CHAPTER XXXIX.

CONCLUSION.

My ardent desire to speak the plain truth and only the truth, is just as strong to-day as it was when, in concluding my French work, I summarized the situation such as it was at the end of the year 1916, to show the hard duty incumbent on all the Allies, Canada included. It has been perhaps still more intensified by the outrageous efforts of those amongst us whose sole object has been, since the outbreak of the hostilities, to discourage our people from the herculean task they had bravely undertaken.

Two years have since elapsed--years full of great events, and of untiring heroism on the part of the glorious defenders of Justice and Right--and I do not see the slightest reason to modify the conclusions I then arrived at as a matter of strict duty. Unworthy of public confidence is the man who, pandering to the supposed prejudices of his countrymen, refrains out of weakness, or of more guilty considerations, to tell them what they are bound to do for their own country, for their Empire, for the world, in the supreme crisis of our time.

True every one is longing for the restoration of peace. But few are those who, even before being tired of the war, were ready to curb their heads under the German yoke, are now praying for a compromise between the Allies and their enemies. There are some left, it is sad to admit. Everywhere they are chased by the indignant public opinion daily growing more determined that millions of heroes shall not have given their lives in vain, that millions of others, wounded on the fields of battles, shall not, until the last of them is gone for ever, be the betrayed victims of Teutonic dastardly ambition.

True, peace is sorely wanted, and would be welcomed by the thanksgivings to the Almighty of grateful peoples, who have borne with undaunted courage such untold and admirable sacrifices to uphold their Rights and their Honour. But it cannot be sued for by the nations whom Germany wanted to enslave by the might of her crushing militarism operating under the dictates of a new code of International Law of her own barbarous creation.

Thank God, the flowing tide of unlimited Teutonic ambition let loose over the world, more than four years ago, has met with inaccessible summits where love of Justice, respect of Right, devotion to human Civilization, obedience to Christian Law, heroism of sacrifices, were so deeply entrenched, that they could not be reached and conquered. From this commanding altitude, they not only continue to defy the tyrants bent on dominating the universe, but they are mightily smashing their power.

From the overshadowing point of view which cannot be forgotten, or wilfully abandoned, nothing has changed since the German Empire, in her delirious aspirations, challenged the world to the almost superhuman conflict by which she felt certain to succeed in realizing her fond dream of universal domination.

At the outbreak of the war, ever since, to-day, to-morrow, there were, there are and there will be but three alternatives to the restoration of peace:--

1.--A victorious German peace imposed on beaten and cowed belligerents: the peace of the "_defeatists_."

2.--A peace by compromise, patched up by disheartened "_pacifists_," lured by cunningness, winning where force would have failed to succeed, to agree to conditions pregnant with all the horrors of a new and still greater struggle in the near future.

3.--A peace the result of the indomitable courage and perseverance of all the nations who have joined together to put an end to Germany's ambition to rule the world, and to destroy the instrument created for that iniquitous purpose: Prussian militarism.

There could be a fourth alternative to peace, but it would be possible only by a miracle which, we can grant without hesitation, the world has perhaps not yet deserved.

It would be peace restored by the sudden conversion of Germany to the practice of sound Christian principles, acknowledging how guilty she has been, repenting for her crimes, agreeing to atone for them as much as possible, and taking the unconditional pledge to henceforth behave like a civilized nation.

All must admit that there is not the slightest hope of such a move from a nation whose autocratic Kaiser, answering, in February last, an address presented to him by the burgomaster of Hamburg, thundered out, in his usual blasting manner, that the neighbouring peoples, to enjoy the sweetness of Germany's friendship, "MUST FIRST RECOGNIZE THE VICTORY OF GERMAN ARMS."

As an inducement to the Allies to bow to his wishes, he pointed to Germany's achievement in Russia, where a beaten enemy, "_perceiving no reason for fighting longer_," clasped hands with the generous Huns. The world has since learned with appalling horror with what tender mercy the barbarous Teutons reciprocated the grasping of hands of defeated Russia, tendered to them by the "bolshevikis" traitors.

The Allies had then to select one of the three above mentioned alternatives.

They have made their choice and they will stick close to it until it is achieved by the victory of their arms.

Knowing as they do that the future of their peoples, and that of the whole world, are at stake, they will not waver in their heroic determination to free Humanity from Germany's cruel yoke.

Viewed from the commanding height it requires to be worthily appreciated, the joint military effort of the Allies offers a truly grand spectacle, daily enlarging and getting more gloriously magnificent.

All the Allies--every one of them--are doing their duty and their respective share in the great crisis they are pledged to bring to a triumphant conclusion.

Belgium and Servia were the first to be martyred, but the hour of their resurrection is getting nearer every day.

