ii. 26) describes them as placed at equal intervals on the throne of

Phoebus, with whom are also associated the four seasons. Nonnus (5th century A.D.) in the _Dionysiaca_ also unites the twelve Horae as representing the day and the four Horae as the seasons in the palace of Helios.

See C. Lehrs, _Populare Aufsatze_ (1856); J. H. Krause, _Die Musen, Grazien, Horen, und Nymphen_ (1871); and the articles in Daremberg and Saglio's _Dictionnaire des antiquites_, J. A. Hild; and in Roscher's _Lexikon der Mythologie_, W. Rapp.

HORAPOLLON, of Phaenebythis in the nome of Panopolis in Egypt, Greek grammarian, flourished in the 4th century A.D. during the reign of Theodosius I. According to Suidas, he wrote commentaries on Sophocles, Alcaeus and Homer, and a work ([Greek: Temenika]) on places consecrated to the gods. Photius (cod. 279), who calls him a dramatist as well as a grammarian, ascribes to him a history of the foundation and antiquities of Alexandria (unless this is by an Egyptian of the same name, who lived In the reign of Zeno, 474-491). Under the name of Horapollon two books on _Hieroglyphics_ are extant, which profess to be a translation from an Egyptian original into Greek by a certain Philippus, of whom nothing is known. The inferior Greek of the translation, and the character of the additions in the second book point to its being of late date; some have even assigned it to the 15th century. Though a very large proportion of the statements seem absurd and cannot be accounted for by anything known in the latest and most fanciful usage, yet there is ample evidence in both the books, in individual cases, that the tradition of the values of the hieroglyphic signs was not yet extinct in the days of their author.

BIBLIOGRAPHY.--Editions by C. Leemans (1835) and A. T. Cory (1840) with English translation and notes; see also G. Rathgeber in Ersch and Gruber's _Allgemeine Encyclopadie_; H. Schafer, _Zeitschrift fur agyptische Sprache_ (1905), p. 72.

HORATII and CURIATII, in Roman legend, two sets of three brothers born at one birth on the same day--the former Roman, the latter Alban--the mothers being twin sisters. During the war between Rome and Alba Longa it was agreed that the issue should depend on a combat between the two families. Two of the Horatii were soon slain; the third brother feigned flight, and when the Curiatii, who were all wounded, pursued him without concert he slew them one by one. When he entered Rome in triumph, his sister recognized a cloak which he was wearing as a trophy as one she had herself made for her lover, one of the Curiatii. She thereupon invoked a curse upon her brother, who slew her on the spot. Horatius was condemned to be scourged to death, but on his appealing to the people his life was spared (Livy i. 25, 26; Dion. Halic. iii. 13-22). Monuments of the tragic story were shown by the Romans in the time of Livy (the altar of Janus Curiatius near the _sororium tigillum_, the "sister's beam," or yoke under which Horatius had to pass; and the altar of Juno Sororia). The legend was probably invented to account for the origin of the _provocatio_ (right of appeal to the people), while at the same time it points to the close connexion and final struggle for supremacy between the older city on the mountain and the younger city on the plain. Their relationship and origin from three tribes are symbolically represented by the twin sisters and the two sets of three brothers.

For a critical examination of the story, see Schwegler, _Romische Geschichte_, bk. xii. 11. 14; Sir G. Cornewall Lewis, _Credibility of Early Roman History_, ch. xi. 15; W. Ihne, _Hist. of Rome_, i.; E. Pais, _Storia di Roma_, i. ch. 3 (1898), and _Ancient Legends of Roman History_ (Eng. trans., 1906), where the story is connected with the ceremonies performed in honour of Jupiter Tigillus and Juno Sororia; C. Pascal, _Fatti e legende di Roma antica_ (Florence, 1903); O. Gilbert, _Geschichte und Topographie der Stadt Rom im Altertum_ (1883-1885).

