Part 4

JUTLAND (Danish _Jylland_), though embracing several islands as well as a peninsula, may be said to belong to the continental portion of the kingdom of Denmark. The peninsula (Chersonese or Cimbric peninsula of ancient geography) extends northward, from a line between Lubeck and the mouth of the Elbe, for 270 m. to the promontory of the Skaw (Skagen), thus preventing a natural communication directly east and west between the Baltic and North Seas. The northern portion only is Danish, and bears the name Jutland. The southern is German, belonging to Schleswig-Holstein. The peninsula is almost at its narrowest (36 m.) at the frontier, but Jutland has an extreme breadth of 110 m. and the extent from the south-western point (near Ribe) to the Skaw is 180 m. Jutland embraces nine _amter_ (counties), namely, Hjorring, Thisted, Aalborg, Ringkjobing, Viborg, Randers, Aarhus, Vejle and Ribe. The main watershed of the peninsula lies towards the east coast; therefore such elevated ground as exists is found on the east, while the western slope is gentle and consists of a low sandy plain of slight undulation. The North Sea coast (western) and Skagerrack coast (north-western) consist mainly of a sweeping line of dunes with wide lagoons behind them. In the south the northernmost of the North Frisian Islands (Fano) is Danish. Towards the north a narrow mouth gives entry to the Limfjord, or Liimfjord, which, wide and ramifying among islands to the west, narrows to the east and pierces through to the Cattegat, thus isolating the counties of Hjorring and Thisted (known together as Vendsyssel). It is, however, bridged at Aalborg, and its depth rarely exceeds 12 ft. The seaward banks of the lagoons are frequently broken in storms, and the narrow channels through them are constantly shifting. The east coast is slightly bolder than the west, and indented with true estuaries and bays. From the south-east the chain of islands forming insular Denmark extends towards Sweden, the strait between Jutland and Funen having the name of the Little Belt. The low and dangerous coasts, off which the seas are generally very shallow, are efficiently served by a series of lifeboat stations. The western coast region is well compared with the Landes of Gascony. The interior is low. The Varde, Omme, Skjerne, Stor and Karup, sluggish and tortuous streams draining into the western lagoons, rise in and flow through marshes, while the eastern Limfjord is flanked by the swamps known as Vildmose. The only considerable river is the Gudenaa, flowing from S.W. into the Randersfjord (Cattegat), and rising among the picturesque lakes of the county of Aarhus, where the principal elevated ground in the peninsula is found in the Himmelbjerg and adjacent hills (exceeding 500 ft.). The German portion of the peninsula is generally similar to that of western Jutland, the main difference lying in the occurrence of islands (the North Frisian) off the west coast in place of sand-bars and lagoons. Erratic blocks are of frequent occurrence in south Jutland. (For geology, and the general consideration of Jutland in connexion with the whole kingdom, see DENMARK.)

Although in ancient times well wooded, the greater portion of the interior of Jutland consisted for centuries of barren drift-sand, which grew nothing but heather; but since 1866, chiefly through the instrumentality of the patriotic Heath association, assisted by annual contributions from the state, a very large proportion of this region has been more or less reclaimed for cultivation. The means adopted are: (i.) the plantation of trees; (ii.) the making of irrigation canals and irrigating meadows; (iii.) exploring for, extracting and transporting loam, a process aided by the construction of short light railways; and (iv.), since 1889, the experimental cultivation of fenny districts. The activity of the association takes the form partly of giving gratuitous advice, partly of experimental attempts, and partly of model works for imitation. The state also makes annual grants directly to owners who are willing to place their plantations under state supervision, for the sale of plants at half price to the poorer peasantry, for making protective or sheltering plantations, and for free transport of marl or loam. The species of timber almost exclusively planted are the red fir (_Picea excelsa_) and the mountain pine (_Pinus montana_). This admirable work quickly caused the population to increase at a more rapid rate in the districts where it was practised than in any other part of the Danish kingdom. The counties of Viborg, Ringkjobing and Ribe cover the principal heath district.

Jutland is well served by railways. Two lines cross the frontier from Germany on the east and west respectively and run northward near the coasts. The eastern touches the ports of Kolding, Fredericia, Vejle, Horsens, Aarhus, Randers, Aalborg on Limfjord, Frederikshavn and Skagen. On the west the only port of first importance is Esbjerg. The line runs past Skjerne, Ringkjobing, Vemb and Holstebro to Thisted. Both throw off many branches and are connected by lines east and west between Kolding and Esbjerg, Skanderborg and Skjerne, Langaa and Struer on Limfjord via Viborg. Of purely inland towns only Viborg in the midland and Hjorring in the extreme north are of importance.