France, the British Empire, the United States, Italy, have done and are doing wonders. There can, there must be no question of appraising their respective merit with the intention of giving more credit either to the one or to the other. With the greatest possible sincerity, I affirm my humble, but positive, opinion that each one of the Allies has done and is doing, with overflowing measure, all that courage could and can earnestly perform, all that patriotism and the noblest national virtues can inspire.

France has been heroic to the highest limit.

The British Empire--Great Britain and her Colonies--has been grand in her unswerving determination to fight to a finish.

The great American Republic is putting forth a wonderful exhibition of pluck, of strength, of boldness, of inexhaustible resources.

Italy has stood nobly with her new friends ever since she broke away from the Triple Alliance, to escape the dishonour of remaining on good terms with the Central Empires in the shameful depth of their ignominious course. She has bravely gone through days of disaster which she has heroically redeemed.

All the Allies, bound together by the most admirable unity of purpose, only rivalling in the might of their respective patriotic effort, having nobly _"chosen their course upon principle,"_ can never turn back. They must move steadily forward until victorious. They are indomitable in their decision not to live, under any circumstances, "_in a world governed by intrigue and force_."

Echoing the wise and inspiring words addressed by President Wilson to Congress, on the eleventh of February last, we can affirm that the "_desire of enlightened men everywhere is for a new international order under which reason, justice and the common interests of mankind shall prevail. Without that new order the world will be without peace, and human life will lack tolerable conditions of existence and development_."

A most encouraging achievement was realized, a few months ago, emphasizing to the utmost the unity of purpose of the Allies. Every one of them have millions of men under arms and at the front. It is easily conceived how tremendous is the task of properly directing the military operations of such immense armies, unprecedented in the whole human history. Most patriotically putting aside all national susceptibilities, the statesmen governing the Allied nations acknowledged the necessity of supporting unity of purpose by unity of military command. Their decision was heartily approved and applauded by all and every where.

It is important to note the great difference between the standing of the two groups of belligerents with regard to the leadership of the armies. Whilst the Powers dominated by Germany, and fighting with her, are coerced to endure the Teutonic military supremacy of command, those warring on the side of France have all most cordially agreed to the appointment of a Commander-in-Chief out of the profound conviction that unity of command was more and more becoming a necessity for the successful prosecution of the war.

Since this most urgent decision has been taken, events have surely proved its wisdom and usefulness. Evidently, the same as unity of purpose, to bear all its fruits, must be wrought out by statesmanship of a high order, unity of military command, to produce its natural advantages, must be exercised with superiority of leadership.

Great statesmen, in a free country, are successful in the management of State affairs, just as much as they inspire an increasing confidence in their political genius, developed by a wide experience, honesty of purpose, a constant patriotic devotion to the public weal.

Great military leaders can do wonders when their achievements are such as to create unbounded reliance on their ability. Superiority of command, proved by victories won in very difficult circumstances, is always sure to be rewarded by an enlightened enthusiasm permeating the whole rank and file of an army, and trebling the strength and heroism of every combatant.

Added to the widespread renewal of confidence produced by the timely decision of the Allies to rely on unity of military command, is the reassuring evidence that the Commander-in-Chief to whom has been imposed the grand task of leading the unified armies to a final and glorious triumph, is trusted by all, soldiers and others alike.

The cause for which the Allied nations are fighting with so much tenacity and courage being that of the salvation of Civilization, threatened by a wave of barbarism equal at least to, if not surpassing, any to which Humanity has so far survived, all must admire the wonderful spectacle offered by those millions and millions of men, under arms, from so many different countries, united, under one command, into a military organization which can most properly be called the GRAND ARMY OF HUMAN FREEDOM.

It has been said by one who has presided over the destinies of the American Republic, as the chief of State, that peace must be dictated from Berlin. Can we really hope to behold the dawn of such a glorious day? It is hardly to be supposed that Germany would wait this last extremity to realize that she must abandon for ever her dream of universal domination, relieve the world from the enervating menace of her military terrorism, and redeem her past diabolical course by the repentant determination to join with her former enemies to deserve for Mankind long years of perpetual peace with all the Providential blessings of order, freedom, truly intellectual, moral and material progress.

When the Kaiser ordered his hordes to violate Belgium's territory, to overrun France in order to crush her out of existence as a military and political Power, preparatory to their triumphant march to St. Petersburg, in his wild ambition, which he made blasphemous by pretending that it was divinely inspired, he felt sure that his really wonderful army, which he believed was, and would remain, matchless, would in a few weeks enter Paris.

What a reverse of fortune, what a downfall from extravagant expectations, would be a return of the tide which, after flowing to the very gates of Paris, spreading devastation and crimes all over the fair lands it submerged, would ebb, broken and powerless, to Berlin, bringing the haughty tyrant to his knees before his victors!