HORATIUS COCLES, a legendary hero of ancient Rome. With two companions he defended the Sublician bridge against Lars Porsena and the whole army of the Etruscans, while the Romans cut down the bridge behind. Then Horatius threw himself into the Tiber and swam in safety to the shore. A statue was erected in his honour in the temple of Vulcan, and he received as much land as he could plough round in a single day. According to another version, Horatius alone defended the bridge, and was drowned in the Tiber.

There is an obvious resemblance between the legend of Horatius Codes and that of the Horatii and Curiatii. In both cases three Romans come forward as the champions of Rome at a critical moment of her fortunes, and only one successfully holds his ground. In the one case, the locality is the land frontier, in the other, the boundary stream of Roman territory. E. Pais finds the origin of the story in the worship of Vulcan, and identifies Cocles (the "one-eyed") with one of the Cyclopes, who in mythology were connected with Hephaestus, and later with Vulcan. He concludes that the supposed statue of Cocles was really that of Vulcan, who, as one of the most ancient Roman divinities and, in fact, the protecting deity of the state, would naturally be confounded with the hero who saved it by holding the bridge against the invaders. He suggests that the legend arose from some religious ceremony, possibly the practice of throwing the stuffed figures called Argei into the Tiber from the Pons Sublicius on the ides of May. The conspicuous part played in Roman history by members of the Horatian family, who were connected with the worship of Jupiter Vulcanus, will explain the attribution of the name Horatius to Vulcan-Cocles.

See Livy ii. 10; Dion. Halic. v. 23-25; Polybius vi. 55; Plutarch, _Poplicola_, 16. For a critical examination of the legend, see Schwegler, _Romische Geschichte_, bk. xxi. 18; W. Ihne, _History of Rome_, i.; E. Pais, _Storia di Roma_, i. ch. 4 (1898), and _Ancient Legends of Roman History_ (Eng. trans., 1906).

HORDE, a manufacturing town of Germany, in the Prussian province of Westphalia, is 2 m. S.E. from Dortmund on the railway to Soest. Pop. (1905) 28,461. It has a Roman Catholic and an Evangelical church, a synagogue and an old castle dating from about 1300. There are large smelting-works, foundries, puddling-works, rolling-mills and manufactures of iron and plated wares. In the neighbourhood there are large iron and coal mines. A tramway connects the town with Dortmund.

HOREB, the ancient seat of Yahweh, the tribal god of the Kenites, adopted by His covenant by Israel. This is the name preferred by the Elohistic writer (E) whose work is interwoven into the Old Testament narrative, and he is followed by the Deuteronomist school (D). The Yahwistic writer (J), on the other hand, prefers to call the mountain Sinai (q.v.), and so do the priestly writers (P). This latter form became the more usual. There is no ground for distinguishing between Horeb as the range and Sinai as the single mountain, or between Horeb and Sinai as respectively the N. and S. parts of the range.

HOREHOUND (O. Eng. _harhune_, Ger. _Andorn_, Fr. _marrube_). Common or white horehound, _Marrubium vulgare_, of the natural order _Labiatae_, is a perennial herb with a short stout rootstock, and thick stems, about 1 ft. in height, which, as well as their numerous branches, are coated with a white or hoary felt--whence the popular name of the plant. The leaves have long petioles, and are roundish or rhombic-ovate, with a bluntly toothed margin, much wrinkled, white and woolly below and pale green and downy above; the flowers are sessile, in dense whorls or clusters, small and dull-white, with a 10-toothed calyx and the upper lobe of the corolla long and bifid. The plant occurs in Europe, North Africa and West Asia to North-West India, and has been naturalized in parts of America. In Britain, where it is found generally on sandy or dry chalky ground, it is far from common. White horehound contains a volatile oil, resin, a crystallizable bitter principle termed _marrubiin_ and other substances, and has a not unpleasant aromatic odour, and a persistent bitter taste. Formerly it was official in British pharmacopoeias; and the infusion, syrup or confection of horehound has long been in popular repute for the treatment of a host of dissimilar affections. Black horehound, _Ballota nigra_, is a hairy perennial herb, belonging to the same order, of foetid odour, is 2 to 3 ft. in height, and has stalked, roundish-ovate, toothed leaves and numerous flowers, in dense axillary clusters, with a green or purplish calyx, and a pale red-purple corolla. It occurs in Europe, North Africa and West Asia, and in Britain south of the Forth and Clyde, and has been introduced into North America.

