6d.

When the Gallon Loaf shall cost 1s. 4d.

Then every poor and industrious man shall have 4s. weekly for his own, and 1s. and 10d. for the support of every other of his family.

And so in proportion, as the price of bread rise or falls (that is to say) 3d. to the man, and 1d. to every other of the family, on every 1d. which the loaf rise above 1s.

By order of the Meeting,

W. BUDD, Deputy Clerk of the Peace.[375]

[Footnote 374: _Reading Mercury_, May 4, contained an advertisement of a general meeting of justices "to limit, direct, and appoint the wages of day labourers."]

[Footnote 375: Simultaneously the Magistrates published a recommendation to overseers to grow potatoes, setting poor people to work and offering them one-third or one-fourth of the crop, and to sell at 1s. a bushel; also to get in a stock of peat, faggots, furze, etc., in the summer and to sell at a loss in the winter.]

6. THE WORKHOUSE SYSTEM [_Eden, The State of the Poor, 1797, Vol. II, pp. 168-9_], 1797.

_Stanhope (Durham)._

The poor have been farmed for many years: about fifteen years ago they were farmed for 250l.; but the expense has gradually increased since that period: the year before last, the expense was 495l., and last year 494l.; and the Contractor says that he shall lose 100l. by his last bargain, and will not take the poor this year under 700l. Twenty-two poor people are at present in the house, and 100 families receive weekly relief out of it: these out-poor, the Contractor says, will cost him 450l. for the year ending at May-day next. The Poor-house was built about fifteen years ago; it is, like most others in the hands of contractors, in a dirty state.

_Preston (Lancashire)_[376].

The number of poor in the workhouse a few weeks ago, was as follows:--

Men 26 Women 39 Boys 47 Girls 40 --- Total 152 ---

At present there are 158 or 159 in the house. The number of out-poor at present is 70; they cost about 10l. a week.

The workhouse is built on a tolerable plan, but wants apartments for the sick. There are 4 or 5 beds in a room: the bedsteads are made of iron, and the beds are stuffed with chaff: white-washing and other means of keeping the house clean, seem rather neglected. It is said that about 15 die in a year in the house. About 20 acres of land were inclosed from the common, for the use of the house, for keeping cows horses, and pigs; raising potatoes, etc.: this plot of ground is much improved by cultivation. Nothing is manufactured for the use of the house. The boys and girls are employed in weaving calicoes, till they are able to earn their living elsewhere. Old women wind cotton; a few, who can work, are employed in husbandry, gardening, and other occupations: no account of their earnings could be obtained.

_St. Martin-in-the-Fields_ (_London_)[377].

The poor of this parish are partly relieved at home, and partly maintained in the workhouse in Castle-street, Leicester Fields. There are, at present, about 240 weekly out-pensioners, besides a considerable number of poor on the casual list. Of 573, the number of poor at present in the workhouse, 473 are adults and 100 children; of which 54 are boys, 21 girls, able to work, and 25 infants. Their principal employment is spinning flax, picking hair, carding wool, etc.; their annual earnings, on an average of a few years past, amount to about £150. It was once attempted to establish a manufacture in the house; but the badness of the situation for business, the want of room for workshops, and the difficulty of compelling the able poor to pay proper attention to work, rendered the project unsuccessful. Between 70 and 80 children belonging to this parish are, generally, out at nurse in the country: a weekly allowance of 3s. (lately advanced to 3s. 6d.) is paid with each child.

At 7 or 8 years of age, the children are taken into the house, and taught a little reading, etc., for three or four years, and then put out apprentices.

_Bulcamp_ (_Suffolk_)[378].

The poor of 46 incorporated parishes in the hundred of Blything, are maintained in a house of industry, which is situated on an eminence in the parish of Bulcamp. The expense of erection was 12,000l.; the house was opened for the reception of the poor in October, 1766. The whole annual sum, to be paid by the parishes (which was fixed at the average of seven years' expenditure, previous to their incorporation), was 3,084l. 12s. 8d.; in 1780 half the debt was paid off, and the rates reduced one-eighth, or to 2,699l. 1s. 1d.; in June, 1791, the whole debt was discharged. The rates have been continued at the reduced sum of 2,699l. 1s. 1d. In 1793, the corporation found it necessary to apply to Parliament for farther powers, relative to the binding out poor children apprentices, which cost 350l. 15s.

The work done in this house is chiefly spinning for the Norwich manufacture: clothes and bedding, etc., for the house, are also made at home. The following were the last week's earnings: an account of the annual earnings could not be procured; but it appears that they have been about 8l. a week, or 400l. a year, for several weeks past.

Worsted spinners 4l. 3s. 1-3/4d. Tow spinners 1l. 12s. 1d. Sempstresses 0l. 7s. 3d. Tailors 0l. 9s. 0d. Knitters 0l. 8s. 0d. Weavers 0l. 7s. 0d. Shoemakers 0l. 16s. 0d. ----------------- Total earnings for one week 8l. 2s. 5-3/4d. -----------------

Number of paupers in the house in June, in each of the following years (the average number in the year must, probably, be more), and Table of Mortality:--

Years. No. of Persons. Deaths.

1782 297 87 1783 298 69 1784 265 76 1785 295 82 1786 143 70 1787 256 67 1788 290 52 1789 207 37 1790 192 18 1791 235 34 1792 243 9 1793 260 23 1794 270 37 -------- Average of 13 years 50-11/13 --------

The number at present in the house is 40 men, 60 women, and 255 children: total 355.

The house is very roomy and convenient. The beds are chiefly of feathers: the dormitories and other rooms are kept very clean. More work is done now than formerly; but owing to lowness of wages, the receipts have decreased.

The number of deaths is very great, and, I presume, rather arises from the number of old persons admitted into the house than from any inattention towards the sick.

[Footnote 376: _Ibid._, p. 368.]

[Footnote 377: _Ibid._, p. 440]

[Footnote 378: _Ibid._, p. 678.]

7. TWO VARIETIES OF THE ROUNDSMAN SYSTEM OF RELIEF [_Eden, The State of the Poor, 1797, Vol. II, p. 29 and p. 384_], 1797.

(_a_) _Winslow_ (_Buckinghamshire_)

There seems to be a great want of employment: most of the labourers are (as it is termed), on the Rounds; that is, they go to work from one house to another round the parish. In winter sometimes 40 persons are on the rounds. They are wholly paid by the parish, unless the householders choose to employ them; and from these circumstances, labourers often become very lazy, and imperious. Children, above ten years old, are put on the rounds, and receive from the parish from 1s. 6d. to 3s. a week.

(_b_) _Kibworth Beauchamp_ (Leicestershire)[379].

In the winter, and at other times, when a man is out of work, he applies to the overseer, who sends him from house to house, to get employ: the housekeeper, who employs him, is obliged to give him victuals, and 6d. a day; and the parish adds 4d. (total, 10d. a day) for the support of his family; persons working in this manner are called rounds-men, from their going round the village or township for employ.

[Footnote 379: Eden, _The State of the Poor_, Vol. II, p. 384.]

8. ANOTHER EXAMPLE OF THE ROUNDSMAN SYSTEM [_Thomas Batchelor, The Agriculture of Bedfordshire (Agricultural Surveys), 1808, pp. 608-9_], 1808.

_Bedfordshire._

The increase of population has caused a deficiency of employment, which is so remarkable in some seasons, that a great proportion of the labourers "go the rounds." This practice is not modern; but as it is not supposed to be sanctioned by law, it may be proper to describe the nature of it, and its general consequences. When a labourer can obtain no employment he applies to the acting overseer, from whom he passes on to the different farmers all round the parish, being employed by each of them after the rate of one day for every 20l. rent. The allowance to a labourer on the rounds, is commonly 2d. per day below the pay of other labourers, which is found to be a necessary check upon those who love liberty better than labour. Boys receive from 4d. to 6d. per day on the rounds, the whole of which is often repaid to the farmers by the overseers. About half the pay of the men is returned in the same manner, and the farmers often receive in this way the amount of from 2d. to 4d. in the pound rent, which consequently causes the apparent expense of the poor to exceed the truth. The practice in question has a very bad effect on the industry of the poor: they are often employed in trivial business; the boys in particular are of little use in the winter season. The men are careful not to earn more than they receive, and seem to think it the safer extreme to perform too little rather than too much.

9. REPORT OF THE POOR LAW COMMISSION [_Report from Commission on the Poor Laws, 1834 (XXVII), pp. 297, 228, 47, 261-262, 306-307_], 1834.

We recommend, therefore, the appointment of a Central Board to control the administration of the Poor Laws; with such assistant Commissioners as may be found requisite; and that the Commissioners be empowered and directed to frame and enforce regulations for the government of workhouses, and as to the nature and amount of the relief to be given and the labour to be exacted in them, and that such regulations shall, as far as may be practicable, be uniform throughout the country.

* * * * *

It may be assumed that in the administration of relief, the public is warranted in imposing such conditions on the individual relieved, as are conducive to the benefit either of the individual himself, or of the country at large, at whose expense he is to be relieved.[380]

The first and most essential of all conditions, a principle which we find universally admitted, even by those whose practice is at variance with it, is that his situation on the whole shall not be made really or apparently so eligible as the situation of the independent labourer of the lowest class. Throughout the evidence it is shown, that in proportion as the condition of any pauper is elevated above the condition of independent labourers, the condition of the independent class is depressed; their industry is impaired, their employment becomes unsteady, and its remuneration in wages is diminished. Such persons, therefore, are under the strongest inducements to quit the less eligible class of labourers and enter the more eligible class of paupers. The converse is the effect when the pauper class is placed in its proper position, below the condition of the independent labourer. Every penny bestowed, that tends to render the condition of the paupers more eligible than that of the independent labourer, is a bounty on indolence and vice. We have found, that as the poor's rates are at present administered, they operate as bounties of this description to the amount of several millions annually.

* * * * *

Another evil connected with out-door relief, and arising from its undefined character, is the natural tendency to award to the deserving more than is necessary, or where more than necessary relief is afforded to all, to distinguish the deserving by extra allowances.[381] ... The whole evidence shows the danger of such an attempt. It appears that such endeavours to constitute the distributors of relief into a tribunal for the reward of merit, out of the property of others, have not only failed in effecting the benevolent intentions of their promoters, but have become sources of fraud on the part of the distributors, and of discontent and violence on the part of the claimants.

* * * * *

The chief specific measures which we recommend are:[382]--

First, that except as to medical attendance, and subject to the exception respecting apprenticeship hereinafter stated, all relief whatever to able-bodied persons or to their families, otherwise than in well-regulated workhouses (_i.e._, places where they may be set to work according to the spirit and intention of the 43rd of Elizabeth), shall be declared unlawful, and shall cease, in manner and at periods hereafter specified; and that all relief afforded in respect of children under the age of 16, shall be considered as afforded to their parents.

At least four classes are necessary:[383]--(1) The aged and really impotent; (2) The children; (3) The able-bodied females; (4) The able-bodied males. Of whom we trust that the two latter will be the least numerous classes. It appears to us that both the requisite classification and the requisite superintendence may be better obtained in separate buildings than under a single roof.... Each class might thus receive an appropriate treatment; the old might enjoy their indulgences without torment from the boisterous; the children be educated, and the able-bodied subjected to such courses of labour and discipline as will repel the indolent and vicious.

[Footnote 380: _Ibid._, p. 228.]

[Footnote 381: _Ibid._, p. 47.]

[Footnote 382: _Ibid._, pp. 261-2.]

[Footnote 383: p. 306-7.]

10. THE POOR LAW AMENDMENT ACT [_Statutes, 4 and 5 Wm. IV, 76_], 1834.

An Act for the Amendment and better Administration of the Laws relating to the Poor in England and Wales.

Whereas it is expedient to alter and amend the Laws relating to the Relief of poor Persons in England and Wales: Be it therefore enacted ... that it shall be lawful for His Majesty, His Heirs and Successors, by Warrant under the Royal Sign Manual, to appoint three fit persons to be Commissioners to carry this Act into execution....

XV. And be it further enacted, ... for executing the powers given to them by this Act the said Commissioners shall and are hereby authorized and required, from time to time as they shall see occasion, to make and issue all such rules, orders, and regulations for the management of the poor, for the government of workhouses and the education of the children therein, and for the management of parish poor children under the provisions of an Act made and passed in the seventh year of the reign of His late Majesty King George the Third, intituled _An Act for the better Regulation of Parish poor Children of the several Parishes therein mentioned within the Bills of Mortality_, and the superintending, inspecting, and regulating of the Houses wherein such poor children are kept and maintained, and for the apprenticing the children of poor persons, and for the guidance and control of all Guardians, Vestries, and Parish officers, so far as relates to the management or relief of the poor, and the keeping, examining, auditing, and allowing of accounts, and making and entering into contracts in all matters relating to such management or relief, or to any expenditure for the relief of the poor, and for carrying this Act into execution in all other respects, as they shall think proper; and the said Commissioners may, at their discretion, from time to time suspend, alter, or rescind such rules, orders, and regulations, or any of them: provided always that nothing in this Act contained shall be construed as enabling the said commissioners or any of them to interfere in any individual case for the purpose of ordering relief.

XXVI. And be it further enacted, that it shall be lawful for the said commissioners, by order under their hands and seal, to declare so many parishes as they may think fit to be united for the administration of the laws for the relief of the poor, and such parishes shall thereupon be deemed a Union for such purpose, ... but, notwithstanding ... each of the said parishes shall be separately chargeable with and liable to defray the expense of its own poor, whether relieved in or out of any such workhouse.

XXXVIII. And be it further enacted, that where any parishes shall be united by order or with concurrence of the said commissioners for the administration of the laws for the relief of the poor, a Board of Guardians of the poor for such Union shall be constituted and chosen, and the workhouse or workhouses of such Union shall be governed, and the relief of the poor in such Union shall be administered, by such Board of Guardians; and the said Guardians shall be elected by the ratepayers, and by such owners of property in the parishes forming such Union as shall in manner hereinafter mentioned require to have their names entered as entitled to vote as owners in the books of such parishes respectively.

11. OUTDOOR RELIEF PROHIBITORY ORDER [_11th Annual Report of the Poor Law Commissioners, pp. 29-33_], 1844.

_Amended General Orders._--_Regulating the Belief of Able-Bodied Poor Persons._

1. Every able-bodied person, male or female, requiring relief from any parish within any of the said Unions, shall be relieved wholly in the workhouse of the Union, together with such of the family of every such able-bodied person as may be resident with him or her, and they not be in employment, and together with the wife of every such able-bodied male person, if he be a married man, and if she be resident with him; save and except in the following cases:--

1st. Where such person shall require relief on account of sudden and urgent necessity.

2nd. Where such person shall require relief on account of any sickness, accident, or bodily or mental infirmity affecting such person, or any of his or her family.

* * * * *

4th. Where such person, being a widow, shall be in the first six months of her widowhood.

5th. Where such person shall be a widow, and have a legitimate child or legitimate children dependent upon her, and incapable of earning his, her, or their livelihood, and have no illegitimate child born after the commencement of her widowhood.

* * * * *

7th. Where such person shall be the wife, or child, of any able-bodied man who shall be in the service of Her Majesty as soldier, sailor, or marine.

* * * * *

Given under our hands and Seal of Office, this 21st day of December, in the year of our Lord 1 thousand 8 hundred and 44.

(Signed) GEO. NICHOLLS. G.C. LEWIS. EDWARD W. HEAD.

SECTION VI

FINANCE AND FOREIGN TRADE

1. Act abolishing Tenure by Knight Service, etc., 1660--2. Navigation Act, 1660--3. Proposals for Free Export of Gold and Silver, 1660--4. An Attack on the Navigation Acts, c. 1663--5. Free Coinage at the Mint Proclaimed, 1666--6. The East India Company and the Interlopers, 1684--7. Foundation of the Bank of England, 1694--8. The Need for the Recoinage of 1696--9. Speech by Sir Robert Walpole on the Salt Duties, 1732--10. Pitt's Sinking Fund Act, 1786--11. The Suspension of Cash Payments, 1797--12. Pitt's Speech on the Income Tax, 1798--13. Foreign Trade in the early Nineteenth Century, 1812--14. Debate on the Corn Law, 1815--15. The Corn Law of 1815--16. Free Trade Petition, 1820--17. The Foundation of the Anti-Corn-Law League, 1839--18. The Bank Charter Act, 1844--19. Debate on the Corn Laws, 1846.

This section illustrates various departments of Government policy: taxation and revenue (Nos. 1, 9 and 12), public debts (Nos. 7 and 10), fiscal and trade policy (Nos. 1, 2, 4, 6, 13-17, 19), the coinage (Nos. 3, 5 and 8), and the national Bank (Nos. 7, 11, and 18). The specimens of revenue policy begin with the Act by which Charles II abandoned feudal dues in exchange for a general and hereditary excise (No. 1). The principle involved in this transaction may be compared with Sir Robert Walpole's remarks on the question of justice in taxation (No. 9) and with Pitt's speech on introducing the Income Tax in 1798, which also gives a survey of the whole financial position and a defence of the policy of paying for wars out of hand (No. 12). The opposite policy, of war-loans, had been adopted earlier, and the French wars of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries established the funding system. An outline is given of the Sinking Fund by which it was supposed that this national liability could be reduced while it was being created (No. 10). The foundation of the Bank of England (No. 7) was an important step in the policy of national loans as well as an encouragement to the growth of capital and capitalist industry. The French wars at the end of the eighteenth century produced a crisis in the management of the Bank's reserve; an official report explains the causes of the panic which led to the suspension of cash payments and also shows the deliberate policy by which the suspension was continued till 1819 (No. 11). This was the first controversy of great importance on the subject of currency since the seventeenth century, when the government of Charles II had adopted the policy of allowing free export and free coinage of Gold and Silver (Nos. 3 and 5). The gradual deterioration of the coinage which led to the recoinage of 1696 is illustrated by a contemporary description (No. 8). The Bank Charter Act (No. 18) shows the financial aspect of rapid national expansion in the nineteenth century and the method adopted to give stability to credit by limiting the issue of unsupported paper currency, in the period before the triumph of the cheque system.

The Navigation Act of Charles the second's reign (No. 2) formed part of a system by which the State set itself to encourage particular industries and took a part in the struggle for commercial leadership. (See also Nos. 4 and 6.) The complications of this policy with considerations of revenue and particular interests rapidly increased, while the manufacturing export trade became more important (No. 13). A reaction led by the Economists had begun in the latter part of the eighteenth century. In the nineteenth century the battle raged over the special protection successfully claimed by the Agricultural Interest in the depression at the end of the Napoleonic wars (No. 15). The debates and petitions (No. 14, No. 16, No. 19) bristle with the new Political Economy. They also give an indication of the new social class created by the Industrial Revolution and of the struggle of the landowners with the North of England manufacturers who founded and financed the Anti-Corn-Law League, the most successful of all political associations for an economic object (No. 17).