If such a day of deliverance is Providentially granted the world, having deserved it by an indomitable courage in resisting oppression, history would again repeat itself but with a different result. The French "TRICOLORE" would once more enter proud Berlin, but this time it would not be alone to be hoisted over the conquered capital of the modern Huns, scarcely less savage than their forefathers. It would be entwined with the "UNION JACK" of Great Britain and Ireland, the "STARS AND STRIPES" of the United States, the Colours of Italy, and, I add with an inexpressible feeling of loyal and national pride, with the Dominion Colours so brilliantly glorified by the heroism of our Canadian soldiers who have proved themselves the equals of the bravest through the protracted but ever glorious campaign, unfolded with those of Australia and South Africa into the glorious flag of the British Empire.

When after the glorious battle of Iena, the great Napoleon, who could have ruined for ever the rising Prussian monarchy, entered Berlin at the head of his victorious legions, the new Caesar, then already the victim of his unlimited ambition, represented, though issued from a powerful popular movement, triumphant absolutism.

In our days, on entering Berlin, as the final act of this wonderful drama, the entwined Colours of the Allies would symbolize Human Freedom, delivering Germany herself and the whole world from autocratic rule.

Such a memorable event taking place, and rank with the most remarkable in the world's history, the great satisfaction of all those who would have contributed to its achievement, would be that the joint Colours of the Allies would not be raised over Germany's capital to crush the defeated nation under despotic caesarism, but to deliver her from autocratic tyrannical rule. Waving with dignity over the great Empire they would have freed from the thraldom of absolutist militarism, they could be welcomed as the promise of the renewal, for her as well as for her victorious rivals, of the reign of Justice, of Christian precepts, of Right, Order and Peace, of honest and productive Labour, of science applied to works creative of human happiness instead of diverting the marvellous resources of the great modern discoveries to criminal uses for the calamitous misfortune of the peoples.

I will close this work with the expression of two of the wishes I have most at heart, cherishing the confident hope that they will be realized.

England, France and the United States, fighting as they do for the triumph of such a sacred cause, should emerge indissolubly united from the great struggle they have pledged themselves to carry to a successful issue. I cannot conceive that so many millions of their heroic defenders will have given their lives only for a temporary achievement, soon to be forgotten. They will be gone for ever. Their sacrifices will be eternal. They must bear permanent fruits. United in death, buried together in the soil of France flooded with their blood, from their glorious graves they will implore their surviving countrymen to remain shoulder to shoulder in peace as they are in war. Their holocaust should be the holy seed from which loyal amity ought to grow ever stronger between the future generations of their countrymen who could not testify in a more eloquent and noble way their everlasting gratitude for the glorious heritage of permanent freedom they will have derived from their heroism.

A most enthusiastic daily witness of the immortal deeds of the millions of our brothers, sons and friends, fighting with such splendid courage in the land of my forefathers for our common cause, how often have I, for the last four years, ardently vowed to God from the very bottom of my heart, deeply moved by the reports of their noble achievements, that those who will rest for ever in the ground over which they fell heroically, may enjoy from above the inspiring spectacle of the union for the permanent triumph of Liberty and Christian Civilization, of the great nations for whose grand future they gave their lives!

I also most earnestly hope that the more fortunate of our defenders who will return either safe from the fields of battle, or proudly bearing the glorious wounds which will have crippled their bodies, but not their hearts, will enjoy from the sanctuary of their homes, made comfortable by their grateful compatriots, the profound satisfaction to see the holy union cemented on the thundering firing line perpetuated for the lasting prosperity and happiness of Mankind.

The last shadow of the recollections of the feuds of past ages between England and France should be forever sunk in patriotic oblivion, buried deep beneath the glory both valorous nations will have jointly reaped in their mighty efforts to rescue the world from the frightful wave of barbarism which they will have forced to recede.

All the well wishers of peaceful and happy days for future generations are very much gratified at knowing that in joining with the Allies in the mighty struggle they were carrying with such undaunted courage, the great American Republic was also inspired by a feeling of gratitude for France in remembrance of what she has done to help her to achieve her independence. Let us behold anew the inscrutable designs of Providence. Nearly a century and a half has elapsed since France, England and her American Colonies seemed to be for all times irreconcilable opponents. What a change in Destiny! Years have rolled by. New and unforeseen conditions have been developed the world over. Gradually two great currents of thoughts and aspirations have been flowing with increased strength preparing a formidable clash which was to threaten Civilization with utter destruction.

Autocratic ambition was for many long years challenging Political Liberty to a deadly conflict. At last from the cloudy sky came the flash of lightning, and the thunderbolt was on the earth shaking it to its depth by the tremendous shock.

Germany, having fired the wonderful autocratic shot, fully expected that her rivals would be thunderstruck beyond possibility of resurrection. But to her great dismay, the friends of Political Liberty the world over rallied as one man to its defence. And Germany trembled at seeing England burying for ever all ill-feelings against France, her ancient foe, rushing to her support with millions of her brave sons, after having drawn around her ally the protecting chain of her matchless fleet.