HORGEN, a small town in the Swiss canton of Zurich, situated on the left or west shore of the Lake of Zurich, and by rail 10(1/2) m. S.E. of the town of Zurich. Pop. (1900) 6883, mostly German-speaking and Protestants. It possesses many industrial establishments of various kinds, and is a centre of the Zurich silk manufacture. It came in 1406 into the possession of Zurich, with which it communicates by means of steamers on the lake, as well as by rail.

HORIZON (Gr. [Greek: horizon], dividing), the apparent circle around which the sky and earth seem to meet. At sea this circle is well defined, the line being called the sea horizon, which divides the visible surface of the ocean from the sky. In astronomy the horizon is that great circle of the sphere the plane of which is at right angles to the direction of the plumb line. Sometimes a distinction is made between the rational and the apparent horizon, the former being the horizon as determined by a plane through the centre of the earth, parallel to that through the station of an observer. But on the celestial sphere the great circles of these two planes are coincident, so that this distinction is not necessary (see ASTRONOMY: _Spherical_). The _Dip_ of the horizon at sea is the angular depression of the apparent sea horizon, or circle bounding the visible ocean, below the apparent celestial horizon as above defined. It is due to the rotundity of the earth, and the height of the observer's eye above the water. The dip of the horizon and its distance in sea-miles when the height of the observer's eye above the sea-level is h feet, are approximately given by the formulae: Dip = 0'.97 [root]h; Distance = 1^m.17 [root]h. The difference between the coefficients 0.97 and 1.17 arises from the refraction of the ray, but for which they would be equal.

HORMAYR, JOSEPH, BARON VON (1782-1848), German statesman and historian, was born at Innsbruck on the 20th of January 1782. After studying law in his native town, and attaining the rank of captain in the Tirolese Landwehr, the young man, who had the advantage of being the grandson of Joseph von Hormayr (1705-1778), chancellor of Tirol, obtained a post in the foreign office at Vienna (1801), from which he rose in 1803 to be court secretary and, being a near friend of the Archduke John, director of the secret archives of the state and court for thirteen months. In 1803 he married Therese Anderler von Hohenwald. During the insurrection of 1809, by which the Tirolese sought to throw off the Bavarian supremacy confirmed by the treaty of Pressburg, Hormayr was the mainstay of the Austrian party, and assumed the administration of everything (especially the composition of proclamations and pamphlets); but, returning home without the prestige of success, he fell, in spite of the help of the Archduke John, into disfavour both with the emperor Francis I. and with Prince Metternich, and at length, when in 1813 he tried to stir up a new insurrection in Tirol, he was arrested and imprisoned at Munkatt. In 1816 some amends were made to him by his appointment as imperial historiographer; but so little was he satisfied with the general policy and conduct of the Austrian court that in 1828 he accepted an invitation of King Louis I. to the Bavarian capital, where he became ministerial councillor in the department of foreign affairs. In 1832 he was appointed Bavarian minister-resident at Hanover, and from 1837 to 1846 he held the same position at Bremen. Together with Count Johann Friedrich von der Decken (1769-1840) he founded the Historical Society of Lower Saxony (Historischer Verein fur Niedersachsen). The last two years of his life were spent at Munich as superintendent of the national archives. He died on the 5th of October 1848.

Hormayr's literary activity was closely conditioned by the circumstances of his political career and by the fact that Johannes von Muller (d. 1611) was his teacher: while his access to original documents gave value to his treatment of the past, his record or criticism of contemporary events received authority and interest from his personal experience. But his history of the Tirolese rebellion is far from being impartial; for he always liked to put himself into the first place, and the merits of Andreas Hofer and of other leaders are not sufficiently acknowledged. In his later writings he appears as a keen opponent of the policy of the court of Vienna.