AUTHORITIES

The most important modern authorities on taxation and finance are: Dowell, _History of Taxation and Taxes_; Seligman, _The Income Tax_; Kennedy, _English Taxation_,1640-1799: on currency and banking, Shaw, _History of the Currency_; Andréadés, _History of the Bank of England_; Thorold Rogers, _The First Nine Years of the Bank of England_; Bagehot, _Lombard Street_: on commercial and fiscal policy; Day, _History of Commerce_; Levi, _History of British Commerce_; Hewins, _English Trade and Finance_; Beer, _The Old Colonial System_ and _British Colonial Policy_; Hertz, _The Old Colonial System_; Ashley, _Surveys_; Cunningham, _Growth of English Industry and Commerce, Modern Times_, and _Rise and Decline of the Free Trade Movement_; Bruce, _Annals of the East India Company_; Holland, _The Fall of Protection_; Morley, _Life of Cobden_; Trevelyan, _Life of Bright_; Nicholson, _The English Corn Laws_. Smart, _Economic Annals of the Nineteenth Century_, analyses economic debates, legislation and conditions in the early nineteenth century.

Bibliographies in Cunningham, _op. cit._, Day _op. cit._, Cambridge Modern History, Vols. VI and X, and Grant Robertson, _England Under the Hanoverians_.

_Contemporary._--Parliamentary Paper, XXXV, 1869, gives a summary of public revenue and expenditure, 1688-1869. Important documents for financial history are contained in the seventeenth century Treasury Papers (ed. Shaw). The Advice of the Council of Trade on the Exportation of Gold and Silver, 1660, is in McCulloch's Collection of Tracts on Money. The official history of the suspension of cash payments is in the Reports of Committees on the Restriction in Payments, 1797 (XI), on the High Price of Gold, 1810 (III), and on Cash Payments, 1819 (III).

A collection of literary authorities on monetary questions was made by McCulloch, "A Select Collection of Scarce and Valuable Tracts on Money"; it includes Petty's Quantulumcunque, Isaac Newton's Representations, etc. For contemporary opinion on taxation and finance, see Petty, Taxes and Taxation Price; Observations on Reversionary Payments, and The State of the Public Debts; Smith, The Wealth of Nations, and the Speeches of Pitt (Everyman Series), and of Cobden (edited Bright and Rogers). For foreign commerce consult The Diary and Consultation Book of Fort St. George (ed. Pringle), and Reports of Commons Committee on Orders in Council, 1812, together with the pamphlet literature on Colonial policy (see Cunningham _op. cit._ and McCulloch's Select Collection of Tracts on Commerce).

1. ACT ABOLISHING TENURE BY KNIGHT SERVICE, ETC. [_Statutes, 12 Charles II, 24_], 1660.

It is hereby enacted that the Court of Wards and Liveries and all Wardships, Liveries, Primer-Seizins, and Ouster-le-mains, values, and forfeitures of marriages by reason of any tenure of the King's majesty or of any other knight's service, and all mean rates and all other gifts, grants, charges incident or arising for or by reason of wardships [etc.], be taken away and discharged. And that all fines for alienation, seizures, and pardons for alienations, tenure by homage [etc.], also Aide pur file marrier et pur farer fitz chivalier, and all other charges incident thereunto, be likewise taken away and discharged, as from February 24, 1645. And that all tenures by knight's service of the King, or of any other person and by knight service in capite, and by socage in capite of the King, and the fruits and consequents thereof--be taken away and discharged.

And all tenures of any Honours, manors, lands, tenements, or hereditaments of any estate of inheritance at the common law, held either of the King or of any other person or persons, bodies politic or corporate are hereby enacted to be turned into free and common socage to all intents and purposes.

[Purveyance and Pre-emption abolished.]

XIV. And now to the intent and purpose that his Majesty, his heirs and successors, may receive a full and ample recompence--there shall be paid unto the King's majesty his heirs and successors forever hereafter in recompence as aforesaid the several rates [etc.] following:--

[1s. 3d. a barrel of beer sold above 6s. a barrel. 3d. a barrel of beer sold at 6s. or below 6s. a barrel. 2d. a gallon of spirits imported. 3s. a barrel of beer imported. 1d. a gallon of aqua-vitae, etc.]

2. NAVIGATION ACT [_Statutes, 12 Chas. II, 18_], 1660.

An Act for the encouraging and increasing of shipping and navigation.

For the increase of shipping and encouragement of the navigation of this nation wherein, under the good providence and protection of God, the wealth, safety and strength of this kingdom is so much concerned; be it enacted by the King's most excellent majesty, and by the lords and commons in this present parliament assembled, and by the authority thereof, that from and after the first day of December one thousand six hundred and sixty, and from thenceforward, no goods or commodities whatsoever shall be imported into or exported out of any lands, islands, plantations or territories to his Majesty belonging or in his possession, or which may hereafter belong unto or be in the possession of his Majesty, his heirs and successors, in Asia, Africa or America, in any other ship or ships, vessel or vessels whatsoever, but in such ships or vessels as do truly and without fraud belong only to the people of England or Ireland, dominion of Wales or town of Berwick-upon-Tweed, or are of the built of and belonging to any the said lands, islands, plantations or territories, as the proprietors and right owners thereof, and whereof the master and three-fourths of the mariners at least are English.

And it is further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that no goods or commodities that are of foreign growth, production or manufacture, and which are brought into England, Ireland, Wales, the islands of Guernsey and Jersey, or town of Berwick-upon-Tweed, in English-built shipping, or other shipping belonging to some of the aforesaid places, and navigated by English mariners, as aforesaid, shall be shipped or brought from any other place or places, country or countries, but only from those of the said growth, production or manufacture, or from those ports where the said goods and commodities can only, or are, or usually have been, first shipped for transportation, and from none other places or countries.

3. PROPOSALS FOR FREE EXPORTATION OF GOLD AND SILVER [_McCulloch, Tracts on Money,1856, pp. 145_], 1660.

Advice of his Majesty's Council of Trade, concerning the Exportation of Gold and Silver in Foreign Coins and Bullion.

[Concluded Dec. 11, 1660.]

... Supposing that it were of absolute necessity to restrain all money and bullion, once imported, to be kept within this kingdom. It then came under consideration whether either the laws hitherto made in that behalf are, or that it be possible to make a law, adequate to prevent the exportation thereof.

And here we were convinced, by experience, that the laws of this kingdom (hitherto made) have been of no effect to the end thereby designed; and looking abroad, as there are nowhere more strict and severe laws against the exportation of coin and bullion than in Spain and France, we found all to be to as little purpose.

We then, thirdly, enquired what loadstone attracted this metal by force of nature to itself, against all human providence or prevention; and soon found that it was alone the present course of trade and traffic throughout the world....

And therefore, in the fourth place, we discovered that, as it is impossible by any laws to restrain money and bullion against the use that traffic finds for the same; so also the adhering to this principle of restraining thereof discourageth, as well all natives as foreigners, to import any money or bullion--where the exportation thereof is forbidden them.

From whence, fifthly, the many advantages (thereby given away clearly to the stranger from the English) present themselves; for the stranger, knowing we must be furnished in one of these places for our occasions, make us pay dearly for our accommodation.

So that, to wind up all that has been said, the result of the several reasons and arguments herein summed up seemed to be this: that time and experience instruct, and the present state of traffic throughout the world require, that, for the increase of the stock of money in these your Majesty's kingdoms, some way of liberty for the exportation, at least of foreign coin and bullion, should be found out, and put in execution; which hath produced the humble advice offered in the preceding paper.

4. AN ATTACK ON THE NAVIGATION ACT[384] [_P.R.O. Colonial Papers, Vol. XXXVI, No. 88_], _c._ 1663.

_To the King's Most Excellent Majesty._

_The Humble Remonstrance_ of John Bland, of London, Merchant, on the behalf of the Inhabitants and Planters of Virginia and Maryland.

Most humbly representing unto your Majesty the inevitable destruction of these colonies, if so be that the late Act for increase of trade and shipping be not as to them dispensed with; for it will not only ruinate the inhabitants and planters, but make desolate the largest, fertilist, and most glorious plantations under Your Majesty's Dominion; the which, if otherwise suspended, will produce the greatest advantage to this nation's commerce and considerablest income to Your Majesty's revenue, that any part of the world doth to which we trade. [Rejoinder to argument that the Dutch prohibit English trade with their Indian Dominions. The American colonies are in need of customers. Why should the Dutch be prevented from dealing with them?]

Virginia and Maryland are colonies, which though capable of better commodities, yet for the present afford only these, tobacco chiefly, then in the next place corn and cattle, commodities almost in every country whatever to be had; withal they are such commodities, that except purchased in these plantations so cheap as not elsewhere so to be had, none would ever go thither to fetch them, no, not we ourselves. Which being so, then certainly it cannot stand with wisdom to hinder the Hollanders from going thither.

Then again, if you keep thence the Hollanders, can it be believed that from England more ships will be sent than are able to bring thence what tobacco England will spend? If they do bring more, must they not lose both stock and block, principal and charges?...

A further prejudice doth evidently attend the commerce by this Act, not only in debarring Hollanders from trading to these colonies, but thereby we do likewise debar ourselves; for, by the Act, no English ships can load any goods in Virginia and Maryland to transport to any country but our own territories.... I demand then, if it would not be better to let our English ships, loading in those colonies, to go whither they please, and pay in the places where they do trade (if it will not be dispensed with otherwise), the same customs to your Majesty as they should have done in England, or give bills from thence to pay it in England? Certainly this would be more beneficial to the commerce, and security both for the ships and goods, and advantageous to your Majesty; for whilst they are coming to England they might be at the end of their intended voyages and obtain a market, which haply in England could not be had....

If that notwithstanding what is by the foregoing particulars declared, it may seem reasonable that the Act shall stand in force.... Then let me on behalf of the said colonies of Virginia and Maryland make these following proposals which I hope will appear but equitable; and I dare undertake for them, that they will be very well satisfied, that those few tobacconists that have engrossed that trade into their hands, shall still continue in it without moving further against them therein.

First, that the traders to Virginia and Maryland from England shall furnish and supply the planters and inhabitants of these colonies with all sorts of commodities and necessaries which they may want or desire, at as cheap rates and prices as the Hollanders used to have when the Hollander was admitted to trade hither.

Secondly, that the said traders out of England to these colonies shall not only buy of the planters such tobacco in the colonies as is fit for England, but take off all that shall be yearly made by them, at as good rates and prices as the Hollanders used to give....

By way of accommodation this I propose. Let all Hollanders and other nations whatsoever freely trade into Virginia and Maryland, and bring thither and carry thence whatever they please, and to counterpoise the cheapness of their sailing, with dearness of our ships, to pay a set duty and imposition that may countervail the same; and when what they paid formerly will not do it, let it be doubled and trebled, as shall be thought meet, yet still with this caution, that it may not make it as bad as if they were totally prohibited.

In the next place, that all English ships that do go thither to trade, and carry goods to any other country besides England, may be freed of any custom there, more than some certain duty to the use of the colonies....

[Footnote 384: Quoted in _The Virginia Magazine of History and Biography_, Vol. I, pp. 142-145.]

5. FREE COINAGE OF BULLION AT THE MINT PROCLAIMED [_Statutes, 18 Chas._ II, 5], 1666.

Whereas it is most obvious that the plenty of current coins of gold and silver of this kingdom is of great advantage to trade and commerce ... be it enacted ... that whatsoever person or persons, native or foreigner, alien or stranger, shall from and after the twentieth day of December one thousand six hundred sixty and six, bring in any foreign coin, plate or bullion of gold or silver, in mass, molten or alloyed, or any sort of manufacture of gold or silver, into his Majesty's mint or mints within the kingdom of England, to be there melted down and coined into the current coins of this kingdom, shall have the same there assayed, melted down and coined with all convenient speed, without any defalcation, diminution or charge for the assaying, coinage or waste in coinage: so as that for every pound troy of crown or standard gold that shall be brought in and delivered by him or them ... there shall be delivered ... a pound troy of the current coins of this kingdom, of crown or standard gold.

6. THE EAST INDIA COMPANY AND THE INTERLOPERS [_Diary and Consultation Book of Fort St. George, Ed. Pringle Series I, Vol. III, p. 49_], 1684.

_To Sir John Wetwangs, Commander of ship Royal James._

His Majesty the King of England our Sovereign Lord having granted the Honourable East India Company full power and authority to enter into any ship or vessel, and to make seizure of the same, that shall be found in these parts of the East Indies, contrary to his royal will and pleasure,[385] ... we therefore, the Agent and Council of Fort St. George, for the said Honourable East India Company, do ... (there being now an Interlopers' ship, the _Constantinople_, merchant, John Smith, master, at Covelon), require you immediately to repair aboard your ship, weigh anchor, and set sail for that port of Covelon, and there seize upon the said Interlopers' ship and bring her into this Road of Madras.... Dated in Fort St. George the sixth day of June, 1684.

WILLIAM GYFFORD. JOHN BIGRIG. ELIHU YALE. JOHN NICKS. JOHN LITTLETON. JOHN GRAY.

[Footnote 385: New Charter granted Aug. 9, 1683.]

7. FOUNDATION OF THE BANK OF ENGLAND [_Statutes, 5 & 6, Wm. & Mary, 20_], 1694.

An Act for granting to their Majesties several rates and duties upon tunnage of ships and vessels, and upon beer, ale, and other liquors, for securing certain recompences and advantages in the said act mentioned, to such persons as shall voluntarily advance the sum of fifteen hundred thousand pounds, towards the carrying on the war against France.

XIX. And be it farther enacted by the authority aforesaid, that it shall and may be lawful to and for their Majesties, by commission under the great seal of England, to authorize and appoint any number of persons to take and receive all such voluntary subscriptions as shall be made on or before the first day of August, which shall be in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred ninety four, by any person or persons, natives or foreigners, bodies politic or corporate.

XX. And be it further enacted, that it shall and may be lawful to and for their Majesties, by letters patents under the great seal of England, to limit, direct, and appoint, how and in what manner and proportions, and under what rules and directions, the said sum of twelve hundred thousand pounds, part of the said sum of fifteen hundred thousand pounds, and the said yearly sum of one hundred thousand pounds, part of the said yearly sum of one hundred and forty thousand pounds, and every or any part or proportion thereof, may be assignable or transferable, assigned or transferred, to such person or persons only as shall freely and voluntarily accept of the same, and not otherwise; and to incorporate all and every such subscribers and contributors, their heirs, successors, or assigns, to be one body corporate and politic, by the name of the governor and company of the bank of England, and, by the same name of the governor and company of the bank of England, to have perpetual succession, and a common seal.

XXVIII. Provided, that nothing herein contained shall any ways be construed to hinder the said corporation from dealing in bills of exchange, or in buying or selling bullion, gold, or silver, or in selling any goods, wares, or merchandize whatsoever, which shall really and _bona fide_ be left or deposited with the said corporation for money lent and advanced thereon, and which shall not be redeemed at the time agreed on, or within three months after, or from selling such goods as shall or may be the produce of lands purchased by the said corporation.

8. THE NEED FOR THE RECOINAGE OF 1696 [_H. Haynes, Brief Memoirs Relating to the Silver and Gold Coins of England (in Lansdowne MSS, 801, British Museum_), _fs._ 33-48].

The silver money of England as well as the coins of all other countries are liable to abuse by these three following methods:

1st, by alteration of the standard appointed by public authority.

2nd, by melting them down and converting the metal to other uses.

3rd, by exporting them into foreign countries, to carry on a trade.

And by all those methods was the whole stock of the cash of this kingdom excessively impaired before the late grand coinage.

For 1st. the standard of our silver moneys appointed by the Government was notoriously violated. By standard is here meant that particular weight and fineness in the silver moneys which was settled by Queen Elizabeth and continued all her time, and after it, through the reigns of all her several successors down to her present Majesty, and was lately confirmed by Act of Parliament....

These were the just weights, and the legal fineness of our silver moneys coined with the hammer, of which sort the far greater part of the cash of the whole kingdom did consist; but they were very liable to be clipped and diminished in their weight, because very few of these pieces were of a just assize when they first came out of the Mint. So many pieces, I suppose, were by the Moneyers cut out of a bar of standard silver, as did pretty exactly answer the pound weight Troy; and the tale of the pieces required in that weight, by the Indenture of the Mint: but though all the pieces together might come near the pound weight or be within remedy; yet divers of them compared one with the other were very disproportionable, as was too well known to many persons, who picked out the heavy pieces, and threw them into the melting pot, to fit them for exportation, or to supply the silver smiths.

[Pieces of hammered money, "though never clipped, did many of them in their weight and value want or exceed the legal standard." Crowns varied from 5s. 3d. to 4s. 9d., half-crowns from 3s. to 2s. 4d., etc.]

According to the best observation of Goldsmiths[386] and others the clipping of our coins began to be discoverable in great receipts a little after the Dutch war in 1672, but it made no great progress at first for some years: and the silver moneys of Queen Elizabeth were very little diminished.... But the yearly loss by clipping made terrible advances every year from 1686.... In the later end of 1695[387] the public loss upon all the clipped money then actually current (if one may judge of the whole by the foregoing table) was at least 45 per cent. by mere clipping and light counterfeit pieces, which upon the whole running silver cash of the kingdom amounts to 2,250,000l.[388] ...

The whole kingdom was in a general distraction by the badness of the silver coin and the rise of guineas, for no one knew what to trust to; the landlord knew not in what to receive his rents, nor the tenant in what to pay them. Neither of them could foretell the value of his moneys to-morrow. The merchant could not foresee the worth of his wares at two or three days distance, and was at a loss to set a price upon his goods. Everybody was afraid to engage in any new contracts, and as shy in performing old ones, the King subsisted his forces in foreign parts at the disadvantage of seven or eight per cent. interest and five per cent. premio for money borrowed here, besides the loss by the Exchange abroad: and how to provide for the next year's expense, was a mystery.

[Footnote 386: _Ibid._ folio 38.]

[Footnote 387: _Ibid._ folio 40.]

[Footnote 388: _Ibid._ folio 48.]

9. SPEECH BY SIR ROBERT WALPOLE ON THE SALT DUTIES [_Parliamentary History (Cobbett), Vol. VIII, Col. 943_], 1732.

_House of Commons. Debate on Sir Robert Walpole's motion for Salt Duties. February 9, 1732._

Sir Robert Walpole stood up and spoke as follows:--

Mr. Speaker,

As there is nothing his Majesty has more at heart than the giving all possible ease to his subjects; so, whenever he is necessarily obliged to desire assistance from them for the immediate support of the government, he desires that they would choose those ways and means for raising the annual supplies, which are least burthensome to the people, and which makes the load fall equally upon the subjects in general. When money is to be raised for the public good, for the security of all, he thinks that every one ought to contribute his share, in proportion to the benefit that he is thereby to receive.