Another very discomforting surprise was in store for the cruel Huns. The American Republic, grateful to France for past services, was also moved by renovated feelings of affection for the mother-country from whom she had parted without disowning her. Determined to be at the forefront of the battle for the triumph of human Freedom--after unsuccessfully exhausting every means of bringing Germany to her senses--she clasped hands with England and France and valiantly rallied to their sides to share the merit and the glory of saving Political Liberty from the terrible Teutonic onslaught.

In my humble but sincere and profound opinion, the present spectacle offered to the world's admiration by the sacred and mighty union of the British Empire, France and the United States, every patriotic home of theirs thrilling with undiminished enthusiasm for the success of their heroic efforts, is a truly grand one inspiring unbounded faith in the future of Humanity. Let no one forget for a moment that the present war, certainly NATIONAL so far as the existence of each one of the Allied States is concerned, is, above all preeminently a world's conflict which favourable issue deeply concerns the destinies of all the peoples of the earthly globe.

The whole question is whether autocratic tyranny will henceforth rule the world, or if Humanity will yet enjoy the blessings of Liberty, of free institutions!

In all hearts must abide the supreme desire that when peace is restored with all and the only conditions to which they can agree, the British Empire, France and the American Republic will forever remain united to promote the prosperity and the welfare of all the nations of the earth, large, middle-sized or small. The duty of those of Imperialist proportions will be as hitherto performed by England and the United States in their democratic way, to protect the independence of the small States, never aspiring to any territorial acquisitions but those accruing to them with the full and free consent of the new populations asking the protection of their aegis and the advantages of their union.

When I consider the grand and magnificent part the three above named leading nations can play for the happy future of Humanity, by working hand in hand, and shoulder to shoulder, for general peace, order and prosperity, my heart is full with the ardent desire to witness them accepting that glorious task with the stern determination to accomplish it to its better end. In spite of the vicissitudes and the failings of their past, they have done a great deal for the general good. They can do still more in the future. Like everyman bearing with fortitude the trials of life with the worthy design of profiting by the experience thus acquired to elevate himself to a higher conception of his duty, the British Empire, France and the United States will undoubtedly emerge from behind the dark clouds of the present days with aspirations ennobled by the sacrifices they are making, purified by the sufferings and the holocaust of so many of their own, with a stronger will to help working out the world's destiny by maintaining permanent peace and good-will amongst men. If they pursue that dignified course of high ideals they will fully deserve the admiration and the gratitude of all those who will benefit by their examples, and reap the abundant fruits of their devoted and enlightened leadership.

It is one of the blessings of true Political Liberty, when duly understood and intelligently practised, to produce a class of politicians and statesmen of wide experience, of commanding character, of high culture, of great attainments, with a superior training in the management of public affairs, who are readily acknowledged as national leaders by the people who confidently trust them, reserving, of course, their constitutional right to call new men to office whenever they consider in the public interest to do so. Those trusted leaders do not claim, as the German autocratic Kaiser, the power, by Divine Right, to do anything they please, asserting that in every imaginable case they do the will of the Almighty.

When charged with the Government of their country, they understand very well that their duty is to manage the national affairs under their responsibility, first, to the Divine Ruler, as any other man in any other calling; secondly, to those who, having required their services, have the constitutional right to call them to account for their stewardship.

Just as confidence is the basis of sound national credit, trust, on the part of the people, and responsibility, on that of the national leaders, are the two cornerstones of free institutions.

Great Britain,--and her great autonomous Colonies also--for many long years past, have been most fortunate in the choice of the national leaders whom they have successively entrusted with the affairs of State.

In that momentous occurrence, more than four years ago, when the whole question whether Great Britain would go to war, or not, was laid before the Imperial Parliament supported by the strongest possible reasons in favour of the decision to accept the challenge of Germany, and fight with the firm determination not to sheathe the sword before victory was won, no British public man would have dared, like the German Emperor, to claim, by Divine Authority, the right to violate the solemn treaties the provisions of which his country was in honour and duty bound to carry out to the very letter.

The commanding parts national leaders play in a free country, in consequence of the public confidence they inspire and enjoy, can have their counterparts in the great society of nations.

Whatever shall be the final settlement of all the difficult matters brought up for solution by the war, it is certain that the management of the world's affairs will be well served by the legitimate influence of great nations whose leadership will be beneficial just in proportion as it is itself directed by the true principles of political Freedom, and an uncompromising respect of the rights of weaker nations always entitled to the fairest dealings on the part of their stronger associates in the great commonwealth of Sovereign States.

There cannot be the slightest doubt that the British Empire, France and the United States, until Providentially ordered otherwise, will hereafter be the three leading nations of the world. Their union maintained sacred in peace, as it is in war, will be the safest guarantee that the days of autocratic domination have ended. Henceforth the tide of political Freedom will flow with increased rapidity and strength. The only danger ahead, against which it is always wise to provide with due care and foresight, is that which would be the result of abuse and wild expectations always sure to react in favour of absolutist principles. Political Liberty and Order, Governmental Authority and Freedom, both well directed, must work hand in hand for the national welfare.