JUTURNA (older form Diuturna, the lasting), an old Latin divinity, a personification of the never-failing springs. Her original home was on the river Numicius near Lavinium, where there was a spring called after her, supposed to possess healing qualities (whence the old Roman derivation from _juvare_, to help). Her worship was early transferred to Rome, localized by the Lacus Juturnae near the temple of Vesta, at which Castor and Pollux, after announcing the victory of lake Regillus, were said to have washed the sweat from their horses. At the end of the First Punic War Lutatius Catulus erected a temple in her honour on the Campus Martius, subsequently restored by Augustus. Juturna was associated with two festivals: the Juturnalia on the 11th of January, probably a dedication festival of a temple built by Augustus, and celebrated by the college of the _fontani_, workmen employed in the construction and maintenance of aqueducts and fountains; and the Volcanalia on the 23rd of August, at which sacrifice was offered to Volcanus, the Nymphs and Juturna, as protectors against outbreaks of fire. In Virgil, Juturna appears as the sister of Turnus (probably owing to the partial similarity of the names), on whom Jupiter, to console her for the loss of her chastity, bestowed immortality and the control of all the lakes and rivers of Latium. For the statement that she was the wife of Janus and mother of Fontus (or Fons), the god of fountains, Arnobius (_Adv. gentes_ iii. 29) is alone responsible.

See Virgil, _Aeneid_, xii. 139 and Servius _ad loc._; Ovid, _Fasti_, ii. 583-616; Valerius Maximus, i. 8. 1; L. Deubner, "Juturna und die Ausgrabungen auf dem romischen Forum," in _Neue Jahrb. f. das klassische Altertum_ (1902), p. 370.

JUVENAL (DECIMUS JUNIUS JUVENALIS) (c. 60-140), Roman poet and satirist, was born at Aquinum. Brief accounts of his life, varying considerably in details, are prefixed to different MSS. of the works. But their common original cannot be traced to any competent authority, and some of their statements are intrinsically improbable. According to the version which appears to be the earliest:--

"Juvenal was the son or ward of a wealthy freedman; he practised declamation till middle age, not as a professional teacher, but as an amateur, and made his first essay in satire by writing the lines on Paris, the actor and favourite of Domitian, now found in the seventh satire (lines 90 seq.). Encouraged by their success, he devoted himself diligently to this kind of composition, but refrained for a long time from either publicly reciting or publishing his verses. When at last he did come before the public, his recitations were attended by great crowds and received with the utmost favour. But the lines originally written on Paris, having been inserted in one of his new satires, excited the jealous anger of an actor of the time, who was a favourite of the emperor, and procured the poet's banishment under the form of a military appointment to the extremity of Egypt. Being then eighty years of age, he died shortly afterwards of grief and vexation."

Some of these statements are so much in consonance with the indirect evidence afforded by the satires that they may be a series of conjectures based upon them. The rare passages in which the poet speaks of his own position, as in satires xi. and xiii., indicate that he was in comfortable but moderate circumstances. We should infer also that he was not dependent on any professional occupation, and that he was separated in social station, and probably too by tastes and manners, from the higher class to which Tacitus and Pliny belonged, as he was by character from the new men who rose to wealth by servility under the empire. Juvenal is no organ of the pride and dignity, still less of the urbanity, of the cultivated representatives of the great families of the republic. He is the champion of the more sober virtues and ideas, and perhaps the organ of the rancours and detraction, of an educated but depressed and embittered middle class. He lets us know that he has no leanings to philosophy (xiii. 121) and pours contempt on the serious epic writing of the day (i. 162). The statement that he was a trained and practised declaimer is confirmed both by his own words (i. 16) and by the rhetorical mould in which his thoughts and illustrations are cast. The allusions which fix the dates when his satires first appeared, and the large experience of life which they imply, agree with the statement that he did not come before the world as a professed satirist till after middle age.

The statement that he continued to write satires long before he gave them to the world accords well with the nature of their contents and the elaborate character of their composition, and might almost be inferred from the emphatic but yet guarded statement of Quintilian in his short summary of Roman literature. After speaking of the merits of Lucilius, Horace and Persius as satirists, he adds, "There are, too, in our own day, distinguished writers of satire whose names will be heard of hereafter" (_Inst. Or._ x. 1, 94). There is no Roman writer of satire who could be mentioned along with those others by so judicious a critic, except Juvenal. The motive which a writer of satire must have had for secrecy under Domitian is sufficiently obvious; and the necessity of concealment and self-suppression thus imposed upon the writer may have permanently affected his whole manner of composition.

So far the original of these lives follows a not improbable tradition. But when we come to the story of the poet's exile the case is otherwise. The undoubted reference to Juvenal in Sidonius Apollinaris as the victim of the rage of an actor only proves that the original story from which all the varying versions of the lives are derived was generally believed before the middle of the 5th century of our era. If Juvenal was banished at the age of eighty, the author of his banishment could not have been the "enraged actor" in reference to whom the original lines were written, as Paris was put to death in 83, and Juvenal was certainly writing satires long after 100. The satire in which the lines now appear was probably first published soon after the accession of Hadrian, when Juvenal was not an octogenarian but in the maturity of his powers. The cause of the poet's banishment at that advanced age could not therefore have been either the original composition or the first publication of the lines.