As to the manner, sir, of raising taxes upon the people, it is a certain maxim that that tax which is the most equal and the most general, is the most just, and the least burthensome. Where every man contributes a small share, a great sum may be raised for the public service, without any man's being sensible of what he pays; whereas a small sum, raised upon a few, lies heavy upon each particular man, and is the more grievous, in that it is unjust; for where the benefit is mutual, the expense ought to be in common. Of all the taxes I ever could think of, there is not one more general nor one less felt, than that of the duty upon salt. The duty upon salt is a tax that every man in the nation contributes to according to his circumstances and condition in life; every subject contributes something; if he be a poor man, he contributes so small a trifle, it will hardly bear a name; if he be rich, he lives more luxuriously, and consequently contributes more; and if he be a man of a great estate, he keeps a great number of servants, and must therefore contribute a great deal. Upon the other hand, there is no tax that ever was laid upon the people of this nation, that is more unjust and unequal than the Land Tax. The landholders bear but a small proportion to the people of this nation, or of any nation; yet no man contributes any the least share to this tax, but he that is possessed of a land estate; and yet this tax has been continued without intermission for above these 40 years.

10. PITT'S SINKING FUND ACT [_Statutes, 26 Geo. III, 31_], 1786.

An Act for vesting certain sums in commissioners, at the end of every quarter of a year, to be by them applied to the reduction of the national debt.

[£250,000 is to be set apart quarterly out of the sinking fund.]

IV. Provided always, and be it enacted by the authority aforesaid, that if at any time it should happen, that at the end of the year ending the fifth day of January, one thousand seven hundred and eighty seven, or at the end of any future year, computed as aforesaid, after provision shall have been made for all payments for which monies are previously to be set apart or issued according to the directions of this act, the said surpluses, excesses, and overplus monies, composing the sinking fund, shall not be sufficient to make good as well all such deficiencies as shall have arisen during such year, as the payment of the sum of two hundred and fifty thousand pounds then due, in every such case, the amount of such deficiency or deficiencies, whether the same shall have arisen in any preceding quarter or quarters within such year, or in the quarter ending on the fifth day of January on which such year shall end, shall not be carried forward as a charge on the said sinking fund at the end of the next succeeding quarter, but shall be made good out of any aids or supplies which shall be or shall have been granted by parliament for the service of the then current year; and the amount of such deficiency or deficiencies so to be made good, shall be issued to the governor and company of the bank of England, in the manner hereinafter directed, within ten days after monies sufficient to answer the same shall have been paid into his Majesty's receipt of exchequer, on account of any such aids or supplies.

V. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that the monies so set apart, at the end of any quarter of a year ending as aforesaid, or of any year computed as aforesaid either for the payment of the sum of two hundred and fifty thousand pounds due at the end of such quarter, or of any part thereof, or for making good such deficiency or deficiencies as aforesaid, shall forthwith be issued and paid to the governor and company of the bank of England, and shall by them be placed to an account to be raised in their books, and to be intituled, The account of the commissioners appointed by act of parliament for applying certain sums of money annually to the reduction at the national debt: and that as well all such monies, as any other monies which shall be paid to the governor and company of the bank of England by virtue of this act, to be placed to the said account, shall be applied by the commissioners hereinafter appointed towards the reduction of the national debt, in the manner hereinafter directed, and to no other intent or purpose, and in no other manner whatever.

X. And be it further enacted by the authority aforesaid, that all monies whatever, which shall be placed from time to time to the account of the said commissioners by virtue of this act, shall be applied by them either in payments for the redemption of such redeemable public annuities as shall be at or above par, in such manner and at such periods as shall be directed by any future act or acts of parliament, or to the purchase of any public annuities below par in the manner hereinafter directed.

11. THE SUSPENSION OF CASH PAYMENTS [_Reports of Committees on Bank of England, 1797 and 1826, in Reports 1826 (III), pp. 142 and 255-256_], 1797.

The alarm of Invasion [in 1796-1797] which, when an immediate attack was first apprehended in Ireland, had occasioned some extraordinary demand for cash on the Bank of England, in the months of December and January last, began in February to produce similar results in the north of England. Your Committee find, that in consequence of this apprehension, the farmers suddenly brought the produce of their lands to sale, and carried the notes of the County Banks, which they had collected by those and other means, into those banks for payment; that this unusual and sudden demand for cash reduced the several banks at Newcastle to the necessity of suspending their payments in specie, and of availing themselves of all the means in their power of procuring a speedy supply of cash from the metropolis; that the effects of this demand on the Newcastle banks and their suspension of payments in cash, soon spread over various parts of the country, from whence similar applications were consequently made to the metropolis for cash; that the alarm thus diffused not only occasioned an increased demand for cash in the country, but probably a disposition in many to hoard what was thus obtained; that this call on the metropolis, through whatever channels, directly affected the Bank of England, as the great repository of cash, and was in the course of still further operation upon it, when stopped by the Minute of Council of the 26th of February.[389]

* * * * *

Your Committee find, that the Court of Directors of the Bank did, on the 26th October 1797, come to a Resolution, a copy of which is subjoined to this Report.

Your Committee, having further examined the Governor and Deputy Governor, as to what may be meant by the political circumstances mentioned in that resolution, find, that they understand by them, the state of hostility in which the nation is still involved, and particularly such apprehensions as may be entertained of invasion, either in Ireland or in this country, together with the possibility there may be of advances being to be made from this country to Ireland; and that from these circumstances so explained, and from the nature of the war, and the avowed purpose of the enemy to attack this country by means of its public credit, and to distress it in its financial operations, they are led to think that it will be expedient to continue the restriction now subsisting, with the reserve for partial issues of cash, at the discretion of the Bank, of the nature of that contained in the present Acts; and that it may be so continued, without injury to the credit of the Bank, and to the advantage of the nation.

"_Resolved_, that it is the opinion of this Court,[390] that the Governor and Company of the Bank of England are enabled to issue Specie, in any manner that may be deemed necessary for the accommodation of the public; and the Court have no hesitation to declare that the affairs of the Bank are in such a state, that it can with safety resume its accustomed functions, if the political circumstances of the country do not render it inexpedient: but the Directors deeming it foreign to their province to judge of these points, wish to submit to the wisdom of Parliament, whether, as it has been once judged proper to lay a restriction on the payment of the bank in cash, it may, or may not, be prudent to continue the same?"[391]

[Footnote 389: The Minute of February 26, 1797, suspended the obligation of the Bank of England to pay coin for its notes.]

[Footnote 390: Copy of a Resolution of the Court of Directors of the Bank of England at a meeting on Thursday, October 26, 1797.]

[Footnote 391: The Bank of England resumed cash payments, 1819.]

12. PITT'S SPEECH ON THE INCOME TAX [_Speeches of William Pitt, edited W.S. Hathaway, 1806, Vol. III, pp. 282-333_], 1798.

I shall begin by stating what has been voted as the amount of the supply under the head of the services for the navy, with the exception of what is necessary for the transport services. All these accounts have this day been laid before us; and it appears that the total sum for the ordinaries and extra-ordinaries of the navy and transport services amounts to 13,642,000l., being the same sum, within a very small amount, as was granted in the course of last session, and which I have the satisfaction of assuring the committee is likely to prove sufficient for the whole expenses of the navy, without leaving any necessity for augmentation. The next head of expense is the army, in which the estimates amount to 8,840,000l. ... Under the head of ordnance services, including the expenses which have not been provided for, there has been voted the sum of 1,570,000l. The next article is that of the miscellaneous services. The plantation estimates have already been voted, but there are other minuter parts of these services which have not yet undergone a discussion in this house. The amount will be rather less than it was last session. I state it [at] 600,000l. To this is to be added the usual sum voted towards the redemption of the national debt, above the annual million, which is 200,000l. There are other sums, which are generally voted under the head of deficiency of grants. Among these is a sum due for interest on treasury and exchequer bills paid off, amounting to 565,000l.; the discount on prompt payments upon the loan, amounting to 210,000l.; the interest on exchequer bills circulated within the year, and charged upon the succeeding year, 300,000l.; in addition to this, there is the deficiency of the land and malt in the act passed two years ago, amounting to 300,000l. These sums swell the total of the supply to 29,272,000l. This total, sir, does not differ in any material degree from the amount of the supply of last session.

[He then estimates prospective sources of revenue:

Land and malt taxes 2,750,000l. Lottery 200,000l. Produce of the consolidated fund 1,500,000l. Import and Export taxes 1,700,000l. ------------- 6,150,000l.]

The remainder of the sum is that which must be raised either by a tax within the year, in the same manner as the assessed tax bill of last year, or by a loan. It will be to be considered, how the committee will divide that remaining sum between them. The sum to be provided for is upwards of twenty-three millions. Gentlemen will recollect that, in the debates upon the subject of the assessed taxes last session, two fundamental principles were established as the rule by which we should be guided in providing for the supplies for the service of the year. These were, first, to reduce the total amount to be at present raised by a loan; and next, as far as it was not reducible, to reduce it to such a limit, that no more loan should be raised than a temporary tax should defray within a limited time. In the first place, the tax acceded to by the House last session[392] was for the purpose of providing for the supplies of the year; and in the next place, for the purpose of extinguishing the loan raised in that year. From the modifications, however, which that measure underwent after its being first proposed, the produce of it was diminished to a considerable extent. Other means indeed were adopted to remedy the deficiency which was thus occasioned. The voluntary and cheerful efforts which, so honourably to individuals and to the country, came in aid of the assessed taxes, and the superior produce of the exports and imports beyond the estimate, brought the amount of the sums raised to that at which they had been calculated. The different articles were estimated at seven millions and a half, and this sum was fully covered by the actual receipts under the distinct heads. It gives me, indeed, the most heartfelt satisfaction to state, that notwithstanding the difficulties which the measure encountered from the shameful evasion, or rather the scandalous frauds by which its effects were counteracted, the total amount which was expected has yet been realized. The meanness which shrunk from fair and equal contribution has been compensated to the public by the voluntary exertions of patriotism. The produce of the assessed taxes, under all the modifications, and all the evasions, is four millions. I had taken it at four and a half after the modifications. The deficiency is supplied by the excess on head of voluntary contributions....

Satisfactory as it must be to review the circumstances to which we owe those advantages, and the benefits which the mode of raising the supplies to a considerable extent adopted last session has produced, it is unnecessary for me to state that, however the principle may deserve our approbation, it is still much to be desired that its effects should be more extensive, and its application more efficient.... Every circumstance in our situation, every event in the retrospect of our affairs, every thing which strikes our view as we look around us, demonstrates the advantages of the system of raising a considerable part of the supplies within the year, and ought to induce us to enforce it more effectually to prevent those frauds, which an imperfect criterion and a loose facility of modification have introduced; to repress those evasions so disgraceful to the country, so injurious to those who honourably discharge their equal contribution, and, above all, so detrimental to the great object of national advantage which it is intended to promote. In these sentiments, our leading principle should be to guard against all evasion, to endeavour by a fair and strict application to realize that full tenth, which it was the original purpose of the measure of the assessed taxes to obtain, and to extend this as far as possible in every direction, till it may be necessary clearly to mark the modification, or to renounce, in certain instances, the application of it altogether. If then, the committee assent to this principle, they must feel the necessity of following it up by a more comprehensive scale and by more efficient provisions. They will perceive the necessity of obtaining a more specific statement of income, than the loose scale of modification, which, under the former measure, permitted such fraud and evasion. If such a provision be requisite to correct the abuses of a collection, to obviate the artifices of dishonesty, to extend the utility of the whole system, it will be found that many of the regulations of the old measure will be adapted to a more comprehensive and efficient application of the principle. If regulations can be devised to prevent an undue abatement, and to proportion the burden to the real ability, means must be employed to reach those resources which, _primâ facie_, it is impossible under the present system of the assessed taxes to touch. While inaccuracy, fraud, inequality, be grievances which it is desirable to remedy, it will be an additional satisfaction, that when compelled to adopt means to prevent the defects of which we complain, we shall be enabled likewise to improve and to extend the benefits we have obtained. The experience which we have had upon the subject, proves that we must correct and remedy, in order to secure the advantages which the measure is calculated to afford. It is in our power to make them our own. I think I can show that whatever benefit the principle upon which we have begun to act, is fitted to bestow, may by a liberal, fair and efficient application, be carried to an extent far greater than has yet been obtained, an extent equal to every object of great and magnanimous effort, to every purpose of national safety and glory, to every advantage of permanent credit and of increased prosperity.

Impressed then with the importance of the subject, convinced that we ought, as far as possible, to prevent all evasion and fraud, it remains for us to consider, by what means these defects may be redressed, by what means a more equal scale of contributions can be applied, and a more extensive effect obtained. For this purpose it is my intention to propose, that the presumption founded upon the assessed taxes shall be laid aside, and that a general tax shall be imposed upon all the leading branches of income. No scale of income indeed which can be devised will be perfectly free from the objection of inequality, or entirely cut off the possibility of evasion. All that can be attempted is, to approach as near as circumstances will permit to a fair and equal contribution.... The details of a measure which attempts an end so great and important, must necessarily require serious and mature deliberation. At present all that I can pretend to do is, to lay before the committee an outline of the plan which endeavours to combine every thing at which such a measure ought to aim. This outline I shall now proceed to develop to the committee as clearly and distinctly as I am able.

* * * * *

The next point for consideration then, is the mode of contribution which shall be adopted. On this head it is my intention to propose that no income under 60l. a year shall be called upon to contribute, and that the scale of modification up to 200l. a year, as in assessed taxes, shall be introduced with restriction. The quota which will then be called for ought to amount to a full tenth of the contributor's income. The mode proposed of obtaining this contribution differs from that pursued in the assessed taxes, as instead of trebling their amount, the statement of income is to proceed from the party himself.

[A detailed estimate of income from different sources follows. One-fifth is deducted to allow for the remission of taxation on incomes under 60l. and graduation under 200l. from 1/120 to 1/10.]

For the sake of greater clearness I will recapitulate the heads in the same order that I have followed:--

The land rental, then, after deducting one-fifth, I estimate at 20,000,000l.

The tenant's rental of land, deducting two-thirds of rack rent, I take at 6,000,000l.

The amount of tythes, deducting one-fifth 4,000,000l.

The produce of mines, canal navigation, etc., deducting one-fifth 3,000,000l.

The rental of houses, deducting one-fifth 5,000,000l.

The profits of professions 2,000,000l.

The rental of Scotland, taking it at one-eighth of that of England 5,000,000l.

The income of persons resident in Great Britain drawn from possessions beyond seas 5,000,000l.

The amount of annuities, from the public funds, after deducting one-fifth for exemptions and modifications 12,000,000l.

The profits on the capital employed in our foreign commerce 12,000,000l.

The profits on the capital employed in domestic trade, and the profits of skill and industry 28,000,000l. ------------ In all 102,000,000l. ------------

Upon this sum a tax of 10 per cent. is likely to produce 10,000,000l. a year, and this is the sum which is likely to result from the measure, and at which I shall assume it.

* * * * *

I trust that it will not be necessary for me to go into any detail of argument to convince the committee of the advantages of the beneficial mode adopted last session, of raising a considerable part of the supplies within the year.... It will be manifest to every gentleman on the slightest consideration of the subject, that, in the end, the measure of raising the supplies within the year is the cheapest and the most salutary course that a wise people can pursue; and when it is considered that there is a saving of at least one-twelfth upon all that is raised, gentlemen will not suffer a superstitious fear, and jealousy of the danger of exposing the secrecy of income, to combat with a measure that is so pregnant with benefits to the nation. If gentlemen will take into their consideration the probable duration of peace and war, calculated from the experience of past times, they will be convinced of the immeasurable importance of striving to raise the supplies within the year, rather than accumulating a permanent debt. The experience of the last hundred, fifty, or forty years, will show how little confidence we can have in the duration of peace, and it ought to convince us how important it is to establish a system that will prepare us for every emergency, give stability to strength, and perpetual renovations to resource. I think I could make it apparent to gentlemen that in any war, of the duration of six years, the plan of funding all the expenses to be incurred in carrying it on, would leave at the end of it a greater burden permanently upon the nation than would be sustained, than they would have to incur for the six years only of its continuance, and one year beyond it, provided that they made the sacrifice of a tenth of their income. In the old, unwise, and destructive way of raising the supplies by a permanent fund, without any provision for its redemption, a war so carried on entails the burden upon the age and upon their posterity for ever. This has, to be sure, in a great measure, been done away and corrected, by the salutary and valuable system which has been adopted of the redemption fund. But that fund cannot accomplish the end in a shorter period than forty years, and during all that time the expenses of a war so funded must weigh down and press upon the people. If, on the contrary, it had at an earlier period of our history been resolved to adopt the present mode of raising the supplies within the year; if, for instance, after the peace of Aix-la-Chapelle, the scheme of redemption had been adopted and persevered in to this time, we should not now, for the seventh year of the war, have had more to raise from the pockets of the people than what we have now to pay of permanent taxes, together with about a fourth of what it would be necessary to lay on in addition for this year. Fortunately, we have at last established the redemption fund: the benefits of it are already felt; they will every year be more and more acknowledged; and in addition to this it is only necessary, that instead of consulting a present advantage, and throwing the burden, as heretofore, upon posterity, we shall fairly meet it ourselves, and lay the foundation of a system that shall make us independent of all the future events of the world.[393]

[Footnote 392: The Triple Assessment, based on the individual's previous payment to the various taxes on expenditure which Pitt had grouped together as the Assessed Taxes.]

[Footnote 393: The income tax was recast in 1803, when Schedules of different sources of income, instead of a general return, were introduced. It was again revised in 1806. In 1816 it was repealed. Peel reintroduced it in 1842 for three years, and it then became permanent.]

13. FOREIGN TRADE IN THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY [_Committee on Orders in Council, Reports 1812 (III)_, _pp._ 38, 40, 41, 132-133, 522-523], _c._ 1812.

[Evidence of Joseph Shaw, Chairman of Birmingham Chamber of Foreign Commerce and exporter of hardwares.]

Have you had occasion to make any estimate, founded upon your own inquiries, of the number of workmen employed in the Birmingham manufactory[394]--and the neighbouring towns? I never particularly estimated for the whole of them, but in the year 1808 I took an estimate of the people employed in the American trade.... Those that could be ascertained to be (as nearly as could be) exclusively employed in the American trade were 50,000, exclusive of the nail trade, which employed from twenty to thirty thousand [of whom two-thirds were engaged in the American trade].

* * * * *

Can you state to the Committee, from your observation, what proportion the foreign trade generally bears to the trade for home consumption?... I should think it was considerably more than one half, including the United States.

Do you think it would amount to two-thirds? I should think not far from it.... Do you think the foreign trade is equal to two-thirds of the whole manufacture?--When the foreign trade is the same as in the year 1810, not in its present state; it is now very different....