The British Empire, France and the American Republic are free countries. More and better than any others they should and must, by example and friendly advice, lead the peoples in the successful practice of self-government.

Considering more especially the part the British Empire will be called upon to play in the reorganized world, freed from autocratic terrorism, we must not lose sight of the much larger place England's great autonomous Colonies will occupy in the broadened English Commonwealth. We, Canadians, together with our brethren from Australia, New Zealand and South Africa, will have done our glorious share to win the war. We shall have to perform with equal devotion the new duty of sharing the British Empire's task in gradually elevating the nations to an enlightened practice of Political Liberty.

Evidently to do so with the success this noble cause will deserve, we must first strive to utilize our admirable free institutions to the best advantage, for ourselves, for our own future, and for the grand destinies of our Empire.

As an instrument of good government our constitutional charter is almost perfect, as much so as any thing worldly can be. Let us never forget that the best weapon for self-protection may become useless, or even dangerous for us, if not handled with the required intelligence, justice and skill. We would lose all claims to contribute guiding others in the enjoyment of free institutions if we, ourselves, were mistaken in the proper working of our own constitution from a misconception of its literal wording or of its largeness of spirit. We must never challenge the truth that "spirit giveth life."

More than ever the supreme difficulties of governing numerous racial groups, issued from ancient stocks so long divided by endless feuds,--the result of the many sudden changes of territorial limits to be wrought by the restoration of peace--will be very hard to settle satisfactorily. The task will require the constant effort of statesmanship of a high order.

Many of those who will hereafter be trained to self-government will look to us for their guidance. We must give them the inspiring example of fair play, of justice for all, of unity of purpose and aspirations in the diversity of ethnical offsprings.

Need I say that the most urgent duty of all fair minded Canadians is, and will ever be, to heartily join together, to bless our dear country with concord, good feeling, harmony and kindly dispositions to grant an overflowing measure of justice to all our countrymen of all origins and creeds.

Writing this book with the express purpose of explaining and strongly disapproving the deplorable efforts of a few to deter my French Canadian compatriots from doing their bounden duty through the dire crisis we are all undergoing, I will close these pages by calling anew upon my English speaking countrymen not to judge them by the sayings and deeds of persons who can at times somewhat stir up dangerous prejudices, but who are utterly incompetent to lead them as they should and deserve to be. Silenced at last by a patriotic measure to censure any disloyal expression of sentiments, matters have easily resumed their regular and honourable course. All loyal citizens, throughout the length and breadth of the land, have, I am sure, much rejoiced at the loyalty with which the French Canadians, of all classes, religious, social, commercial, industrial, financial, agricultural, have united to obey a statute of military service to which many of them did not agree, as long as they had the constitutional right to differ from the opinion of the large majority of our people, but to the successful operation of which they rallied the moment it was the law of the land. The worthy leaders of our Church strongly recommended obedience to the decision of the constituted authority, firmly condemned any guilty attempt at disturbing public order, and ordered all the members of their flocks to fervously pray the Almighty for PEACE WITH VICTORY FOR THE ALLIES.

Our "pacifists at all hazards" once more silenced, this time by the very religious leaders under whose aegis they had shamefully tried to shield themselves, the patriotic impulse was moved to most commendable action. Without waiting for the call of the law, hundreds of young men from the better classes, from the universities and other educational institutions, well educated, voluntarily enlisted and rallied to the Colours. At least as much as in the other provinces, the class of our young manhood called by law heartily responded, all the real leaders of public opinion uniting to give the only advice loyal men could express.

For one, I was most happy to ascertain how favourably western public feeling was impressed by the new turn of thoughts and events in the Province of Quebec. The reaction of sentiments operating both ways,--in Ontario, the western Provinces and Quebec--augurs well for the final abatement of the excitement which for a time menaced our fair Dominion with regrettable racial strifes so much to be deprecated.

It can be positively affirmed that the whole people of Canada, east to west, north to south, are now more than ever a unit in their patriotic determination to fight the war to its final victorious issue. To this end the two millions of French British subjects in Canada, in perfect communion of thoughts and aspirations with the two millions of the neighbouring Republic's subjects of French Canadian origin, are loyally doing, and will continue to do, their share. Their representatives at the front are gloriously fighting the common enemy. Their valour and their achievements during the Allies' offensive so masterly planned and carried out by the Commander-in-Chief, Foch, have been worthy of their victories at Ypres, Vimy, Courcelette, Passchandaele. Many have, during the last three months, given their lives for the cause they defend. Many more have been wounded and are anxiously waiting their cure, when possible, to return to the field of honour. Daily reports from the front tell of their enthusiasm, of their bravery, of their heroism!