An expression in xv. 45 is quoted as a proof that Juvenal had visited Egypt. He may have done so as an exile or in a military command; but it seems hardly consistent with the importance which the emperors attached to the security of Egypt, or with the concern which they took in the interests of the army, that these conditions were combined at an age so unfit for military employment. If any conjecture is warrantable on so obscure a subject, it is more likely that this temporary disgrace should have been inflicted on the poet by Domitian. Among the many victims of Juvenal's satire it is only against him and against one of the vilest instruments of his court, the Egyptian Crispinus, that the poet seems to be animated by personal hatred. A sense of wrong suffered at their hands may perhaps have mingled with the detestation which he felt towards them on public grounds. But if he was banished under Domitian, it must have been either before or after 93, at which time, as we learn from an epigram of Martial, Juvenal was in Rome.

More ancient evidence is supplied by an inscription found at Aquinum, recording, so far as it has been deciphered, the dedication of an altar to Ceres by a Iunius Iuvenalis, tribune of the first cohort of Dalmatians, _duumvir quinquennalis_, and _flamen Divi Vespasiani_, a provincial magistrate whose functions corresponded to those of the censor at Rome. This Juvenalis may have been the poet, but he may equally well have been a relation. The evidence of the satires does not point to a prolonged absence from the metropolis. They are the product of immediate and intimate familiarity with the life of the great city. An epigram of Martial, written at the time when Juvenal was most vigorously employed in their composition, speaks of him as settled in Rome. He himself hints (iii. 318) that he maintained his connexion with Aquinum, and that he had some special interest in the worship of the "Helvinian Ceres." Nor is the tribute to the national religion implied by the dedication of the altar to Ceres inconsistent with the beliefs and feelings expressed in the satires. While the fables of mythology are often treated contemptuously or humorously by him, other passages in the satires clearly imply a conformity to, and even a respect for, the observances of the national religion. The evidence as to the military post filled by Juvenal is curious, when taken in connexion with the confused tradition of his exile in a position of military importance. But it cannot be said that the satires bear traces of military experience; the life described in them is rather such as would present itself to the eyes of a civilian.

The only other contemporary evidence which affords a glimpse of Juvenal's actual life is contained in three epigrams of Martial. Two of these (vii. 24 and 91) were written in the time of Domitian, the third (xii. 18) early in the reign of Trajan, after Martial had retired to his native Bilbilis. The first attests the strong regard which Martial felt for him; but the subject of the epigram seems to hint that Juvenal was not an easy person to get on with. In the second, addressed to Juvenal himself, the epithet _facundus_ is applied to him, equally applicable to his "eloquence" as satirist or rhetorician. In the last Martial imagines his friend wandering about discontentedly through the crowded streets of Rome, and undergoing all the discomforts incident to attendance on the levees of the great. Two lines in the poem suggest that the satirist, who inveighed with just severity against the worst corruptions of Roman morals, was not too rigid a censor of the morals of his friend. Indeed, his intimacy with Martial is a ground for not attributing to him exceptional strictness of life.

The additional information as to the poet's life and circumstances derivable from the satires themselves is not important. He had enjoyed the training which all educated men received in his day (i. 15); he speaks of his farm in the territory of Tibur (xi. 65), which furnished a young kid and mountain asparagus for a homely dinner to which he invites a friend during the festival of the Megalesia. From the satire in which this invitation is contained we are able to form an idea of the style in which he habitually lived, and to think of him as enjoying a hale and vigorous age (203), and also as a kindly master of a household (159 seq.). The negative evidence afforded in the account of his establishment suggests the inference that, like Lucilius and Horace, Juvenal had no personal experience of either the cares or the softening influence of family life. A comparison of this poem with the invitation of Horace to Torquatus (_Ep._ i. 5) brings out strongly the differences not in urbanity only but in kindly feeling between the two satirists. Gaston Boissier has drawn from the indications afforded of the career and character of the persons to whom the satires are addressed most unfavourable conclusions as to the social circumstances and associations of Juvenal. If we believe that these were all real people, with whom Juvenal lived in intimacy, we should conclude that he was most unfortunate in his associates, and that his own relations to them were marked rather by outspoken frankness than civility. But they seem to be more "nominis umbrae" than real men; they serve the purpose of enabling the satirist to aim his blows at one particular object instead of declaiming at large. They have none of the individuality and traits of personal character discernible in the persons addressed by Horace in his _Satires_ and _Epistles_. It is noticeable that, while Juvenal writes of the poets and men of letters of a somewhat earlier time as if they were still living, he makes no reference to his friend Martial or the younger Pliny and Tacitus, who wrote their works during the years of his own literary activity. It is equally noticeable that Juvenal's name does not appear in Pliny's letters.