* * * * *

To what cause do you ascribe the diminution of your trade to the Continent?--The risk of sending goods into many ports of the Continent is too great....

* * * * *

Then it is the French, Berlin, and other decrees that have produced this diminution of your trade to the Continent?--To my own particular trade. I cannot say how it is as to others.

[Evidence of John Bailey, exporter and home factor of Sheffield goods.]

What are the principal articles manufactured at Sheffield?--They are very numerous, I can present a list of them to the House; the principal articles are cutlery, files, edged tools, saws, and a great variety of other heavy articles.

* * * * *

Can you speak to the population of Sheffield, and such parts of the neighbouring parishes as are concerned in the Sheffield manufacture?--The population of the parish of Sheffield, as returned by the overseers in the year 1811, was 53,000 odd; but including those parts of parishes in which Sheffield goods are manufactured, the population amounts to 60,000 at least.

Can you tell what proportion of hands are employed in manufacturing for the American market?--For the American market, about 4,000 male adults, and 2,000 women and children, making a total of 6,000.

* * * * *

How many do you estimate are employed in manufacturing for the home trade?--Six thousand male adults, and one thousand women and children.

How many do you calculate are employed in the remaining parts of the Sheffield trade, namely, manufactures for the foreign market, exclusive of the American?--Two thousand male adults, and one thousand women and children.

This last market includes Spain and Portugal?--Spain, Portugal, the West Indies, South America, and Canada, with some few other parts.

What proportion does the American market bear to the home market, as far as regards the Sheffield goods?--The American exports amount, as nearly as I have been able to ascertain, to one-third of the whole manufactures of Sheffield; the home trade to, I think, three-sixths.

[He adds that the American trade had been affected by the Orders in Council and the Non-importation Act of the United States. The home trade with towns in the American trade had been injured also. Goods to the value of £400,000 were waiting in Sheffield and Liverpool warehouses.]

* * * * *

[Evidence of Robert MacKerrell, London merchant, dealing in cottons and muslins, and manufacturer of Paisley.]

Can you inform the Committee what the state of the trade was in the years 1808, 1809, 1810, and 1811?--In 1807 we felt the whole effect of the Berlin decree, we were entirely excluded from the Continent; I speak with regard to my own transactions and those of a vast number of my friends. We had in 1807, and previous to that, trades to the South of Europe, particularly in Portugal, which were uninterrupted, but which were likewise put an end to by the French invasion in November of that year. In 1808 the trade revived considerably; a great quantity of our goods, and of English merchandise, was introduced into the Continent through Heligoland; considerable exports were made to the Baltic; the trade in the Mediterranean increased very considerably; a very great trade was opened to this country in consequence of the Royal Family of Portugal removing to the Brazils, which likewise made an opening to Spanish South America. In 1809 the trade through Heligoland was most extensive; Bonaparte had his hands full with the Emperor of Germany and with the Spaniards, and had no time to attend to the coast; the trade during that year I may say was uninterrupted. The trade to the Mediterranean increased very much; the quantity of goods taken out that year greatly exceeded any previous year, for reasons that at that time we could not account for. The trade to the Brazils was equally extensive with the year before, vast exportations took place to South America, and in general, trade in the line in which I am engaged was reckoned a fair trade; the markets were never heavy.

[The Orders in Council increased the English export trade to the South of Europe, and Africa and the Levant were supplied with English substitutes for Continental cottons and linens.]

What has been the state of your trade for the last eighteen months, and, as far as you have been informed, of the country in general?--The state of the trade during the last eighteen months has been depressed; for the last twelve months it has been recovering, but for the six months previous it was very much depressed indeed.

To what do you attribute that depression?--We attribute the depression of trade which took place to the effect of the Berlin and Milan decrees. [Northern Europe, the Baltic, etc., were shut against English trade, and English ships were sequestered even in Swedish ports.]

[Footnote 394: Brassfounding, hardware, plated ware, jewellery, etc.]

14. DEBATE ON THE CORN LAW [_Parliamentary History, 1st Series, Vol. XXIX, Cols. 798-818_], 1815.

_House of Commons. February 17, 1815._

_The State of the Corn Laws._

The _Hon. Frederick Robinson_ immediately rose.... He had never disguised from himself, and he was not ashamed to confess it, the extreme difficulty, as well as the extreme importance, of this question. He could not, however, but feel that the prejudices on this subject had, from further inquiry, been very much removed. But, above all, he was happy to see that the misrepresentations, for so he thought they were, with respect to the motives of those who supported this measure, and with reference to the effects which it was likely to produce, were done away with. There did not now exist in the public mind the feeling by which it was before influenced. It was not now supposed that the object sought to be accomplished by the alteration of the corn law was the mean and base and paltry one of getting, for a particular class of society, a certain profit at the expense of the rest. "For my part," said Mr. Robinson, "I declare to God, if I thought this was the motive which actuated any individual who supported the alteration; and, above all, if I conceived that such would be the effect of the measure, no consideration on earth could tempt me to bring it forward." ...

* * * * *

... The general result of his reasoning was, in the first place, that it was quite impossible for us safely to rely on a foreign import. If they so did, a necessary result would be a diminution of our own produce, which would become more and more extensive every year, and consequently call for a greater annual supply from foreign countries--a supply which must progressively increase as the agriculture of the kingdom became less encouraged; and that, when the fatal moment arrived, the system of foreign supply would prove completely illusory.

The next point to be considered was the extent to which protection should be given. That was a point on which, undoubtedly, a difference of opinion was most likely to prevail. Some gentlemen would be for going considerably higher than others. Many thought the prohibition ought to be carried to a price considerably above that, without he obtained which it was conceived the agriculturalist could not cultivate. Others would wish that it should be placed much lower; and contend that because a particular species and degree of burden was likely to be removed, the protecting price ought to be much reduced. Now he would be inclined to agree to the first of these propositions, if the necessary effect of it would not be to bring up the price of corn to the highest possible rate, within the limits of the sum at which importation should commence. This certainly might be the case at the first moment, but he believed the ultimate result would not be so. He thought the final effect of the system would be to give such a powerful support to our own agriculture as would greatly increase the general produce of the country. It would excite a strong competition between the different parts of England, and between England and Ireland; so that the growth of corn, if Providence blessed us with favourable seasons, would be sufficiently large to afford an ample supply for the people of this country, and would enable them to be fed at a much cheaper rate, in the long run, than could be effected by the adoption of any other system.

* * * * *

_Mr. Philips_ professed himself equally inclined either to proceed with, or defer the discussion, as might be most agreeable to the wishes of the House. Several members calling out "Go on," he began by stating his entire concurrence in the opinion of the right hon. gentleman who had moved the resolutions, that this was not a question on which the interests of the commercial and agricultural classes were at variance, but one in which those interests, when fairly and liberally considered, would be found to accord; for no resolution upon it calculated to promote the general prosperity of the country could be adopted without materially benefiting both classes. But if this were not the case, if the question were one in which the interests of two or more descriptions of our fellow-subjects were opposed, he should say that it was the duty of parliament not to legislate for the advantage of one class in contradistinction to, or at the expense of another, but to legislate for the benefit of the whole community. Looking at the question under the influence of this principle, he could not help feeling and expressing some surprise at the occasion of their present deliberations. What was the object of their deliberations? To provide a remedy for the low price of corn. That which all ages and countries had considered as a great national benefit was now discovered to be a great evil, against which we were imperiously called to legislate in self-defence. The real object of the resolutions, however disguised and disavowed, was to raise the price of corn. [Here Mr. Robinson expressed his dissent.] Mr. Philips proceeded to say that this not only was their object, but if that object were not attained, the advocates of the resolutions would regard them as nugatory. The right hon. gentleman must at least allow that their object was to raise the present price of grain; but he contended that moderation and uniformity of price would be their ultimate effect. It did seem somewhat inconsistent, on the part of the hon. gentleman, to tell the House that the effectual way to lower price was to acquiesce in a measure expressly intended to raise it. But how are this moderation and uniformity of price to be produced? By contracting the market of supply. Thus, while in all other instances moderation and uniformity of price are found to be in proportion to the extent of the market of supply, in the instance of corn they are to be in proportion to the limitation of it: and in a commodity peculiarly liable to be affected by the variation of seasons, moderation and uniformity of price, and abundance, are to be attained by preventing importations from foreign countries correcting the effect of varieties of climate, and of a scanty harvest in our own. To him it appeared that no measure could be better calculated to produce directly opposite consequences.

* * * * *

In considering the relation between the price of provisions and of labour, Mr. Philips observed that it was necessary to distinguish the countries and the trades from which examples were taken. In a new country where the value of land is extremely low, and agriculture rapidly progressive, in a new and thriving manufacture, the price of labour may be so high in proportion to that of the necessaries of life as to be little affected by their fluctuations.... But this state of things cannot exist in old manufactures, such as those generally established in this country, where competition has reduced profits, and that reduction of profit has brought the wages of the labourer to a level with his subsistence in tolerable comfort. In such manufactures if you raise the price of provisions without proportionately raising that of labour, to what privations and evils must you necessarily expose the labourer! He was ready to admit with the noble lord[395] that, _ceteris paribus_, the immediate effect of a high advance of provisions might probably be a reduction of the price of labour; because labourers being desirous of obtaining the same comforts that they had been used to, might be stimulated to more diligence. They might work sixteen hours a day instead of ten, and thus the competition for employment being increased among the same number of workmen, without any increase of demand, the price of labour might fall. But will any person contend that this state of affairs can long continue? The labourer must go to the parish, or turn to some more profitable employment, if by chance any can be found, or he must emigrate, or work himself out by overstrained exertion. The proportion being then altered between the demand for labour and the supply, its price will rise. This effect sooner or later must happen, but till it has actually taken place how dreadful must be the situation of the labourer!

* * * * *

Having thus shown both by reasoning and by reference to facts, that the price of provisions must ultimately and on the average regulate that of labour, he proceeded to show the effect that an advance of provisions must have on our manufacturing interests. And here Mr. Philips said that he wished on such topics, to reduce his reasoning as much as possible to numerical calculation. He would suppose, for the sake of argument, without at all entering into the enquiry, that three-fifths, or 60 per cent. of the labourer's wages were spent in provisions, and that provisions were 80 per cent. dearer here than they were in France, or any manufacturing country on the continent. By multiplying 60 by 80, and dividing by 100, the committee would see that the excess of the price of labour here above that of France would, from these datas, and according to his reasoning, be 48 per cent. He wished the committee to consider what must be the effect of such an excessive price of labour employed in our manufactures, when compared with the low price of labour employed in the manufactures of France, and what an advantage it must give to the French manufacturers in their attempts to rival us on the continent.

* * * * *

[After quoting Malthus] he observed that there were two ways of equalising subsistence and population, one by increasing food, the other by limiting population, and warned the committee against being led into measures whose tendency might be to produce that effect in the latter way. Why (said Mr. Philips) should a commercial and manufacturing country like this have such a jealousy and dread of the importation of corn? An importation of corn cannot take place without a corresponding export of commodities on which British industry has been employed. The export will increase your wealth, that wealth will increase your population, and that increased population will produce an increased demand for your agricultural produce.... Mr. Philips observed that no country in the world was so interested as this in establishing the principle of free trade, because no other country could profit equally by the general recognition of that principle. Foreign nations, mistaking, like the advocates of the regulation before the committee, the circumstances which have operated against our wealth for the causes of it, are now following our example. They are prohibiting or imposing restraints on the import of our fabrics, in order to encourage their own manufactures, from which they will receive inferior fabrics at a higher price. Let us convince them, by an example, of their mistake. Let us convince them that by leaving industry and enterprise unfettered, and by allowing capital to take its natural and voluntary direction, we are persuaded that the true interests of this country and of every other will be most effectually promoted.

Mr. Philips proceeded to say that Great Britain was geographically a commercial country, that commerce had stimulated her agriculture rather than agriculture had stimulated her commerce. It had given wealth to her people, and diffused fertility over her soil. Take care, said he, that in attempting to change the natural character of your country, you do not stop the progress of national prosperity....

[Footnote 395: Lord Lauderdale in evidence before a committee of the House of Lords.]

15. THE CORN LAW OF 1815 [_Statutes, 55 Geo. III, 26_]

An Act to amend the laws now in force regulating the Importation of Corn.

[Corn may at all times be imported and warehoused free of duty.]

III. And be it further enacted, that such foreign corn, meal or flour, shall and may be permitted to be imported into the said United Kingdom, for home consumption, under and subject to the provisions and regulations now in force, without payment of any duty whatever, whenever the average prices of the several sorts of British corn, made up and published in the manner now by law required, shall be at or above the prices hereafter mentioned; that is to say, whenever wheat shall be at or above the price of eighty shillings per quarter; whenever rye, pease and beans shall be at or above the price of fifty-three shillings per quarter; whenever barley, beer or bigg shall be at or above the price of forty shillings per quarter; and whenever oats shall be at or above the price of twenty-seven shillings per quarter.

IV. And be it further enacted, that whenever the average prices of British corn so made up and published shall respectively be below the prices hereinbefore stated, no foreign corn, or meal, or flour made from any of the respective sorts of foreign corn hereinbefore enumerated, shall be allowed to be imported into the United Kingdom for the purpose of home consumption, or taken out of warehouse for that purpose.

V. And be it further enacted, that the average price of the several sorts of British corn, by which the importation of foreign corn, meal or flour, into the United Kingdom shall be regulated and governed, shall continue to be made up and published in any manner now required by law; but that if it shall hereafter at any time after the importation of foreign corn, meal or flour shall be permitted, under the provisions of this Act, appear that the average prices of the different sorts of British corn respectively in the six weeks immediately succeeding the fifteenth day of February, the fifteenth day of May, the fifteenth day of August and the fifteenth day of November in each year, shall have fallen below the prices at which foreign corn, meal or flour may be, under the provisions of this Act, allowed to be imported for home consumption, no such foreign corn, meal or flour shall be allowed to be imported into the United Kingdom for home consumption from any place between the rivers Eyder and Bidassoa, both inclusive, until a new average shall be made up and published in the London Gazette for regulating the importation into the United Kingdom for the succeeding quarter.

16. FREE TRADE PETITION[396] [_Commons Journals, Vol. LXXV._], 1820.

The Petition, etc., Humbly sheweth

That foreign commerce is eminently conducive to the wealth and prosperity of a country, by enabling it to import the commodities for the production of which the soil, climate, capital, and industry of other countries are best calculated, and to export in payment those articles for which its own situation is better adapted.

That freedom from restraint is calculated to give the utmost extension to foreign trade, and the best direction to the capital and industry of the country.

That the maxim of buying in the cheapest market and selling in the dearest, which regulates every merchant in his individual dealings, is strictly applicable as the best rule for the trade of the whole nation.

That a policy founded on these principles would render the commerce of the world an interchange of mutual advantages, and diffuse an increase of wealth and enjoyments among the inhabitants of each State.

That, unfortunately, a policy the very reverse of this has been, and is, more or less, adopted and acted upon by the Government of this and of every other country....

That the prevailing prejudices in favour of the protective or restrictive system may be traced to the erroneous supposition that every importation of foreign commodities occasions a diminution or discouragement of our own productions to the same extent, whereas it may be clearly shown that although the particular description of production which could not stand against unrestrained foreign competition would be discouraged, yet, as no importation could be continued for any length of time without a corresponding exportation, direct or indirect, there would be an encouragement, for the purpose of that exportation, of some other production to which our situation might be better suited, thus affording at least an equal, and probably a greater, and certainly a more beneficial employment to our own capital and labour.

* * * * *

That, among the other evils of the restrictive or protective system, not the least is, that the artificial protection of one branch of industry, or source of production, against foreign competition, is set up as a ground of claim by other branches for similar protection, so that if the reasoning upon which these restrictive or prohibitory regulations are founded were followed out consistently, it would not stop short of excluding us from all foreign commerce whatsoever. And the same train of argument, which, with corresponding prohibitions and protective duties, should exclude us from foreign trade, might be brought forward to justify the re-enactment of restrictions upon the interchange of productions (unconnected with public revenue) among the kingdoms composing the union, or among the counties of the same kingdom.

That an investigation of the effects of the restrictive system at this time is peculiarly called for, as it may, in the opinions of your petitioners, lead to a strong presumption that the distress which now so generally prevails is considerably aggravated by that system, and that some relief may be obtained by the earliest practicable removal of such of the restraints as may be shown to be most injurious to the capital and industry of the community, and to be attended with no compensating benefit to the public revenue.

That a declaration against the anti-commercial principles of our restrictive system is of the more importance at the present juncture inasmuch as, in several instances of recent occurrence, the merchants and manufacturers in foreign States have assailed their respective Governments with applications for further protective or prohibitory duties and regulations, urging the example and authority of this country, against which they are almost exclusively directed, as a sanction for the policy of such measures. And certainly, if the reasoning upon which our restrictions have been defended is worth anything, it will apply in behalf of the regulations of foreign States against us. They insist upon our superiority in capital and machinery, as we do upon their comparative exemption from taxation, and with equal foundation.

That nothing would more tend to counteract the commercial hostility of foreign States than the adoption of a more enlightened and more conciliatory policy on the part of this country.

That, although, as a matter of mere diplomacy, it may sometimes answer to hold out the removal of particular prohibitions, or high duties, as depending upon corresponding concessions by other States in our favour, it does not follow that we should maintain our restrictions in cases where the desired concessions on their part cannot be obtained. Our restrictions would not be the less prejudicial to our capital and industry because other Governments persisted in preserving impolitic regulations.

* * * * *

That in thus declaring, as your petitioners do, their conviction of the impolicy and injustice of the restrictive system, and in desiring every practicable relaxation of it, they have in view only such parts of it as are not connected, or are only subordinately so, with the public revenue. As long as the necessity for the present amount of revenue subsists, your petitioners cannot expect so important a branch of it as the Customs to be given up, nor to be materially diminished, unless some substitute, less objectionable, be suggested. But it is against every restrictive regulation of trade not essential to the revenue--against all duties merely protective from foreign competition--and against the excess of such duties as are partly for the purpose of revenue and partly for that of protection, that the prayer of the present petition is respectfully submitted to the wisdom of Parliament.

[Footnote 396: Quoted in Hirst, _Free Trade and the Manchester School_, pp. 118-121.]

17. THE FOUNDATION OF THE ANTI-CORN-LAW LEAGUE [_History of the Anti-Corn-Law League by Archibald Prentice, I, pp. 101-2, 1853_], 1839.

_Resolutions of meeting of delegates at Manchester, January 23, 1839._

Resolved--1. That this meeting of representatives from all the great sections of our manufacturing and commercial population, solemnly declare it to be their conviction that the prosperity of the great staples upon which their capital and industry are employed, is in imminent danger from the operation of the laws which interdict or interfere with the exchange of their productions for the corn and other produce of foreign nations, and thus check our trade, and artificially enhance the price of food in this country; and believing that the facts upon which this judgment is formed are little known, and of such national importance as to call for their disclosure before the people's representatives, they earnestly recommend that petitions be immediately forwarded from all parts of the Kingdom, praying to be heard by counsel and evidence at the bar of the House of Commons in the approaching session of Parliament.