The French Canadians--I have no hesitation whatever in vouching for it--will continue to bear stoically with the sacrifices of so many kinds the conflict imposes upon them. Though smarting, as all others, under the burden, yet they cheerfully pay the heavy taxes required from the country to meet our national obligations the outcome of the war.

So all is for the best under the strenuous present conditions of our national existence.

In closing, I pray leave to reiterate, from the Introduction to this work, the following lines expressing my most sincere and profound conviction:--

I hope,--and most ardently wish--that all my readers will agree with me that next to the necessity of winning the war--and may I say, even as of almost equal importance for the future grandeur of our beloved country--range that of promoting by all lawful means harmony and good will amongst all our countrymen, whatever may be their racial origin, their religious faith, their particular aspirations not conflicting with their devotion to Canada as a whole, nor with their loyalty to the British Empire, whose grandeur and prestige they want to firmly help to uphold with the inspiring confidence that more and more they will be the unconquerable bulwark of Freedom, Justice, Civilization and Right.

May I be allowed to conclude by saying that my most earnest desire is to do all in my power, in the rank and file of the great army of free men, to reach the goal which ought to be the most persevering and patriotic ambition of loyal Canadians of all origins and creeds.

And I repeat, wishing my words to be re-echoed throughout the length and breadth of the land I so heartily cherish:--I have always been, I am and will ever be, to my last breath, true to my oath of allegiance to my Sovereign and to my country.

APPENDIX--A.

PRESIDENT WILSON'S SPEECH

TO THE UNITED STATES CONGRESS--11TH DAY OF FEBRUARY, 1918.

On the above mentioned date, Mr. Wilson, the President of the great American Republic, delivered the following speech to the Congress, in Washington. This noble and statesmanlike utterance met with the unanimous and enthusiastic approval of the members of both Houses, and was highly applauded, not only in the United States, but over all the truly civilized world. It reads thus:--

"On the eighth of January, I had the honor of addressing you on the objects of the war as our people conceive them. The Prime Minister of Great Britain had spoken in similar terms on the fifth of January. To these addresses the German Chancellor replied on the 24th and Count Czernin for Austria on the same day. It is gratifying to have our desire so promptly realized that all exchanges of view on this great matter should be made in the hearing of all the world.

"Count Czernin's reply, which is directed chiefly to my own address, on the eighth of January, is uttered in a very friendly tone.

"He finds in my statement a sufficiently encouraging approach to the views of his own government to justify him in believing that it furnishes a basis for a more detailed discussion of purposes by the two governments. He is represented to have intimated that the views he was expressing had been communicated to me beforehand and that I was aware of them at the time he was uttering them; but in this I am sure he was misunderstood. I had received no intimation of what he intended to say. There was, of course, no reason why he should communicate privately with me. I am quite content to be one of his public audiences.

"Count von Hertling's reply is, I may say, very vague and very confusing. It is full of equivocal phrases and leads, it is not clear where. But it is certainly in a very different tone from that of Count Czernin and apparently of an opposite purpose. It confirms, I am sorry to say, rather than removes, the unfortunate impression made by what we had learned of the conferences at Brest-Litovsk. His discussion and acceptance of our general principles leads him to no practical conclusions. He refuses to apply them to the substantiate items which must constitute the body of any final settlement. He is jealous of international action and of international council. He accepts, he says, the principle of public diplomacy, but he appears to insist that it be confined at any rate in this case, to generalities and that the several particular questions of territory and sovereignty, the several questions upon whose settlement must depend the acceptance of peace by the twenty-three states now engaged in the war, must be discussed and settled, not in general council but severally by the nations most immediately concerned by interest of neighbourhood. He agrees that the seas should be free, but looks askance at any limitation to that freedom by international action in the interest of the common order. He would, without reserve, be glad to see economic barriers removed between nation and nation, for that could in no way impede the ambitions of the military party with whom he seems constrained to keep on terms. Neither does he raise objection to a limitation of armaments. That matter will be settled of itself, he thinks, by the economic conditions which must follow the war. But the German colonies, he demands, must be returned without debate. He will discuss with no one but the representatives of Russia what disposition shall be made of the peoples and the lands of the Baltic provinces; with no one but the Government of France the "conditions" under which French territory shall be evacuated and only with Austria what shall be done with Poland. In the determination of all questions affecting the Balkan states he defers, as I understand him, to Austria and Turkey and with regard to the agreements to be entered into concerning the non-Turkish peoples of the present Ottoman Empire, to the Turkish authorities themselves. After a settlement all around effected in this fashion, by individual barter and concession, he would have no objection, if I correctly interpret his statement, to a league of nations which would undertake to hold the balance of power steady against external disturbance.