The times at which the satires were given to the world do not in all cases coincide with those at which they were written and to which they immediately refer. Thus the manners and personages of the age of Domitian often supply the material of satiric representation, and are spoken of as if they belonged to the actual life of the present,[1] while allusions even in the earliest show that, as a finished literary composition, it belongs to the age of Trajan. The most probable explanation of these discrepancies is that in their present form the satires are the work of the last thirty years of the poet's life, while the first nine at least may have preserved with little change passages written during his earlier manhood. The combination of the impressions, and, perhaps of the actual compositions, of different periods also explains a certain want of unity and continuity found in some of them.

There is no reason to doubt that the sixteen satires which we possess were given to the world in the order in which we find them, and that they were divided, as they are referred to in the ancient grammarians, into five books. Book I., embracing the first five satires, was written in the freshest vigour of the author's powers, and is animated with the strongest hatred of Domitian. The publication of this book belongs to the early years of Trajan. The mention of the exile of Marius (49) shows that it was not published before 100. In the second satire, the lines 29 seq.,

"Qualis erat nuper tragico pollutus adulter Concubitu,"

show that the memory of one of the foulest scandals of the reign of Domitian was still fresh in the minds of men. The third satire, imitated by Samuel Johnson in his _London_, presents such a picture as Rome may have offered to the satirist at any time in the 1st century of our era; but it was under the worst emperors, Nero and Domitian, that the arts of flatterers and foreign adventurers were most successful, and that such scenes of violence as that described at 277 seq. were most likely to occur;[2] while the mention of Veiento (185) as still enjoying influence is a distinct reference to the court of Domitian. The fourth, which alone has any political significance, and reflects on the emperor as a frivolous trifler rather than as a monster of lust and cruelty, is the reproduction of a real or imaginary scene from the reign of Domitian, and is animated by the profoundest scorn and loathing both of the tyrant himself and of the worst instruments of his tyranny. The fifth is a social picture of the degradation to which poor guests were exposed at the banquets of the rich, but many of the epigrams of Martial and the more sober evidence of one of Pliny's letters show that the picture painted by Juvenal, though perhaps exaggerated in colouring, was drawn from a state of society prevalent during and immediately subsequent to the times of Domitian.[3] Book II. consists of the most elaborate of the satires, by many critics regarded as the poet's masterpiece, the famous sixth satire, directed against the whole female sex, which shares with Domitian and his creatures the most cherished place in the poet's antipathies. It shows certainly no diminution of vigour either in its representation or its invective. The time at which this satire was composed cannot be fixed with certainty, but some allusions render it highly probable that it was given to the world in the later years of Trajan, and before the accession of Hadrian. The date of the publication of Book III., containing the seventh, eighth and ninth satires, seems to be fixed by its opening line to the first years after the accession of Hadrian. In the eighth satire another reference is made (120) to the misgovernment of Marius in Africa as a recent event, and at line 51 there may be an allusion to the Eastern wars that occupied the last years of Trajan's reign. The ninth has no allusion to determine its date, but it is written with the same outspoken freedom as the second and the sixth, and belongs to the period when the poet's power was most vigorous, and his exposure of vice most uncompromising. In Book IV., comprising the famous tenth, the eleventh and the twelfth satires, the author appears more as a moralist than as a pure satirist. In the tenth, the theme of the "vanity of human wishes" is illustrated by great historic instances, rather than by pictures of the men and manners of the age; and, though the declamatory vigour and power of expression in it are occasionally as great as in the earlier satires, and although touches of Juvenal's saturnine humour, and especially of his misogyny, appear in all the satires of this book, yet their general tone shows that the white heat of his indignation is abated; and the lines of the eleventh, already referred to (201 seq.),

"Spectent juvenes quos clamor et audax Sponsio, quos cultae decet assedisse puellae: Nostra bibat vernum contrada cuticula solem,"

leave no doubt that he was well advanced in years when they were written.

Two important dates are found in Book V., comprising satires xiii.-xvi. At xiii. 16 Juvenal speaks of his friend Calvinus as now past sixty years of age, having been born in the consulship of Fonteius. Now L. Fonteius Capito was consul in 67. Again at xv. 27 an event is said to have happened in Egypt "nuper consule Iunco." There was a L. Aemilius Iuncus consul _suffectus_ in 127. The fifth book must therefore have been published some time after this date. More than the fourth, this book bears the marks of age, both in the milder tone of the sentiments expressed, and in the feebler power of composition exhibited. The last satire is now imperfect, and the authenticity both of this and of the fifteenth has been questioned, though on insufficient grounds.