2. That in order to secure unity and efficiency of action this meeting recommends that delegates be appointed by the several Anti-Corn-Law Associations of the kingdom. Those manufacturing and commercial towns not already possessing such societies are earnestly recommended to form Anti-Corn-Law Associations; and in case they require information or advice, they are invited to put themselves immediately in correspondence with the Manchester Association, whose fundamental rule, prohibiting the discussion of any party or political topics, is especially recommended for the adoption of all similar bodies elsewhere.

3. That the agricultural proprietor, capitalist, and labourer are benefited equally with the trader, by the creation and circulation of the wealth of the country; and this meeting appeals to all those classes to co-operate for the removal of a monopoly which, by restricting the foreign commerce of the country, retards the increase of the population, and restrains the growth of towns; thus depriving them of the manifold resources to be derived from the augmenting numbers and wealth of the country.

4. That this meeting cannot separate without expressing its deep sympathy with the present privations of that great and valuable class of their countrymen who earn their daily bread by the sweat of their brow; many of whom are now suffering from hunger in the midst of boundless fields of employment, rendered unproductive solely by those unjust laws which prevent the exchange of the products of their industry for the food of other countries. So long as a plentiful supply of the first necessaries of life is denied by acts of the British legislation to the great body of the nation, so long will the government and the country be justly exposed to all the evils resulting from the discontent of the people. With a view to avert so great a danger by an act of universal justice, this meeting pledges itself to a united, energetic, and persevering effort for the total and immediate repeal of all laws affecting the free importation of grain.[397]

[Footnote 397: The Anti-Corn-Law League was created on the recommendation of a delegate meeting, March 20 following.]

18. THE BANK CHARTER ACT [_Statutes 7 and 8 Victoria 32_], 1844.

An Act to regulate the Issue of Bank Notes, and for giving to the Governor and Company of the Bank of England certain Privileges for a limited Period.

Be it enacted that from and after the thirty-first day of August, one thousand eight hundred and forty-four, the issue of Promissory Notes of the Governor and Company of the Bank of England, payable on demand, shall be separated and thenceforth kept wholly distinct from the general Banking business of the said Governor and Company; and the business of and relating to such issue shall be thenceforth conducted and carried on by the said Governor and Company in a separate department, to be called "The Issue Department of the Bank of England," subject to the rules and regulations hereinafter contained; and it shall be lawful for the Court of Directors of the said Governor and Company, if they shall think fit, to appoint a committee or committees of directors for the conduct and management of such Issue Department of the Bank of England, and from time to time remove the members, and define, alter, and regulate the constitution and powers of such committee, as they shall think fit, subject to any bye-laws, rules or regulations which may be made for that purpose: provided nevertheless, that the said Issue Department shall always be kept separate and distinct from the Banking Department of the said Governor and Company.

II. And be it enacted, that upon the thirty-first day of August, one thousand eight hundred and forty-four, there shall be transferred, appropriated, and set apart by the said Governor and Company to the Issue Department of the Bank of England securities to the value of fourteen million pounds, whereof the debt due by the public to the said Governor and Company shall be and be deemed a part; and there shall also at the same time be transferred, appropriated, and set apart by the said Governor and Company to the said Issue Department so much of the gold coin and gold and silver bullion then held by the Bank of England as shall not be required by the Banking Department thereof; and thereupon there shall be delivered out of the said Issue Department into the said Banking Department of the Bank of England such an amount of Bank of England notes as, together with the Bank of England notes then in circulation, shall be equal to the aggregate amount of the securities, coin and bullion so transferred to the said Issue Department of the Bank of England; and the whole amount of Bank of England notes then in circulation, including those delivered to the Banking Department of the Bank of England as aforesaid, shall be deemed to be issued on the credit of such securities, coin, and bullion so appropriated and set apart to the said Issue Department; and from thenceforth it shall not be lawful for the said Governor and Company to increase the amount of securities for the time being in the said Issue Department, save as hereinafter is mentioned, but it shall be lawful for the said Governor and Company to diminish the amount of such securities, and again to increase the same to any sum not exceeding in the whole the sum of fourteen million pounds, and so from time to time as they shall see occasion; and from and after such transfer and appropriation to the said Issue Department as aforesaid it shall not be lawful for the said Governor and Company to issue Bank of England notes, either into the Banking Department of the Bank of England, or to any persons or person whatsoever, save in exchange for other Bank of England notes, or for gold coin or for gold or silver bullion received or purchased for the said Issue Department under the provisions of this Act, or in exchange for securities acquired and taken in the said Issue Department under the provisions herein contained: provided always, that it shall be lawful for the said Governor and Company in their Banking Department to issue all such Bank of England notes as they shall at any time receive from the said Issue Department or otherwise, in the same manner in all respects as such issue would be lawful to any other person or persons.

IV. And be it enacted, that from and after the thirty-first day of August, one thousand eight hundred and forty-four, all persons shall be entitled to demand from the Issue Department of the Bank of England, Bank of England notes in exchange for gold bullion, at the rate of three pounds, seventeen shillings and ninepence per ounce of standard gold. Provided always, that the said Governor and Company shall in all cases be entitled to require such gold bullion to be melted and assayed by persons approved by the said Governor and Company at the expense of the parties tendering such gold bullion.

V. Provided always, and be it enacted, that if any banker who on the sixth day of May one thousand eight hundred and forty-four was issuing his own bank notes, shall cease to issue his own bank notes, it shall be lawful for Her Majesty in Council at any time after the cessation of such issue, upon the application of the said Governor and Company, to authorize and empower the said Governor and Company to increase the amount of securities in the said Issue Department beyond the total sum or value of fourteen million pounds, and thereupon to issue additional Bank of England notes to an amount not exceeding such increased amount of securities specified in such Order in Council, and so from time to time: provided always that such increased amount of securities specified in such Order in Council shall in no case exceed the proportion of two thirds the amount of bank notes which the banker so ceasing to issue may have been authorized to issue under the provisions of this Act; and every such order in Council shall be published in the next succeeding _London Gazette_.

XII. And be it enacted, that if any banker in any part of the United Kingdom who after the passing of this act shall be entitled to issue bank notes shall become bankrupt, or shall cease to carry on the business of a banker, or shall discontinue the issue of bank notes, either by agreement with the Governor and Company of the Bank of England or otherwise, it shall not be lawful for such Banker at any time thereafter to issue any such notes.

XIV. Provided always, and be it enacted, That if it shall be made to appear to the Commissioners of stamps and taxes that any two or more banks have, by written contract or agreement (which contract or agreement shall be produced to the said Commissioners), become united within the twelve weeks next preceding such twenty-seventh day of April as aforesaid, it shall be lawful for the said Commissioners to ascertain the average amount of the notes of each such bank in the manner hereinbefore directed, and to certify the average amount of the notes of the two or more banks so united as the amount which the united Bank shall thereafter be authorized to issue, subject to the regulations of this Act.

19. DEBATE ON THE CORN LAWS [_Parliamentary Debates, 3rd Series, Vol. 73, Cols. 68, 69-71, 849-850, 1345-1347_], 1846.

_Address in Answer to Her Majesty's Speech, January 22nd, 1846._

_House of Commons._ _Sir Robert Peel._

Sir, the immediate cause which led to the dissolution of the Government in the early part of last December, was that great and mysterious calamity which caused a lamentable failure in an article of food on which great numbers of the people in this part of the United Kingdom, and still larger numbers in the sister kingdom, depended mainly for their subsistence. That was the immediate and proximate cause, which led to the dissolution of the Government. But it would be unfair and uncandid on my part, if I attached undue importance to that particular cause. It certainly appeared to me to preclude further delay, and to require immediate decision--decision not only upon the measures which it was necessary at the time to adopt, but also as to the course to be ultimately taken with regard to the laws which govern the importation of grain. I will not assign to that cause too much weight. I will not withhold the homage which is due to the progress of reason and to truth, by denying that my opinions on the subject of protection have undergone a change.

* * * * *

Sir, those who contend for the removal of impediments upon the import of a great article of subsistence, such as corn, start with an immense advantage in the argument. The natural presumption is in favour of free and unrestricted importation. It may, indeed, be possible to combat that presumption; it may be possible to meet its advocates in the field of argument, by showing that there are other and greater advantages arising out of the system of prohibition than out of the system of unrestricted intercourse; but even those who so contend will, I think, admit that the natural feelings of mankind are strongly in favour of the absence of all restriction, and that the presumption is so strong, that we must combat it by an avowal of some great public danger to be avoided, or some great public benefit to be obtained by restriction on the importation of food. We all admit that the argument in favour of high protection or prohibition on the ground that it is for the benefit of a particular class, is untenable. The most strenuous advocates for protection have abandoned that argument; they rest, and wisely rest, the defence of protective duties upon higher principles. They have alleged, as I have myself alleged, that there were public reasons for retaining this protection. Sir, circumstances made it absolutely necessary for me, occupying the public station I do, and seeing the duty that must unavoidably devolve on me--it became absolutely necessary for me maturely to consider whether the grounds on which an alteration of the Corn Laws can be resisted are tenable. The arguments in favour of protection must be based either on the principle that protection to domestic industry is in itself sound policy, and that, therefore, agriculture, being a branch of domestic industry, is entitled to share in that protection; or, that in a country like ours, encumbered with an enormous load of debt, and subject to great taxation, it is necessary that domestic industry should be protected from competition with foreigners; or, again--the interests of the great body of the community, the laborious classes, being committed in this question--that the rate of wages varies with the price of provisions, that high prices imply high wages, and that low wages are the concomitants of low prices. Further, it may be said, that the land is entitled to protection on account of some peculiar burdens which it bears. But that is a question of justice rather than of policy; I have always felt and maintained that the land is subject to peculiar burdens; but you have the power of weakening the force of that argument by the removal of the burden, or making compensation. The first three objections to the removal of protection are objections founded on considerations of public policy. The last is a question of justice, which may be determined by giving some counterbalancing advantage. Now, I want not to deprive those who, arguing _a priori_, without the benefit of experience, have come to the conclusion that protection is objectionable in principle--I want not to deprive them of any of the credit which is fairly their due. Reason, unaided by experience, brought conviction to their minds. My opinions have been modified by the experience of the last three years. I have had the means and opportunity of comparing the results of periods of abundance and low prices with periods of scarcity and high prices. I have carefully watched the effects of the one system, and of the other--first, of the policy we have been steadily pursuing for some years, viz., the removal of protection from domestic industry; and next, of the policy which the friends of protection recommend. I have also had an opportunity of marking from day to day the effect upon great social interests of freedom of trade and comparative abundance. I have not failed to note the results of preceding years, and to contrast them with the results of the last three years; and I am led to the conclusion that the main grounds of public policy on which protection has been defended are not tenable; at least, I cannot maintain them. I do not believe, after the experience of the last three years, that the rate of wages varies with the price of food. I do not believe that with high prices, wages will necessarily rise in the same ratio. I do not believe that a low price of food necessarily implies a low rate of wages. Neither can I maintain that protection to domestic industry is necessarily good.

_Adjourned Debate. February 13, 1846._

_House of Commons._

SIR DOUGLAS HOWARD said:[398]

I have often imagined--and it was for this that I moved for, and obtained the order of this House for, the extensive returns which are now preparing, namely, the various colonial tariffs and commercial relations at present subsisting between all the Colonies of the Empire and the mother country, and between the Colonies themselves--that it might really be possible to treat Colonies like counties of the country, not only in direct trade with the United Kingdom, but in commercial intercourse with each other, by free trade among ourselves, under a reasonable moderate degree of protection from without, and so resolve the United Kingdom, and all her Colonies and possessions, into a commercial union such as might defy all rivalry, and defeat all combinations. Then might colonization proceed on a gigantic scale--then might British capital animate British labour, on British soil, for British objects, throughout the extended dominions of the British Empire. Such an union is the United States of America--a confederation of sovereign States, leagued together for commercial and political purposes, with the most perfect free trade within, and a stringent protection from without; and signally, surely, has that commercial league succeeded and flourished. Such an union, too, is the German Customs League; and it has succeeded to an extent that really is, in so short a time, miraculous. But free trade--the extinction of the protective principle--the repeal of the differential duties--would at once convert all our Colonies, in a commercial sense, into as many independent States. The colonial consumer of British productions would then be released from his part of the compact--that of dealing, in preference, with the British producer; and the British consumer of such articles as the Colonies produce, absolved from his; each party would be free to buy in the cheapest, and sell in the dearest market. I defy any hon. member opposite to say that this would not be a virtual dissolution of the colonial system.

_Adjourned Debate. February 20, 1846._

MR. B. DISRAELI:[399]

I have now nearly concluded the observations which I shall address to the House. I have omitted a great deal which I wished to urge upon the House; and I sincerely wish that what I have said had been urged with more ability; but I have endeavoured not to make a mere Corn Law speech; I have only taken corn as an illustration; but I don't like my friends here to enter upon that Corn Law debate which I suppose is impending, under a mistaken notion of the position in which they stand. I never did rest my defence of the Corn Laws on the burdens to which the land is subject. I believe that there are burdens, heavy burdens, on the land; but the land has great honours, and he who has great honours must have great burdens. But I wish them to bear in mind that their cause must be sustained by great principles. I venture feebly and slightly to indicate those principles, principles of high policy, on which their system ought to be sustained. First, without reference to England, looking at all countries, I say that it is the first duty of the Minister, and the first interest of the State, to maintain a balance between the two great branches of national industry; that is a principle which has been recognised by all great Ministers for the last two hundred years; and the reasons upon which it rests are so obvious, that it can hardly be necessary to mention them. Why we should maintain that balance between the two great branches of national industry, involves political considerations--social considerations, affecting the happiness, prosperity, and morality of the people, as well as the stability of the State. But I go further; I say that in England we are bound to do more--I repeat what I have repeated before, that in this country there are special reasons why we should not only maintain the balance between the two branches of our national industry, but why we should give a preponderance--I do not say a predominance, which was the word ascribed by the hon. member for Manchester to the noble lord the member for London, but which he never used--why we should give a preponderance, for that is the proper and constitutional word, to the agricultural branch; and the reason is, because in England we have a territorial Constitution. We have thrown upon the land the revenues of the Church, the administration of justice, and the estate of the poor; and this has been done, not to gratify the pride, or pamper the luxury of the proprietors of the land, but because, in a territorial Constitution, you, and those whom you have succeeded, have found the only security for self-government--the only barrier against that centralising system which has taken root in other countries. I have always maintained these opinions; my constituents are not landlords; they are not aristocrats; they are not great capitalists; they are the children of industry and toil; and they believe, first, that their material interests are involved in a system which favours native industry, by insuring at the same time real competition; but they believe also that their social and political interests are involved in a system by which their rights and liberties have been guaranteed; and I agree with them--I have these old-fashioned notions. I know that we have been told, and by one who on this subject should be the highest authority, that we shall derive from this great struggle, not merely the repeal of the Corn Laws, but the transfer of power from one class to another--to one distinguished for its intelligence and wealth, the manufacturers of England. My conscience assures me that I have not been slow in doing justice to the intelligence of that class; certain I am, that I am not one of those who envy them their wide and deserved prosperity; but I must confess my deep mortification, that in an age of political regeneration, when all social evils are ascribed to the operation of class interests, it should be suggested that we are to be rescued from the alleged power of one class only to sink under the avowed dominion of another. I, for one, if this is to be the end of all our struggles--if this is to be the great result of this enlightened age--I, for one, protest against the ignominious catastrophe. I believe that the monarchy of England, its sovereignty mitigated by the acknowledged authority of the estates of the realm, has its root in the hearts of the people, and is capable of securing the happiness of the nation and the power of the State. But, Sir, if this be a worn-out dream; if, indeed, there is to be a change, I, for one, anxious as I am to maintain the present polity of this country, ready to make as many sacrifices as any man for that object--if there is to be this great change, I, for one, hope that the foundations of it may be deep, the scheme comprehensive, and that instead of falling under such a thraldom, under the thraldom of Capital--under the thraldom of those who, while they boast of their intelligence, are more proud of their wealth--if we must find a new force to maintain the ancient throne and immemorial monarchy of England, I, for one, hope that we may find that novel power in the invigorating energies of an educated and enfranchised people.

[Footnote 398: _Ibid._ cols. 849-50.]

[Footnote 399: _Ibid._, cols. 1345-1347.]

INDEX

Acts of Parliament (_see_ Statutes)

Administration, central (_see_ Chancery, Commissions, Councils, Crown, Exchequer, House of Commons, Parliament, Statutes); local (_see_ Boroughs, County Courts, Hundreds, Justices, Parishes, Sheriffs)

Agrarian changes, in Middle Ages, 53, 54, 83, 85-87; in Tudor and Stuart periods, 227, 228, 234-277; in 18th and 19th centuries, 523, 524, 525-542, 552

Agriculture, advantages of large scale, 530, 531; capitalist, 228; depression of, in 16th century, 407-412; effect of Corn Laws on, 692-698 (_see also_ Corn Laws); encouragement of, by Tudor and Stuart monarchy, 229, 260-277, 428-430; improvements in, effected in 18th century, 523, 526, 530, 531, 532-536; manorial, 3-9, 16, 17, 53-110, 227-277; do., developments in, 53, 54, 83, 85-87; provision for harvest labour, 78, 173, 328, 329, 347, 648; reaction of commerce and industry on, 582, 697; state of, in 18th and 19th centuries, 523-542 (_see also_ Arable, Commons, Common Fields, Depopulation, Enclosures, Land, Manor, Pasture, Smallholders)

Agriculture, Board of, surveys of, 524, 532-536

Agricultural houses and buildings, decay and restoration of, 267, 268, 272, 275, 276, 324, 392, 536, 567

Agricultural labourers, 7, 8, 62-64, 78, 164, 165, 170, 171-174,176-178, 324, 353, 355, 408; apprenticeship of, 324, 325, 330, 388; combinations of, 55, 105-110, 552, 553, 638-640; condition of, in 19th century, 695, 696; hiring of, 164-168, 170-174, 176-178; housing of, 567; regulation of conditions of service of, 171-178, 325-333, 352, 360, 361; regulation of hours of, 327; regulation of wages of, 173, 177, 328, 329, 342, 343, 346, 347, 351, 353, 360, 361, 405, 546, 547, 552-554; restrictions of, as to apprenticeship to crafts, 174, 361

Alehouses, taverns, 378, 473, 536; increase of, in 18th century, 489; meeting of journeymen associations in, 624; patent for licensing of, 442; payment of wages in, prohibited, 599

Aliens, burgesses of English towns, 27, 28_n_; jealousy of, 153, 186, 199, 200

Alien craftsmen, imported into Ireland, 471; in London, 195-197, 199

Alien merchants, 127, 180, 181, 182, 183, 184, 189, 192-195, 197-199, 420; admitted to a London company, 309; arrest of goods of, 189, 190; customs granted by, 208-216; freedom of trade granted to, 127, 152, 209, 212; of Almain, 194; of Flanders, 193, 194; of France, 192, 193; of Italy, 43, 127, 199, 420-424

Almshouses, 483

Anti-Corn-Law League, foundation of, 701.