"It must be evident to everyone who understands what this war has wrought in the opinion and temper of the world that no general peace, no peace worth the infinite sacrifices of these years of tragical suffering, can possibly be arrived at in any such fashion. The method the German Chancellor proposes is the method of the Congress of Vienna. We cannot and will not return to that. What is at stake now is the peace of the world. What we are striving for is a new international order based upon broad and universal principles of right and justice--no mere peace of shreds and patches. Is it possible that Count von Hertling does not see that, does not grasp it, is in fact living in his thought in a world dead and gone? Has he utterly forgotten the Reichstag resolutions of the 19th of July, or does he deliberately ignore them? They spoke of the conditions of a general peace, not of national aggrandizement or of arrangements between state and state. The peace of the world depends upon just settlement of each of the several problems to which I adverted in my recent address to Congress. I, of course, do not mean that the peace of the world depends upon the acceptance of any particular set of suggestions as to the way in which those problems are to be dealt with. I mean only that those problems, each and all, affect the whole world; that unless they are dealt with in a spirit of unselfish and unbiassed justice, with a view to the wishes, the natural connections, the racial aspirations, the security and peace of mind of the peoples involved, no permanent peace will have been attained. They cannot be discussed separately or in corners. None of them constitutes a private or separate interest from which the opinion of the world may be shut out. Whatever affects the peace affects mankind, and nothing settled by military force, if settled wrong, is settled at all. It will presently have to be re-opened.

"Is Count von Hertling not aware that he is speaking in the court of mankind, that all the awakened nations of the world now sit in judgment on what every public man, of whatever nation, may say on the issues of a conflict which has spread to every region of the world? The Reichstag resolutions of July 19 themselves frankly accepted the decisions of that court. There shall be no annexations, no contributions, no punitive damages. Peoples are not to be handed about from one sovereignty to another by an international conference or an understanding between rivals and antagonists. National aspirations must be respected; peoples may now be dominated and governed only by their own consent. "Self-determination," is not a mere phrase. It is an imperative principle of action, which statesmen will henceforth ignore at their peril. We cannot have general peace for the asking, or by the mere arrangements of a peace conference. It cannot be pieced together out of individual understandings between powerful states. All the parties to this war must join in the settlement of every issue anywhere involved in it because what we are seeking is a peace that we can all unite to guarantee and maintain whether it be right and fair, an act of justice, rather than a bargain between sovereigns.

"The United States has no desire to interfere in European affairs or to act as arbiter in European territorial disputes. We would disdain to take advantage of any internal weakness or disorder to impose her own will upon another people. She is quite ready to be shown that the settlements she has suggested are not the best or the most enduring. They are only her own provisional sketch of principles, and of the way in which they should be applied. But she entered this war because she was made a partner, whether she would or not, in the sufferings and indignities inflicted by the military masters of Germany, against the peace and security of mankind; and the conditions of peace will touch her as nearly as they will touch any other nation to which is entrusted a leading part in the maintenance of civilization. She cannot see her way to peace until the causes of this war are removed, its renewal rendered, as nearly as may be, impossible.

"This war had its roots in the disregard of the rights of small nations and of nationalities which lacked the union and the force to make good their claim to determine their own allegiances and their own forms of political life. Covenants must now be entered into which will render such things impossible for the future; and those covenants must be backed by the united force of all the nations that love justice and are willing to maintain it at any cost. If territorial settlements and the political relations of great populations which have not the organized power to resist are to be determined by the contracts of the powerful governments which consider themselves most directly affected, as Count von Hertling proposes, why may not economic questions also? It has come about in the altered world in which we now find ourselves that justice and the rights of peoples affect the whole field of international dealing as much as access to raw materials and fair and equal conditions of trade. Count von Hertling wants the essential basis of commercial and industrial life to be safeguarded by common agreement and guarantee, but he cannot expect that to be conceded him if the other matters to be determined by the articles of peace are not handled in the same way as it was in the final accounting. He cannot ask the benefit of common agreement in the one field without according it in the other. I take it for granted that he sees that separate and selfish compacts with regard to trade and the essential materials of manufacture would afford no foundation for peace. Neither, he may rest assured, will separate and selfish compacts with regard to the provinces and peoples.

"Count Czernin seems to see the fundamental elements of peace with clear eyes and does not seek to obscure them. He sees that an independent Poland, made up of all the indisputably Polish peoples who lie contiguous to one another, is a matter of European concern and must of course be conceded; that Belgium must be evacuated and restored, no matter what sacrifices and concessions that may involve; and that national aspirations must be satisfied, even within his own empire, in the common interest of Europe and mankind. If he is silent about questions which touch the interest and purpose of his Allies more nearly than they touch those of Austria only, it must, of course, be because he feels constrained, I suppose, to defer to Germany and Turkey in the circumstances. Seeing and conceding, as he does, the essential principles involved and the necessity of candidly applying them, he naturally feels that Austria can respond to the purpose of peace as expressed by the United States with less embarrassment than could Germany. He would probably have gone much farther had it not been for the embarrassments of Austria's alliance and of her dependence upon Germany.