The following are among Hormayr's more important works: _Geschichte des Grafen von Andechs_ (1796); _Lexikon fur Reisenden in Tirol_ (1796); _Kritisch-diplomatische Beitrage zur Geschichte Tirols im Mittelalter_ (2 vols., Innsbruck, 1802-1803, new ed., 1805); _Gesch. der gefurst. Grafschaft Tirol_ (2 vols., Tubingen, 1806-1808); _Osterreichischer Plutarch_, 20 vols., collection of portraits and biographies of the most celebrated administrators, commanders and statesmen of Austria (Vienna, 1807); an edition of Beauchamp's _Histoire de la guerre en Vendee_ (1809); _Geschichte Hofers_ (1817, 2nd ed., 2 vols., 1845) and other pamphlets; _Archiv fur Gesch., Stat., Lit. und Kunst_ (20 vols., 1809-1828); _Allgemeine Geschichte der neuesten Zeit vom Tod Friedricks des Grossen bis zum zweiten Pariser Frieden_ (3 vols., Vienna, 1814-1819, 2nd ed., 1891); _Wien, seine Gesch. und Denkwurdigkeiten_ (5 vols., Vienna, 1823-1824); together with _Fragmente uber Deutschland, in Sonderheit Bayerns Welthandel; Lebensbilder aus dem Befreiungskriege_ (3 vols., Jena, 1841-1844, 2nd ed., 1845); _Die goldene Chronik von Hohenschwangau_ (Munich, 1842); _Anemonen aus dem Tagebuch eines alten Pilgersmanns_ (4 vols., Jena, 1845-1847). Together with Mednyanski (1784-1844) he founded the _Taschenbuch fur die Vaterland. Gesch._ (Vienna, 1811-1848).

See T. H. Merdau, _Biographische Zuge aus dem Leben deutscher Manner_ (Leipzig, 1815); Graffer, _Osterreichische National-Encyclopadie_, ii. (1835); _Taschenbuch fur vaterlandische Geschichte_ (1836 and 1847); _Neuer Nekrolog der Deutschen_ (1848); _Blatter fur literarische Unterhaltung_ (1849); Wurzbach, _Osterreichisches biographisches Lexikon_, ix. (1863); K. Th. von Heigel in the _Allgemeine deutsche Biographie_ (1881) and F. X. Wegele, _Geschichte der deutschen Historiographie_ (Munich and Leipzig, 1885); F. v. Krones, _Aus Osterreichs stillen und bewegten Jahren 1810-1815_; _Biographie und Briefe an Erzhz. Johann_ (Innsbruck, 1892); Hirn, _Tiroler Aufstand_ (1909). (J. Hn.)

HORMISDAS, pope from 514 to 523 in succession to Symmachus, was a native of Campania. He is known as having succeeded in obtaining the reunion of the Eastern and Western Churches, which had been separated since the excommunication of Acacius in 484. After two unsuccessful attempts under the emperor Anastasius I., Hormisdas had no difficulty in coming to an understanding in 518 with his successor Justin. Legates were despatched to Constantinople; the memorial of the schismatic patriarchs was condemned; and union was resumed with the Holy See.

Details of this transaction have come down to us in the _Collectio Avellana_ (_Corpus script. eccl. Vindobon._, vol. xxv., Nos. 105-203; cf. Andreas Thiel, _Epp. Rom. Pont._ i. 741 seq.).

HORMIZD, or HORMIZDAS, the name of five kings of the Sassanid dynasty (see PERSIA: _Ancient History_). The name is another form of Ahuramazda or Ormuzd (Ormazd), which under the Sassanids became a common personal name and was borne not only by many generals and officials of their time (it therefore occurs very often on Persian seals), but even by the pope of Rome noticed above. It is strictly an abbreviation of Hormuzd-dad, "given by Ormuzd," which form is preserved by Agathias iv. 24-25 as name of King Hormizd I. and II. ([Greek: Hormisdates]).