Anti-Slavery Society, 593

Apprentices, 113, 136, 138, 141, 142, 143, 147, 231, 282, 283, 295, 296, 300, 305, 307, 324-326, 330-334, 341, 344, 345, 348, 353, 356, 361, 437, 444, 455, 499, 500; disciplinary rules touching, 113, 147, 345; in factories, 571, 572; fees exacted from, 284-286; limitation of numbers of, in textile industry, 322; oaths exacted from by masters, 285, 286; pauper, 381, 505; proportion of, to journeymen, regulations as to, 332, 550, 551, 573, 574; runaway, 148; unindentured, 353

Apprenticeship, 138, 174, 314, 479, 499, 500, 588, 589; custom of London as to, 330; debates in House of Commons on, 577-588; effect of compulsory, on marriage, 322, 323_n_, 344; enactment as to age of ending, 323, 344; enforcement of statute as to, 386; evasion of, by a company, 310; fees on entering and leaving, 280; half-pay, 590; indentures of, 113, 147, 295; municipal regulation of, 295, 305-307; of agricultural labourers, 325, 330, 388; to crafts, restricted, 174, 361; of pauper children, 381, 388, 504, 652; to woollen industry, 499, 500

Approvers, criminal, 39

Arable land, conversion of, to pasture, 55, 260-277, 392, 407, 408, 409; enclosure of (_see_ Enclosure); on a 14th century manor, 56

Artificers, Statute of (_see_ Statutes)

Assarts, 89

Assizes, 88, 89, 93, 97; grand, 95; of bread and ale, 37, 80, 117, 118, 133, 152, 155, 156, 388; of cloth, 152, 154, 155, 319; suspension of, 319, 320; of _mort d'ancestor_, 94; of novel disseisin, 88, 89, 93, 94, 96, 97_n_; of weights and measures, 152, 154, 377, 388; of wine, 152

Ball, John, and the Peasants' Revolt, 109

Bankers and Banking, 398, 420

Bankrupts, 474

Banks, 506; country, 681

Bank of England, 667; foundation of, 668, 676; suspension of cash payments by, 681

Bee-keeping, 7

Beer, patent for export of, 442

Beggars, 166, 174, 175, 176, 324, 388, 483; licensing of, 363, 364, 366 (_see also_ Poor, Vagrants)

Berlin Decrees, effect of, on commerce, 690, 692

Black Death, the, 54, 55, 65_n_, 102, 103, 104, 105, 164

Blackwell Hall, the London cloth market, 440, 460, 492-495

Bondage land (_see_ Villeinage)

Bondmen (_see_ Villeins)

Bordiers, 16, 17; in boroughs, 12, 13

Boroughs and towns, 10-25, 279-312; in Domesday Book, 4; affiliation of, 112, 124; assessment of wages by, 315; bakehouses in, 13; bondmen received in, 121, 125; charters to (_see_ Charters); charters to, confiscated 257; courts in, 12, 116, 117, 118, 119, 120, 125, 129, 131, 132; crimes in, fines and forfeitures for, 14, 15; customs in, 10-14; bequest of burgages, 117; cannemol, 133; gyeresyeve, 120; scotale, 120; decay of, alleged, 180, 425; election of officers in, 118, 120, 121, 257; exclusiveness of, 118; farmers of, 131; farms of, 10-14, 37, 119, 123, 292; fines, gersums, in, 12; gildhalls in, 4, 10, 129, 137, 141, 142, 144; hansing-silver exacted in, 128; hosting in, 160; hosting of aliens in, 197-199, 209, 212, 213; housecarles in, 14; hue and cry in, 160; Jewries in, 43, 45, 46, 47, 48, 50; the king's, tallage assessed on, 35; king's demesne in, 13; lords of, 32; lords of, disputes with and complaints against, 123, 128, 131; mayors and bailiffs of, 32, 48, 118, 121, 122, 130, 132, 136-145, 147, 157, 160, 165, 166, 172-175, 181, 189, 192, 195, 200-202, 206, 214, 216, 231, 282-284, 294-297, 299, 303, 309, 327-329, 332, 333, 340, 366, 367, 370-372; origin of, 111; reeves of, 10, 32, 155; rents in, 10, 13, 14, 15; rents in, enhancement of, 521; sanitary conditions in, in nineteenth century, 519, 520; do, recommendations for improvement of, 614-616; stewards of, 117, 118; supervision of strangers in, 160; watch and ward in, 160, 389 (_see also_ Market Towns)

Borough tolls, 10, 112, 119-123, 125-127, 131-135, 212, 282; disputes touching, 121, 126; exemption from, 119, 120, 121, 124, 126, 127; exemption of Jews from, 45; intermunicipal agreement on, 126 (_see also_ Lastage, Murage, Passage, Pavage, Pesage, Pontage, Stallage)

Bracton, quotations from, 75_n._, 97_n._, 126

Bracton's Note Book, 88-90, 92, 93, 95-97

Brewers, Stuart patent for licensing, 473

Bridewells, 370, 371 (_see also_ Houses of Correction, Workhouses)

Brokerage, 422, 423

Bullion, export of, 203, 216-223, 398, 416, 419, 420, 668, 671, 672; free coinage of, at the Mint, 674 (_see also_ Currency, Mint).

Burgage tenure, 117

Cabots, the, 400-402

Calico-printers, journeymen, grievances of, 573-576

Capital, discussion on employment of, in factories, 606, 607

Capitalism, Disraeli's protest against domination of, 710, 711; growth of, 668; in textile industries, 314, 315, 317, 320-322; in agriculture, 228

Capitalists, 561; mercantile, 280

Cartbote, 242

Cecil, Lord, industrial programme of, 323-324

Chancery, court of, 106, 146, 150, 236; appeals to, by an alleged villein, 100; by copyholders, 85, 234, 241; by a craftsman, 148, 199; by a woolmerchant, 186; touching usury, 201; certifications into, 328; equitable jurisdiction of, 87, 148_n._, 228; original writs of, 48; patents to make writs and file bills in, 441, 442; protection of customary tenure in, 87_n._, 228, 235, 241

Chantries, 286-293

Charters, 152, 153; of Henry II., 45, 124, 308; of Richard I., 125; of John, 44, 121, 122, 124, 126, 158; of Henry III., 119, 124, 126, 127, 192; of Edward I., 158, 164, 208, 211; of Edward III., 119_n._, 211; of Gilbert de Clare, 116; to alien towns and merchants, 152, 192, 194, 199, 208, 211; to boroughs, 116, 119, 121, 122, 124, 125, 126, 127; to craft-gilds and companies, 144, 303, 308, 399, 427, 454, 461.

Chartists, 618; manifestoes of, 618, 641, 642.

Chevage, 72, 73, 74, 75

Child-labour, 436; half-timers, 613; Oastler's campaign against, 544, 592-594; in coalmines, 516-9, 598, 599; in factories, 480, 495, 496, 502-505, 510-516, 544, 571-573, 591-595, 600, 609, 610, 612-614; in woollen industry, 483

Children's Employment Commission, 600, 603.

Churches, free fees of, exempted from taxation, 33

Churchwardens, administrative duties of, touching labour and poor relief, 324, 648

Civil War, the, 310, 399, 475

Cloth, assize of, 152, 154, 155, 319; suspension of, 319, 320; aulnage of, 163, 164; customs on (_see Customs_); industry (_see_ Woollen Cloth); retailing of, 131 (_see also_ Woollen Cloth)

Coal Industry, commission on employment in, 480, 516-519; condition of, in 18th century, 479, 491-492; act regulating, 598; dispute between employers and workmen in, 625; hours of labour in, 517-519; inspectors of, 598; production, transport and distribution in, 491, 492; regulation of prices and limitation of output in, 497-499; woman and child labour in, 516-519, 598, 599

Coin, clipping of, 678

Colonial preference, 708

Colonies, advantages of, 434-438; effect of Navigation Act on, 672-674; wages in, 315, 360

Combinations, of masters, 590, 634; of journeymen, 138-141, 196, 549, 560, 583, 590, 617-643; of agricultural labourers, 105-110, 552, 553, 618, 638-641; of bricklayers, 624; of carpenters, 624; of coach-makers, curriers, farriers, smiths and sailmakers, 623; of coalminers, 625; of feltmakers, 617, 619-622; of joiners, 624; of tailors, 617, 618, 622-624; of woolcombers, 617, 626

Combination Acts, 575, 618, 626, 627-631, 633, 636-638; repeal of, 633

Commissions, Royal, on depopulation, 276, 277_n_; on enclosure, 229, 262, 262_n._; on child labour, 600, 603; on health in towns, 614-616; on industrial conditions, in textile industry, 316; in coal mines, 480, 516-519; on Poor Law, 661; petitions for, 260

Common fields, 54; disadvantages of, 527; distribution of strips in, 22, 55, 73, 76; enclosure of, 73, 525, 526, 527, 528, 529, 540, 541; regulation of, 76-79; system, 54

Common Law, and copyholders, 86, 87, 88, 228, 241, 255; and enclosure, 88, 89, 271; and villeinage, 89-97; and restraint of trade, 305-307, 315, 361, 362; and engrossing of corn, 393; and monopolies, 466; and combinations, 618, 634-636

Common pasture, 57, 58, 77, 88, 89, 259, 531; enclosure of, 88, 89, 257; in boroughs, 119; rights of, stinted by agreement, 256

Commons or Wastes, 54, 249; enclosure of, 54, 55, 63, 64, 87, 88, 244, 256, 257, 526-529, 532, 534, 540, 541; encroachments on, 54, 63, 64, 542; objection to lords commoning on, 248; rights on, 54, 529, 531, 534, 535, 538, 541

Companies, Industrial, 280 (_see also_ Craft-gilds, Mining); Stuart patents of incorporation of, revoked, 474

Companies, Mercantile, monopoly of, discussed, 443-453; Staplers, 153, 178-186, 484, 485; Merchant Adventurers, 302, 398, 399, 402-404, 446, 447, 449, 450, 452, 453, 454; new company of, incorporation of, 454-460; East India Company, interlopers and, 675; Eastland Company, 399; Muscovy Company, 399, 449, 450, 452, 453; Turkey Company, 431, 450

Co-operative Societies, 618, 643

Copyhold, 228, 234-240, 248-250, 254-259, 326, 527, 528, 538; conversion of, to leasehold, 538; eviction from, 85-87 (_see also_ Customary holdings, Villeinage)

Copyholders, 228, 244; of inheritance, 258 (_see also_ Customary tenants, Villeins)

Corn-badgers, 365, 375-377, 385, 386; -carriers, 326, 375, 376, 385, 487, 488; -factors, 487-491; engrossing and engrossers of, 376, 386, 389, 391-396; export and import of, 398, 407-411, 424, 428-430, 487; do., discussed, 274, 407-412; Laws, of 1815, 697; do., debates on, 692, 705; do., repeal of, 523; price of, fluctuations in, 368; do., means of enhancing, 407-412; production of, fluctuations in, 273-275; regulation of price and distribution of, 367, 368, 374-378, 385, 386, 389, 391-396; trade, condition of, in 18th century, 479, 487-491 (_see also_ Customs)

Coroners, 27, 38, 39

Cost of living, in 19th century, 521

Costermongers, excluded from operation of Statute of Artificers, 356

Cotters, cotmen, 5, 9, 61, 63, 65, 242

Cotton industry, in the 18th and 19th centuries, 545, 546, 571, 572, 576, 577; arbitration on disputes in, 544, 568-571; depression of wages in, 500, 501; fluctuations in, 480; introduction of power loom weaving in, 505-510; petition of journeymen in, to House of Commons, 480, 500 (_see also_ Factories)

Council, the King's, 48; Privy, 328, 455, 473, 474; intervention of, 229; for the protection of tenants, 266; for the regulation of wages, 316; for the regulation of prices, 365, 368; for the relief of the poor, 363, 364, 379, 382-384, 390, 649; of the North, 429, 430; of Wales, 429, 430

Council, Orders in, effect of, on industry and commerce, 480, 691

County courts, 34, 94

Courts, Royal (_see_ Chancery, Requests, Star Chamber, Wards and Liveries)

Craft-gilds, 111, 131, 133, 279, 315; adulterine, 114-116; censured, 296; charters to, protected in the Statute of Monopolies, 467; common box of, 136, 137; control of trade and industry by, 136-147, 284, 297-299, 300, 303, 307-311, 345; dependence of industrial on mercantile, 302-305; election of officers of, 137, 138, 142, 145, 309, 310, 311; exclusiveness of, 142, 143, 145, 280, 282, 299, 307, 361; incorporation of, 113, 144, 305, 308, 474; litigation of, 311; the livery of, 310; monopoly of, 280, 306, 311; municipal control of, 137-144, 147; ordinances of, 136-144, 195-197, 297; state supervision of, 113, 279, 284, 285, 286, 306, 307; religious aspect of, 136, 137, 139, 140, 144, 145, 280, 289, 290; restraint of trading by, 469; (_see also_ Apprentices, Journeymen, Yeomanry)

Craft-gilds and Companies of London, Clothworkers, 300-302; Feltmakers, 302; incorporation of, 303; Haberdashers, 302-304; incorporation of, 144-146; Weavers, alien, ordinances of, 195-197; Whitetawyers, ordinances of, 136-138

Craftsmen, alien, ordinances of, 195; classification of, in Tudor period, 414; desire of, for cheap corn, 409; for protection, 426; excessive prices charged by, 165, 166, 168, 169; excluded from operation of Statute of Artificers, 356; licensed to exercise more than one craft, 70; limited to one craft, 70, 294, 295, 306, 321 (_see also_ Apprentices, Industry, Journeymen, Labour, Labourers, Prices, Wages)

Credit, trading on, 305, 416-418, 420-424, 493-495

Crown, indebtedness of the, 153, 416-418

Currency, condition of, in fourteenth century, 217-223; in seventeenth century, 668, 677, 678; debasement of, 398, 405, 406, 416-418; discussions on, 220, 405; provisions for, 180, 181; recoinage of Queen Elizabeth, 419, 677; recoinage of 1696, 668, 677, 678 (_see also_ Bullion, Mint)

Customary holdings, 228; alienation of, 243, 258; bequest of, 233, 234; cotlands, 63; custom touching inheritance of, 233, 234; dayworks, 64; division of, among heirs, 232; eviction from, 254, 255, 263; fines for entry on, 66, 67, 68, 69, 86, 229, 233, 235, 238, 239, 240, 249, 251, 259; do., enhancement of, 229, 249, 251, 253, 255, 265; forelands, 62; forfeited, 242, 243; lease of, 55, 76, 80, 83, 84, 85, 86, 91, 235, 238, 241, 242, 254, 255, 258, 259; oxgangs, 258; sale and purchase of, 233, 234; yardlands, 242 (_see also_ Copyhold, Landmeasures, Leasehold, Manor)

Customary tenants, 5-9, 23, 24, 54, 80-86, 228, 232-246, 251-255; eviction of, 364; grant of manor to, 81; lease of manor to, 81 (_see also_ Bordiers, Copyholders, Cotters, Manor, Serfs, Villeins)

Customary tenure, 54, 55

Customs, the, in Middle Ages, 203, 207-216; in London and the outports, contrasted, 445; in American colonies, suggested, 673; on imports, 211-216, 401; exemption of the Cabots from, 401; on cloth, 403, 412, 417, 440, 459, 469, 471; on coal, 472; on exported corn, 398, 407, 430; on wine, 208, 214; on wool, 207, 215, 407, 413

Debt, the National, 676, 677; measures for reduction of, 679-681

Debts, recovery of, in Middle Ages, 161-163, 192

Defoe, Daniel, his accounts of eighteenth century industrial and trade conditions, 482-492; his criticism of Poor Laws, 649

Demesne, ancient, 36, 89; tenants of, 36, 55, 90, 91

Demesne lands, in boroughs, 132; in manors, 6, 9, 16, 17, 32, 33, 54, 56, 57, 64, 228, 237, 238, 240, 245, 246, 254, 258, 259; farmers of, 228; lease of, 259; lying in scattered strips, 76

Demesnes, the king's, 21, 36, 161; tallage assessed on, 35, 65

Depopulation, caused by the Black Death, 65-68, 102, 164; in rural districts, 267, 269, 395, 531, 536; acts against, 229, 260, 270_n._, 315

_Dialogus de Scaccario_, 4_n._

Diminishing Returns, Law of, 272

Discovery, voyages of, 400-402

Disraeli, Benjamin, protest of, against capitalist domination, 710, 711

Domesday Book, 3, 4, 20, 40_n_, 54; extracts from, 9-17

Domestic System, 355, 483, 508

Dorchester Agricultural Labourers Union, 618, 638-641; rules of, 640, 641

Dyeing, English and foreign, 155, 432, 433

Dyers of Bristol, ordinances of, 141-144

Eastland Merchants, 399

Economic theory and opinion, in eighteenth century, 488, 559, 590, 668; of state regulation, 365 (_see also_ Mercantile Theory)

Education, of working classes, 611, 711 (_see also_ Schools, industrial)

Edward I, charters of, 158, 164; enquiry of, touching royal rights and feudal liberties, 36-40

Enclosures of land, in Middle Ages, 54, 229; in sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, 229, 247, 248_n._, 389; in eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, 482, 483, 523-542; advocated, 526, 527; effect of, on cottagers, 532; expense of fencing, 535, 539; petition against, 531; speeches in House of Commons on, 270-275; statutes against, 247; by Act of Parliament, 523, 528, 532-542; do., expense of, 532, 535_n._; by agreement ratified in Chancery, 523, 525, 526, 530; of arable, 260-277, 408; of common fields, 73, 525, 526, 527, 528, 529, 540, 541; of common pasture, 88, 89, 257; of waste, 54, 55, 87, 88, 244, 526-529, 532, 534, 540, 541; Consolidating Act, 537; General Act, 541

Encroachments (_see_ Purprestures)

Escheat (_see_ Feudal Incidents)

Escheators, 20, 23-26, 30, 31, 40, 107-110, 249, 250; offences of, 40; office of, 20, 21

Exchange, letters of, 421-424

Exchanges, foreign, fluctuations and manipulation of, 398, 416-424; tax on, 398, 420-424; certifications into, 35, 47; fines paid in, 34

Excise, 399, 475-6, 667; imposition of, in lieu of feudal dues, 670; Walpole's proposal for, on salt, 678-9