"After all the test of whether it is possible for either Government to go any further in this comparison of views is simple and obvious. The principles to be applied are:

"First, that each part of the final settlement must be based on the essential justice of the particular case, and upon such adjustments as are most likely to bring a peace that will be permanent.

"Second, that peoples and provinces are not to be bartered about from sovereignty to sovereignty as if they were mere chattels and pawns in a game, even the great game, now for ever discredited, of the balance of power; but that,

"Every territorial settlement involved in this war must be made in the interest and for the benefit of the populations concerned and not as a part of any mere adjustment of compromise of claims amongst rival states; and,

"Fourth, that all well defined national aspirations shall be accorded the utmost satisfaction that can be accorded them without introducing new or perpetuating old elements of discord, and antagonism that would be likely in time to break the peace of Europe and consequently of the world.

"A general peace entered upon such foundations can be discussed. Until such a peace can be secured we have no choice but to go on. So far as we can judge, these principles that we regard as fundamental are already everywhere accepted as imperative except among the spokesmen of the military and annexationist party in Germany. If they have anywhere else been rejected, the objectors have not been sufficiently numerous or influential to make their voices audible. The tragic circumstance is that this one party in Germany is apparently willing and able to send millions of men to their death to prevent what all the world now sees to be just.

"I would not be a true spokesman of the people of the United States if I did not say once more that we entered this war upon no small occasion, and that we can never turn back from a course chosen upon principle. Our resources are in part mobilized now, and we shall not pause until they are mobilized in their entirety. Our armies are rapidly going to the fighting front, and will go more rapidly. Our whole strength will be put into this state of emancipation--emancipation from the threat and attempted mastery of selfish groups of autocratic rulers--whatever the difficulties and present partial delays. We are indomitable in our power of independent action, and can in no circumstances consent to live in a world governed by intrigue and force. We believe that our own desire for a new international order under which reason and justice and the common interests of mankind shall prevail, is the desire of enlightened men everywhere. Without that new order the world will be without peace, and human life will lack tolerable conditions of existence and development. Having set our hand to the task of achieving it, we shall not turn back.

"I hope that it is not necessary for me to add that no word of what I have said is intended as a threat. That is not the temper of our people. I have spoken thus only that the whole world may know the true spirit of America--that men everywhere may know that our passion for justice and for self-government is no mere passion of words, but a passion which, once set in act, must be satisfied. The power of the United States is a menace to no nation or people. It will be never used in aggression or for the aggrandizement of any selfish interest of our own. It springs out of freedom and is for the service of freedom."

APPENDIX--B.

TEXT OF UNITED STATES REPLY TO AUSTRIA.

On the 18th of September, 1918, the Secretary of State made public the official text of the letter he sent, to Mr. W. A. F. Ekengren, the Swedish Minister, in charge of Austro-Hungarian affairs, conveying President Wilson's rejection of the Austrian peace proposals. It reads as follows:--

"Sir,--I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note, dated September 16, communicating to me a note from the Imperial Government of Austria-Hungary, containing a proposal to the Government of all the belligerent States to send delegates to a confidential and unbinding discussion on the basic principles for the conclusion of peace. Furthermore, it is proposed that the delegates would be charged to make known to one another the conception of their Governments regarding these principles, and to receive analogous communications, as well as to request and give frank and candid explanations on all those points which need to be precisely defined.

"In reply, I beg to say that the substance of your communication has been submitted to the President, who now directs me to inform you that the Government of the United States feels that there is only one reply which it can make to the suggestion of the Imperial Austro-Hungarian Government. It has repeatedly, and with entire candor, stated the terms upon which the United States would consider peace, and can and will entertain no proposal for a conference upon the matter concerning which it has made its position and purpose so plain.

"Accept, sir, the renewed assurances of my highest consideration.

"(Signed), ROBERT LANSING, "Secretary of State."

* * * * *

Transcriber's Notes

Obvious punctuation errors repaired.

Numerous obvious spelling errors have been corrected.

Archaic or unusual words and spellings have not been changed: beneficient, coronated, consolated, conspiration, devotedness, divers, elogius, enflame, enounced, equilibrist, eulogium, fervously, injustifiable, irresistable, instil, Magna Charta, planturous, plebiscit, plebiscitary, preconized, profonated, Roumanian, Servia, subtilties, tragical, treasonably, troublous, tutorage, unbiassed, uncontrovertible, unsufficiently, woful.

Both "bolshevik" and "bolchevik" appear and have not been changed.

Both "standpoint(s)" and "stand-point(s)" appear and have not been changed.

The following inconsistent usages appear and have not been changed: "Mother Country", "mother country", "mother-country", "Mother Land", "Mother land", "mother land", "Motherland".

Italic font is indicated by _xxx_ and bold font by =xxx=.

Page 34: Duplicate word "His" deleted (His Excellency had just).

Page 96 (and elsewhere): "per cent" changed to "per cent." for consistency.