Factories, growth of, checked in Tudor Period, 320, 321, 344; cotton, 495, 496, 591 (_see also_ Cotton Industry); child labour in, 480, 495, 496, 502-505, 510-516, 544, 571-573, 591-595, 600, 609, 610, 612-614; effect of, on health of operatives 495, 496, 503-505, 511, 514-516, 609, 610; hours of labour in, 503, 510-516, 591-593, 594, 595, 599-614; inspection of, by magistrates and parsons, 572, 573; do., by state inspectors, 595, 609, 610, 612; wages in, 512, 513; woman labour in, 614

Factory Acts, 480, 503, 504, 544, 545, 571-573, 591, 594-596, 612-614; alleged failure of, 608; debate on, in House of Commons, 599-612

Factory system, 320_n._

Fairs, 121, 152, 155, 157, 158, 159, 162, 163, 164, 188, 193, 209, 210, 213, 340, 421, 484; courts of, proceedings in, 159, 162, 163, 188, 193; granted to the lord of a manor, 157, 158; tolls at, 119

Fealty, 70

Felony, concealment of, 38

Feltmakers, journeymen, strike of, 617, 619-622

Feodary, 21, 249

Feudal, army, 4; commendation, 11, 16; commutation of services for rent, 21; courts or sokes, 12, 15, 16; customs and services, 5, 37; do., castleguard, 29; do., foreign, 29; do., commutations of, 27; franchises and liberties, 4, 39, 152 (_see also_ Gallows, Frankpledge, Infangenethef, Sac and soc); do., enquiry touching, 36-40; incidents, escheat, 33, 36, 81, 82, 83; do., relief, 25, 65, 70, 116, 242; do., wardship and marriage, 26, 27, 29-31, 34, 40, 65, 68, 69, 237, 250, 670; knight's fees, 21, 33, 34, 36, 38; do., the king's, alienation of, 36; subinfeudation, 21, 28, 29; tenants, thegns, 14, 15; tenures, frankalmoin, 12, 22, 32, 90; do., knight service, 13, 15, 21, 23, 27, 32, 34, 69, 123, 670; do., payment of fines in lieu of, 34; do., serjeanty, 21, 27, 33, 34; do., grand, 24; do., petty, 25; socage, free, 26, 670

Feudal System, the, 19-22; documents illustrating, 22-41

Firebote, 242

Fiscal policy, documents illustrating, 207-216, 416, 424, 440-476, 667, 670, 671, 672-674, 689-702, 705-711

Fishing, fishmongers and fishermen, 133, 166, 326, 435

Forelanders, 62

Forestallers, 168, 388

Frankpledge, view of, 65, 80, 82, 84, 156

Free trade, 468_n._; arguments for, 696, 698-701; Sir Edwin Sandys' Bill for, 399, 443-453

Freehold, 48, 88, 89, 90, 93, 97 250, 324, 326, 332

Freeholders, 23, 65, 87, 91, 228, 248, 255, 256, 257, 526

Freemen, 7, 9, 16, 17, 32, 96, 101; marriage of, to bondwomen, 72

French Revolution, 590

French wars, in 18th and 19th centuries, effect of, on industry and commerce, 480, 501, 544, 689, 690

Friendly Societies, 561, 566, 640

Gallows, feudal liberty of, 37, 156

Gatebote, 242

Gebur, 6

Geneat, 5

_Gerefa_, 3

Gigmills, 442

Gild, at Dover, 4, 10

Gilds, craft (_see_ Craft-gilds)

Gilds, lands of, confiscation of, 280, 286-294; do., exceptions to, 291-294; do., distribution of, by agreement, 267

Gilds, merchant, 111, 112, 114, 115, 119, 120, 121, 123, 124, 126, 127, 128, 129, 130, 131; characteristic features of, defined, 130; disputes of, with lords, 123, 128; privileges of, 123; restraint of trade by, 123

Gilds, social, 148-150

Half-time Child Labour, 613

Health, Public, effect of factory conditions on, 496, 503-505, 511, 514-516, 609, 610; in towns, 519, 520; recommendations of commission on, 614-616; provision for, in factories (_see_ Factory Acts)

Hedgebote, 242

Henry II., charters of, 45, 124, 308

Henry III., charters of, 119, 124, 126, 127

Heriots, 65, 84, 116, 242

Highways, enlarged for safety of merchants and travellers, 160, 161

Homage, 59, 70, 123

House of Commons, Bills in, on labourers and wages (1388), 176; on minimum rates in textile industry (1593), 336; on free trade (1604), 443; on minimum wages (1795), 554; on factories (1844), 599; debates in, on enclosures (1597, 1601), 270-275; on the confiscation of gild lands (1548), 292; on salt duties (1732), 678; on Whitbread's minimum wage bill (1795), 554; on the income tax (1798), 683; on apprenticeship (1813-14), 577; on the Corn Laws (1815, 1846), 692, 705; on factory legislation (1844), 599; petitions of journeymen to, 307-312, 573, 624

Housebote, 242

Houses of Correction, 364, 378, 381, 389, 627 (_see also_ Bridewells, Workhouses)

Hundred aid, 80

Hundred, the, as a geographical unit, 12, 17; as an administrative unit, 9, 32, 36-38, 47, 111, 172, 174, 324, 327, 374, 379, 384; as a feudal liberty, 15, 37, 117; bailiffs of, 32; farms of, 36-37; do., enhancement of, 38

Hurdle, punishment of the, 157

Income Tax, 667; objections to, 688; Pitt's speech on, 683

Industrial Revolution, 480, 509, 617, 618, 668

Industrial riots, 495

Industries (_see_ Calico printers, Coal, Cotton, Craft-gilds, Feltmakers, Iron, Linen, Woollen Cloth)

Industry, changes in organisation of, in 18th century, 479, 480, 617; encouragement of, by patents, 467; migration of, to suburbs and country districts, 304, 314, 321; municipal regulation of, 195-197, 280, 282-284, 294-299 (_see also_ Craft-gilds, Markets, Prices, Wages); protection of small masters by Stuarts, 280; state encouragement of, 399; state regulation of, 313-362; do., delegated to private speculators, 336_n._; in country districts, 14; in manors, 70, 111 (_see also_ Combinations, Craft-gilds, Craftsmen, Labour, Prices, Wages)

Infangenethef, 125, 156, 156_n._

Inquisitions, royal, 38

Interlopers, and the East India Company, 675

Irish Potato Famine, 705, 706

Iron industry, in 18th century, 545

Iron-works, 55; accounts of, 103-105; Elizabethan patent as to, 442

Jews, the, charter of liberties to, 44; conversion of, 46; chirographs and chests of, 46, 49, 50; debts to, 44-51; exemption of, from tolls, 45; expulsion of, 51; function of, 43; grant of, 47; justices of, 46, 47, 48, 50; litigation between Christians and, 44, 47, 48; ordinances touching, 45, 48, 51; pledging of land to, 48, 49; prohibited from acquiring freehold, 48, 49; restrictions on worship of, 45; royal protection of, 43, 44; tallage assessed on, 46; transferred from town to town, 43, 50

John, King, charters of, 44, 126, 158

Joint Stock Companies, 399; incorporation of, 427

Journeymen, yeomen, servants 113, 136, 137, 138, 139, 140, 141, 142, 143, 280, 285, 286, 297-299, 305, 310, 311, 325-332, 334-336, 341, 344, 345, 349, 350, 499_n._, 547-551, 588, 589; associations of, 138-141, 280, 297-299, 307-312; do., common fund of, 298, 299, 301; combinations of (_see_ Combinations); disciplinary rules as to, 113, 137, 140, 141, 345; disputes between masters and, 137, 138-141, 196 (_see also_ Labour disputes); petitions of, to House of Commons, 500; proportion of, to apprentices, fixed, 332, 550, 551, 573, 574; wages of, effect of fall in value of money on, 405; do., regulation of (_see_ Wages); (_see also_ Agricultural Labourers, Calico Printers, Feltmakers, Tailors, Weavers, Woolcombers)

Justice, administration of royal and feudal, 19, 20, 36_n._, 39 (_see also_ King's Bench)

Justices, 105, 106, 109, 110, 128, 155, 170, 183, 229

Justices of assize, 26, 55, 90, 93-96, 285, 297, 340, 343, 391, 429, 430, 622

Justices of the Bench, 75, 176, 285

Justices of the Jews, 46, 47, 48, 50

Justices of the Peace, administration of Statutes of Labourers and Artificers by, 172, 173, 176, 178, 231, 326, 329, 333, 352, 353, 356, 577; attacked in the Peasants' Revolt, 106, 107; inspection of factories by, 572, 573; intervention in industrial disputes by, 569, 570, 576, 623, 631; regulation of apprenticeship by, 332, 333, 344, 352; regulation of cloth industry by, 318, 340, 343, 358, 359; regulation of export of corn by, 429, 430; regulation of markets and prices by, 368, 373-380, 385, 386, 388, 389, 391-396; regulation of poor relief by, 364, 372, 380, 564, 646; regulation and assessment of wages by, 314, 315, 316, 324, 328, 329, 341-343, 345, 351, 352, 353, 356, 359, 361, 546-551, 554, 558, 565, 566, 577, 624_n._, 631, 632; returns to Privy Council made by, on enclosure, 275; do., on the cloth industry, 318; do., on scarcity of corn, 373-374 (_see also_ Quarter Sessions)

Justiciar, 36

Ket's Rebellion, 247

King's Bench, 623

Knight service (_see_ Feudal)

Knighthood, respite from, 39

Knights, 87

Knight's Fees (_see_ Feudal)

Labour, cheap, deprecated, 589; Child and Woman (_see_ Child labour, Women); disputes, arbitration in, 544, 568-571, 617, 630 (_see also_ Combinations, Craft-gilds, Journeymen); hours of, 630, 637; do., in agriculture 327; do., in factories, 503, 510-516, 591-593, 594, 595, 599-614; do., in mines, 516-519

Labour, movement of, 164-166, 172-177, 314; effect of Poor Laws on, 561; effect of enclosure on, 532

Labourers, Ordinance of (1349), 164; Statutes of (_see_ Statutes)

Land, alienation of, without licence, 30; do., fines for, 670; disseisins of, 38, 88, 89, 93, 96, 97; extents of, 40; limitation of purchase of, by merchants, husbandmen and artificers, 324; low rents of, in eighteenth century, 509; measures of:-- acres, _passim_; bovates, 66, 67, 68, 69, 92; carucates, 16, 32, 33; fardels, 24; hides, 9, 15, 16, 17, 28, 29, 32, 54; league, 16, 17; ploughlands, 32; roods, _passim_; selions, 61; virgates, 13, 23, 27, 28, 29, 54, 59, 60, 61, 62, 84, 95, 246, 247; ownership of, as qualification for apprenticeship, 330; pledged to Jews, 48, 49; speculation in, 229, 251, 259; waste committed in, by escheators, 40; (_see also_ Agriculture, Enclosures, Feudal, Manor)

Landowners, competition of manufacturing interest with, 600, 668, 694, 710

Lastage, 24, 119, 122, 124, 127

Laud, agrarian policy of, 276, 277

Law Merchant, 130, 210, 213, 214

Leasehold, 55, 87, 228, 530, 539; (_see also_ Copyhold, Customary holdings, Manor)

Leyrwite, 71, 84

Linen manufacture, in Ireland, establishment of, 471

Local Government Board, 646

London, craft-gilds and companies of (_see_ Craft-gilds); mercantile interest concentrated in, 443; merchant gild of, 127; regulation of entry into companies in, 309; regulation of usury in, 200

Lords, mesne, 36

Machinery, accidents to children, in cleaning, 512, 609; Arkwright's and Watt's inventions, 582; discouraged by Tudors, 321, 442, 544; effect of, on industry, 480; introduction and development of, 505-510; regulations for cleaning, 612

_Magna Carta_, 20, 22, 31_n._, 36_n._, 152

Manor, the Saxon, 3, 4, 5-9; in Domesday Book, 9, 16, 17; documents illustrating, 3-9, 16, 17, 53-102, 155, 158, 232-255, 258; the king's, alienation of, 36; common fields in (_see_ Common Fields); courts, 20, 22, 36_n._, 54, 89; do., proceedings before, 65-75, 95, 232; do., pleas and perquisites of, 65, 80, 81; court rolls, 54, 55, 85, 234-236, 238-240, 259, 527; do., extracts from, 65-75; custom and customs of, 54, 66-75, 228, 229, 232-235, 238-244, 254-259 (_see also_ Cartbote, Firebote, Gatebote, Hedgebote, Housebote, Pannage, Ploughbote); do., breach of, by lords, 241, 248, 249, 251, 252, 254, 258, 259; do., repudiated by tenants, 108; do., touching inheritance, 243; do., touching widows, 234; do., grass-swine, 5 (_see also_ Pannage); do., leph, 58; customaries, 56, 232, 314; customary services in, 24, 54, 57-61, 64, 80-82, 84, 85, 90-93, 96, 241, 246; do., commutation of, for rent, 21, 27, 28, 55, 60-62, 85; do., boon-works, 6, 7, 85, 92; do., castle-guard, 248; do., heriots (_see_ Heriots); do., of being crier in the lord's court, 244; do., of serving with horses against the Scots, 254; do., reliefs (_see_ Reliefs); do., suit of court, 70, 242; demesne lands of (_see_ Demesne); extent of, 56; fines, gersoms, and forfeitures in, 17, 232; do., for entry, 80, 242, 247; do., enhancement of, 254; do., for offences, 66-75; do., for marriage, 80, 90, 92, 93, 96, 241, 243 (_see also_ Merchet); do., for waste committed, 242, 243; grant of, to customary tenants, at fee farm, 81; leases of, to farmers, 55, 85, 91, 245, 246; do., to tenants, 55, 79, 91; lords of, 5-9, 21, 37, 66-76, 90-100, 161, 228, 232, 235-246, 248-255, 259, 541; do., grant of liberties to, 156; officers of, 3, 5-8; bailiffs, 36, 57, 58, 65, 72, 80, 81, 82, 95, 233, 250; hayward, 8, 79; radman, 17; reeves, 5, 9, 17, 32, 80; do., complaints against, 84; serjeant, 81; stewards, 32, 37, 70, 74, 172, 173, 232, 233, 243, 259, 340, 526; woodward, 8; rents, 5-9, 23, 56, 57, 59, 60, 62, 63, 64, 79, 86, 92; do., decay of, 83; do., enhanced, 252, 253; rents of assize, 60, 63; social and economic development of, 53, 54, 227-230; stock, 6-8, 16, 17, 57, 58, 61, 77-81; strips, 8, 9, 22; tenants, 3, 21, 54, 55, 57 (_see also_ Bordiers, Copyholders, Cotters, Customary tenants, Forelanders, Freeholders, Freemen, Gebur, Geneat, Serfs, Sokemen, Villeins); do., marriage of, 65; sub-tenants, 64; waste (_see_ Commons)

Markets, 14, 58, 69, 111, 257, 340; customs in, 129; for corn, 488-491; for woollen goods, 484, 485, 493; granted to the lord of a manor, 157, 158; organisation of, in eighteenth century, 479, 487-491; regulation of, by justices of the peace, 364, 365, 367, 374-378, 385, 386, 388, 389, 391-396; do., by towns, 280, 283, 296; sale and purchase by samples in, 490, 491

Market towns, 34, 166, 209, 210, 213, 260, 321, 322, 331 (_see also_ Boroughs)

Marque and Reprisals, letters of, 190

Mercantile System, 397, 398, 399

Mercantile Companies (_see_ Companies)

Mercantile Theory, 220-222, 420; expounded, 407-416

Merchants (_see_ Aliens, Companies, Corn, Gilds, Middlemen, Staple, Wool)

Merchet, 71, 93 (_see also_ Manor, fines for marriage)

Middlemen, 479; corn badgers, 365, 375-7, 385, 386; corn factors, 487-491; mealmen, 487, 488, 491; wool-merchants, 354, 355 (_see also_ Staple); in woollen industry, 492-495; yarn-jobbers 336, 340, 341

Milan Decrees, 692

Mills, 9, 11, 16, 79; fulling, 483; tucking, 321 (_see also_ Factories, Gigmills)

Miners, 326, 389 (_see also_ Coal Industry)

Mining Company, incorporation of, 427

Mint, 220, 417; coinage of money at, before 1696, 677, 678; free coinage of bullion at, 674; profits of, 221, 222, 406 (_see also_ Moneyers)

Monasteries, effect of dissolution of, 229, 251

Money, fall in value of, 314, 398, 405, 406; regulation of export and import of, 216-223

Moneyers, 12, 13, 119

Monopoly and monopolies, 480, 497, 584, 587, 611 (_see also_ Patents); of craft and merchant gilds, 112; of mercantile companies, 443-453

Murage, 126, 127, 212, 282

Muscovy or Russia Merchants, 399, 449, 450, 452, 453

Navigation Act (1660), 670; attack on, 672-674

Newcastle Coal Vend, 497

Norman Conquest, the, 3, 4, 53, 54, 55, 90; effects of, on boroughs, 10-14; do., on rural population, 54, 55

North-West Passage, 436

Oastler, Richard, campaign of, against child labour, 544, 592-594

Orders in Council, effect of, on British industry and trade, 480, 501, 691

Outdoor relief, condemned by Poor Law Commission (1834), 662; prohibitory order as to, 665

Pannage, 58, 61, 243, 259

Parish, as a unit for poor relief, 372, 379, 380, 647; overseers (_see_ Poor)

Parliament, 20, 103, 180, 206, 217, 229, 261, 537; and minimum wages, 316; petitions to, 553; regulation of trade and industry by, 153, 160-163, 171-178 (_see also_ House of Commons)

Passage, 122, 124

Pasture, reconversion of, to arable, 271-273, 275, 276 (_see also_ Arable, Common, Enclosures)

Patents and Monopolies, 399, 443-453, 461, 465-468, 472-474; list of, 440-443; revoked, 472-475

Paupers (_see_ Poor)

Pavage, 126, 127, 133-135, 212; collectors of, 135

Peasants' revolt, the, 55, 105-110; burning of muniments in, 108

Perceval, Dr., report of, on child labour, in factories, 480, 495

Pesage, 122

Picketing, 549, 627, 637

Pilgrimage of Grace, agrarian programme of, 247

Pillory, punishment of the, 156, 157, 393, 394

Piracy, 188-192

Place, Francis, 618

Pleas, of _quo warranto_, 40_n._; of replevin, 37

Ploughbote, 242

Pontage, 119, 122, 124, 126, 127, 212

Poor, analysis of classes of, in 19th century, 663; children, apprenticing of, 381, 388, 504, 652; do., boarding out of, 653, 654; do., education of, 663; farmed to contractors, 646, 657; fines for enhancing price of corn, reserved to, 392, 393; guardians of, 652, 653, 654, 655, 663, 664; impotent, 174, 175, 364, 378, 388; impotent and idle, distinguished, 174, 175, 364; licensed to beg, 174, 175; overseers of, 372, 380, 381, 384, 648, 660, 661; do., misconduct of, 652; proportionate taxation of, 35; provision made by gilds for, 136, 150; provision made by enclosure acts for, 534, 535; provision of food for, 377; provision of work for, 364, 367, 369-371, 373, 378, 380, 383, 384, 389, 391, 648 (_see also_ Houses of Correction, Workhouses); rates, 468, 533, 536, 537, 552, 555, 561, 562, 651,662; do., made compulsory, 364, 372, 380; do., increase of, in 18th century, 557; relief of, in Middle Ages, 113, 150, 174, 175; do., in 16th and 17th centuries, 272, 287_n._, 363-391, 647; do., in 18th and 19th centuries, 544, 649-665; do., by craft and other gilds, 113, 150, 311, 345; do., by parishes, 270; do., by towns, 363, 366, 369, 649; do., by journeymen associations, 299; do., by private charity, 364, 366; do., Pitt's suggested changes in, 563-565, 647; do., unions of parishes for, 651, 664, 665; settlement of, 364, 372, 381, 382, 386, 387, 561, 647, 651, 655

Poor Laws, 275, 366, 372, 373, 380, 567, 646, 648, 652; administration of, by justices of the peace (_see_ Justices of the Peace); 18th century abuses in, 560-562; inspectors advocated for, 564; Amendment Act (1834), 545, 646, 663; Settlement Act (1662), 645, 647; Workhouse Test Act (1722), 650; Gilbert's Act (1782), 645, 652; Speenhamland "Act of Parliament" (1795), 646, 655; Board, 646; Commission (1834), 646; do., recommendations of, 661-663

Poverty, alleged causes of, in 18th century, 649

_Precipe_, writs of, 21, 36, 36_n._

Prerogative, the royal, 153

Prerogative Courts, 229, 230 (_see also_ Requests and Star Chamber, Courts of)

Prices, enhancement of, 265, 368, 391-396, 404, 405, 407-411; regulation of, by Privy Council and Justices of the Peace, 341, 364; rise in, after the Black Death, 166, 168, 169; do., in Tudor period, 314; do., in 18th and 19th centuries, 555-559, 565-567, 576, 692-696, 707; of coal, regulation of, 497-499; of grain, 283; and wages, lack of correspondence between, 553, 555-559, 565-567, 576, 695, 696

Price of wines, 45, 206, 209, 214

Privy Council (_see_ Council, Privy)

Profit, a just, views on, 294, 295, 296, 367, 368

Protection, for native manufactures, 425

Protective tariffs, arguments for and against, 696, 698-701, 706-711; for revenue, 700

Purprestures or Encroachments, 38, 54, 63, 64, 542

Quarter Sessions, 173, 176, 316, 324, 343, 345, 351, 352, 356, 392, 429, 543, 546, 548, 549, 551, 576, 577, 623, 648, 656 (_see also_ Justices of the Peace)

Rackrenting, 251_n._, 252, 253, 265

Regrators, 156, 336, 386, 388

Reliefs, 25, 65, 70, 116, 242

Revenue, the national, 153, 667; effect of debasement of coin on, 405, 406 (_see also_ Customs, Excise, Taxation)

Report of Committee on Ribbon weavers, 590, 591

Richard I., charter of, 125

Riots, agrarian (_see_ Ket, Peasants' Revolt, Pilgrimage of Grace); industrial, 495

Rochdale Pioneers, 618

Roundsmen, 646, 660, 661

Sac and Soc, 10, 11, 125

Saltpans mentioned in Domesday Book, 17

Schools, 249, 287; fine for attending, 84; industrial, in 18th century, 563; provision for, in 16th century, 287, 290

Scotch weavers, strike of, 618, 631-633

Scutage, 21, 29, 33, 34_n._, 80

Seisin, 122; feudal conception of, 63_n._

Serfs, 7, 9, 16, 17, 75_n._, 323

Sheep, restriction of numbers of, to be owned by individuals, 264-266

Sheep-graziers and sheep-grazing, 250, 264-266, 269, 274, 407, 408, 530, 531; in 18th century, 484-487

Sheriffs, 6, 9, 13, 15, 17, 19, 20, 27, 32, 34, 35, 40, 46-48, 50, 90, 94, 109, 114, 115, 120, 121, 136, 155-157, 160, 161, 164, 165, 174, 175, 189, 192, 200-202, 214, 250, 264, 324, 329, 372, 374, 379, 429, 473; offences of, 38, 39

Sheriff's aid, 80

Sheriffs' tourns, 38, 340

Shipping and Ships, 10, 188, 190, 191, 192, 197, 206, 210, 401, 402, 431, 675; encouragement and protection of, 153, 190, 206, 428, 437, 670, 671 (_see also_ Navigation Act)

Silkweavers (_see_ Spitalfields)

Sinking Fund, 667, 689; Act, 679

Small holders, enclosure disadvantageous to, 531, 532, 534, 535, 537

Small holdings, consolidation of, 523, 530, 541

Soap manufacture, 461-465

Social Contract, theory of, 281, 308

Sokemen, socmen, 9; bond, 36; free, 36

Somerset, Lord, Protector, 292, 293; agrarian policy of, 266

Speenhamland "Act of Parliament," 646

Spitalfields, silk weavers of, 484

Spitalfields Act, authorising the regulation of wages of London silk-weavers, 544, 547-551, 558, 575, 577, 591, 596

Stallage, 119, 122, 124

Staple, the, 153, 178-185, 407; custom of partition in, 185; mayor, council and merchants of, 179, 180, 182, 183, 184, 185

Staplers, 484, 485. (_See also_ Wool merchants)

Star Chamber, Court of, 302, 365, 460; case in, 391

Statutes, 153; touching alienation of land, 69; touching depopulation, 315 (_see also below_); touching enclosure, 247 (_see also below_); of Merton (1234), 87; of Marlborough (1267), 37; of Acton Burnel (1283), 162; of Merchants (1285), 161-163; of Winchester (1285), 160; of Mortmain, 146, 150; of Quia Emptores (1290), 29_n._; of Labourers, 153, 168, 171-178, 231, 314, 323, 325, 367, 388 (_see also below_); of Monopolies, 399, 465-468 (_see also below_); of Inmates, 275; Poor Law, 275, 366 (_see also below_); 3 Edward I., touching freedom of elections, 309, 310; 12 Richard II., touching labourers, 171, 314, 323; 13 Richard II., touching wages, 324; 8 Henry VI., touching regrators of yarn, 340; 15 Henry VI., touching gild ordinances, 279; 18 Henry VI., touching hosting of aliens, 153, 198, 199; 4 Edward IV., touching truck, 318; 4 Henry VII., touching depopulation, 229, 271_n._, 324; 12 Henry VII., touching merchant companies, 444, 445, 453; 19 Henry VII., touching gild ordinances, 279, 284, 307; 6 Henry VIII., touching depopulation, 229; 7 Henry VIII. ditto, 229, 260; 22 Henry VIII., touching gilds, 280, 285, 310; 25 Henry VIII., touching depopulation, 229, 264; 27 Henry VIII., ditto, 229, 269; 28 Henry VIII., touching gilds, 280, 284; 31 Henry VIII., touching cornmarkets, 368; 33 Henry VIII., touching gaming houses, 442; 35 Henry VIII., touching depopulation, 269; 37 Henry VIII., touching gilds and chantries, 280, 287_n._; 1 Edward VI., ditto, 280, 286, 291; do., touching vagrants, 323; 5 Edward VI., touching depopulation, 324; 5 and 6 Edward VI., ditto, 229; do., touching gig-mills, 442; 3 Philip and Mary, touching depopulation, 229; 5 Elizabeth, touching depopulation, 229; do., touching weavers, 344; 5 Elizabeth, Statute of Artificers, 306, 307, 315, 325-336, 361, 424, 442, 544, 557, 576, 591, 624, 656; apprenticeship clauses of, 544, 579-589, 590; do., administration of, 353, 361; do., repeal of, 588; wages clauses of, 544, 576, 577; do., administration of, 341, 352; do., repeal of, petition against, 576; breaches of, 334, 342, 352, 353, 361; proceedings before Privy Council on, 361, 362; 19th century opinion on, 576-589; 8 Elizabeth, touching export of cloth, 426; establishing Muscovy Company, 453; 13 Elizabeth, touching export of corn, 428; 14 Elizabeth, touching compulsory poor rate, 372; 31 Elizabeth, touching depopulation, 229; 39 Elizabeth, ditto, 229, 268, 270_n._; 43 Elizabeth, touching poor relief, 364, 380, 662; 1 James I., ditto, 343, 557, 656; 21 James I., touching depopulation, 229; 21 James I., touching monopolies, 465; 12 Charles II., Navigation Act, 670; 14 Charles II., Settlement Act, 647; 7 George I., touching combinations, 624; 9 George I., touching workhouses, 650; 12 George I., touching truck, 546; 7 George III., touching poor relief, 663; 13 George III., Spitalfields Act, 547; 39 George III., touching combinations, 626; 26 George III., touching Sinking Fund, 679; 39 and 40 George III., touching industrial arbitration, 568, 570, 576; 39 and 40 George III., touching combinations, 618, 627, 633; 41 George III., touching enclosures, 537; 42 George III., touching factories, 504; 44 George III., touching industrial arbitration, 570, 576; 54 George I I., touching apprenticeship, 588; 55 George III., Corn Law, 697; 59 George III., Factory Act, 591; 3 and 4 William IV., ditto, 594; 4 and 5 William IV., Poor Law Amendment Act, 663; 7 and 8 Victoria, Factory Act, 612; do., Bank Charter Act, 702; 8 and 9 Victoria, General Enclosure Act, 541

Statute Law Revision Act (1863), 229

Steam power, use of, 544

Steelyard, the, 416, 417, 418, 440

Stock and land leases, 79, 81_n._, 245, 246

Stocks, punishment of, 172, 329, 366

Stafford, policy of, in Ireland, 399, 470-472

Strikers, prosecuted under law of conspiracy, 635

Strikes, 196, 617, 618, 619-622, 631-633, 635 (_see also_ Combinations, Labour disputes)

Stuarts, the, fiscal methods of, 399 (_see also_ Patents)

Tailors, journeymen, combination of, 617, 622-624

Tariff war, with Netherlands, 399

Taxation, 203-216, 667; aids, 29; carucage, 21, 32; do., fines for evasion of, 32, 33; geld, 12, 15, 16; Parliamentary subsidies, 406, 468; tonnage and poundage, 206; Parliamentary tenths and fifteenths, 170, 171; do., assessment of, 204, 205; scutage (_see_ Scutage); tallage, 27, 65, 80, 82, 93, 117, 127; do., assessment of, in London, 35; do., assessed on Jews, 46; Pitt on incidence of, 686 (_see also_ Income Tax); Walpole on incidence of, 679

Taxes, the Assessed, 684

Tenures of land (_see_ Burgage, Copyhold, Customary tenure, Feudal, Freehold, Leasehold, Villeinage)

Testimonials or certificates of service, 172, 174, 175, 324, 327, 334-336, 353

Theam, 125

Tin, internal trade in, patent for, 442

Tithes, 249, 288, 289, 380, 528

Tolls (_see_ Boroughs, Fairs, Lastage, Markets, Murage, Passage, Pavage, Pesage, Stallage)

Towns (_see_ Boroughs)

Trade, Internal, combinations in restraint of, 108, 128-130 (_see also_ Craft-gilds, Gilds Merchant, Trade Unions); intermunicipal, 112, 119, 120, 121, 122, 124, 125, 126, 127, 133, 134, 152, 280, 282; municipal regulation of, 280, 282, 283, 294-299; state regulation of, 152, 153, 160-178; restrictions on, by a lord, 133; of aliens in England, 127

Trade, Colonial, effect of Navigation Act on, 672-674

Trade, Foreign, 152, 698-701; condition of, in 1587, 438-440; do., in 19th century, 689-692; depression of, 364, 383; encouragement of export and checking of import, 398, 399, 407-416, 424, 425, 426, 431-434, 439, 440, 454-461; export of dressed cloth, 398, 399, 402-404, 426, 454-461, 469; export of undressed cloth, 398, 399, 402-404, 424, 426, 454, 459; fluctuations of, 610; fostering of, 397, 398; instructions to a factor in Turkey, 431-434; perils of, 181, 188-192; protection of, 153, 187; relative merits of exports and imports discussed, 413, 421-425; with Africa, 691; with the Baltic, 691; with Canada, 690; with Continent, 502, 690; with East Indies, 452; with Flanders, 413; with France, 413; with Italy, 413; with Levant, 452, 691; with Low Countries, 179; with Portugal, 690, 691; with Russia, 449, 450, 452; with South America, 690, 691; with Spain, 413, 690; with United States, 502, 689, 690, 691; with West Indies, 690

Trade, Board of, 597

Trade boards, local, advocated, 596, 597

Trade Unions, 281, 617, 618; benefit clubs of, 618, 626; funds of, 629, 637 (_see also_ Combinations, Journeymen, Labour disputes)

Trial by battle, 119, 123

Trial by jury, 123

Truck, 284, 318, 513; acts against, 318, 544, 545

Tumbrel, 156

Turkey Company, 431, 450

Unemployment, 364, 366, 369-373, 383, 390, 398, 573, 611

Unions of parishes for relief of poor, 651, 664, 665

Universities, 287, 287_n._

Usury, 44, 45, 49, 51, 154; London ordinance touching, 200; petition in Chancery touching, 201; petition in Parliament touching, 200

Utopia, Sir Thomas More's, 275

Vagrants, 323, 335, 366, 369, 378, 379, 384, 388, 647, 648, 654 (_see also_ Beggars, Bridewells, Houses of Correction, Labourers, Ordinance of, Poor, Workhouses)

Village greens, excluded from enclosure act, 541

Villeins, bondmen, 9, 16, 17, 32, 36, 54, 55, 69, 71-75, 90-102, 165, 231, 249; actions brought by, 55; flight of, 55; grant of, 55, 98; imprisonment of, 99, 100, 101; licensed to leave a manor, 72, 75; manumission of, 55, 97; received in boroughs, 121, 125; regardant, 101; runaway, 69, 73, 74, 75, 125

Villeinage (status), 75, 228; acknowledgment of, 93, 94; cases before the Courts touching, 88-90, 92-97; survival of, in sixteenth century, 228, 231

Villeinage (tenure), bondage land, 24, 32, 54, 55, 66, 67, 68, 69, 84, 86, 235, 239, 248; grant of, by charter, 97

Wages, allowances in aid of, 646, 656; assessment of, under Statutes of Artificers, 314, 316, 325, 328, 329, 341-343, 345-353, 356-7, 359, 543, 546-7, 554, 576, 577, 631-2; do., abandoned, 576-7, 656; do., draft bill in House of Commons for, 336-341; do., petitions and requests for, 356-7, 361; do., under Spitalfields Act, 544, 547-551, 558; conspiracies to raise, 139, 140, 196; demand of excessive, 139, 140, 164-174, 176, 314, 324, 360, 361; depression of, 188, 314, 357, 358, 359, 507, 521, 590, 605; do., in cotton industry, 500, 501; in colonies, 315, 360; maximum, 315, 554; maximum, fixed by Statute, 153, 173, 174, 176, 177, 178, 624_n._; minimum, 315, 316, 342, 544; do., bill in House of Commons for, 554-568; proclamation of, by justices, under Stat. 13 Richard II, 323_n._, 324; proposals for a sliding scale of, for agricultural labourers, 552-53; rates of, fixed by journeymen combinations, 620-622, 623, 624, 630, 637, 638; regulation of, by towns, 280, 282, 284, 296, 316; do., by wages boards, 544

Wages boards, advocated, 596, 597; in Scotland, 597

Wales, Council of, 429, 430

Wardpenny, 80

Wardship and marriage (_see_ Feudal)

Wards and Liveries, Court of, 21, 670

Waste (_see_ Commons)

Watchmakers, resolutions of, on apprenticeship, 588

Water power, 592; in woollen industry, 482

Weavers Act (1555), 320

Weavers, Cotton, journeymen, petition of, to House of Commons, 500; hand-loom, proposals for wages boards by, 596, 597

Weights and measures, 132, 154, 155, 214, 248, 388; assize of (_see_ Assizes)

Women, employment of, in agriculture, 7, 8, 173, 177, 178, 329, 346, 347, 547; in coal mines, 598, 599; in woollen industry, 350, 483; suggestions for employment of, in colonies, 436

Wool, 55, 265, 282, 284, 303; export of, 179-185, 187, 193, 407; growers, 355, 483; merchants, 132, 355, 484, 487 (_see also_ Staple and Staplers); price of, 407; Spanish, 431; do., import of, 494; do., patent to import, 441; do., worked in England, 492

Woolcombers, benefit clubs of, 626

Woollen Cloth Industry, 154, 183, 184, 187, 188, 265, 282, 284, 357-360, 383, 399, 432, 503; apprenticeship in, 499, 500; do., abolished, 587, 587_n_; condition of, in eighteenth century, 479, 482-487, 492-495, 545, 546; credit trading in, 493-95; dyeing in, 141-144; fraudulent workmanship in, 432; geographical distribution of, 484; hiring of looms in, 320, 321; limitation of number of looms, to clothiers, 318, 321, 344; organisation of, in seventeenth century, 354; state regulation of, 317-322, 330, 331, 336-341, 343, 344, 345, 350, 351, 352, 357-360, 382, 383, 398, 399, 402-404, 426, 454-461; in Ireland, discouraged by Strafford, 471

Woollen Cloth Trade, internal trade in, 399, 404, 468-470; export trade in, 198, 301, 398, 399, 402-404, 421, 426, 427, 431-434, 438, 440, 441, 446, 447, 450, 453-461, 469; do., patent for, 443; foreign criticism of English cloth, 319, 587

Workhouses, 369-372, 380, 586, 646, 648, 649; character of work provided in, 369, 370, 657-659; mortality in, 659, 660

Workhouse Test Act (1722), 650

Working Men's Association, address of, to Queen Victoria, 641

Wreck of sea, 37, 40, 122

Writs, 39, 101; return of, 37; service of carrying, 28, 63; of Chancery, 48; of Jewry, 44, 48; of _certiorari_, 202; of _corpus cum causa_, 200; of _precipe_, 36; of _quo warranto_, 474; of _recordari facias_, 236; of _replevin_, 236; of right, the little, 55, 91; _of scire facias_, 474; of _subpoena_, 186, 244, 277

Yarn, imported from Ireland, 485, 486

Yeomanry organisations, 280, 300, 302 (_see also_ Craft-gilds, Journeymen)

Young, Arthur, his account of farming in Norfolk, 523, 530, 534; his advocacy of enclosures, 524; his criticism of commissioners' methods, 536, 537