1. HORMIZD I. (272-273) was the son of Shapur I., under whom he was governor of Khorasan, and appears in his wars against Rome (Trebellius Pollio, _Trig. Tyr._ 2, where Noldeke has corrected the name Odomastes into Oromastes, i.e. Hormizd). In the Persian tradition of the history of Ardashir I., preserved in a Pahlavi text (Noldeke, _Geschichte des Artachsir I. Papakan_), he is made the son of a daughter of Mithrak, a Persian dynast, whose family Ardashir had extirpated because the magians had predicted that from his blood would come the restorer of the empire of Iran. Only this daughter is preserved by a peasant; Shapur sees her and makes her his wife, and her son Hormizd is afterwards recognized and acknowledged by Ardashir. In this legend, which has been partially preserved also in Tabari, the great conquests of Shapur are transferred to Hormizd. In reality he reigned only one year and ten days.

2. HORMIZD II., son of Narseh, reigned for seven years five months, 302-309. Of his reign nothing is known. After his death his son Adarnases was killed by the grandees after a very short reign, as he showed a cruel disposition; another son, Hormizd, was kept a prisoner, and the throne reserved for the child with which a concubine of Hormizd II. was pregnant and which received the name Shapur II. Hormizd escaped from prison by the help of his wife in 323, and found refuge at the court of Constantine the Great (Zosim. ii. 27; John of Antioch, fr. 178; Zonar. 13.5), In 363 Hormizd served in the army of Julian against Persia; his son, with the same name, became consul in 366 (Ammian. Marc. 26. 8. 12).

3. HORMIZD III., son of Yazdegerd I., succeeded his father in 457. He had continually to fight with his brothers and with the Ephthalites in Bactria, and was killed by Peroz in 459.

4. HORMIZD IV., son of Chosroes I., reigned 578-590. He seems to have been imperious and violent, but not without some kindness of heart. Some very characteristic stories are told of him by Tabari (Noldeke, _Geschichte d. Perser und Araber unter den Sasaniden_, 264 ff.). His father's sympathies had been with the nobles and the priests. Hormizd protected the common people and introduced a severe discipline in his army and court. When the priests demanded a persecution of the Christians, he declined on the ground that the throne and the government could only be safe if it gained the goodwill of both concurring religions. The consequence was that he raised a strong opposition in the ruling classes, which led to many executions and confiscations. When he came to the throne he killed his brothers, according to the oriental fashion. From his father he had inherited a war against the Byzantine empire and against the Turks in the east, and negotiations of peace had just begun with the emperor Tiberius, but Hormizd haughtily declined to cede anything of the conquests of his father. Therefore the accounts given of him by the Byzantine authors, Theophylact, Simocatta (iii. 16 ff.), Menander Protector and John of Ephesus (vi. 22), who give a full account of these negotiations, are far from favourable. In 588 his general, Bahram Chobin, defeated the Turks, but in the next year was beaten by the Romans; and when the king superseded him he rebelled with his army. This was the signal for a general insurrection. The magnates deposed and blinded Hormizd and proclaimed his son Chosroes II. king. In the war which now followed between Bahram Chobin and Chosroes II. Hormizd was killed by some partisans of his son (590).

5. HORMIZD V. was one of the many pretenders who rose after the murder of Chosroes II. (628). He maintained himself about two years (631, 632) in the district of Nisibis. (Ed. M.)

HORMUZ (_Hurmuz_, _Ormuz_, _Ormus_), a famous city on the shores of the Persian Gulf, which occupied more than one position in the course of history, and has now long practically ceased to exist. The earliest mention of the name occurs in the voyage of Nearchus (325 B.C.). When that admiral beached his fleet at the mouth of the river Anamis on the shore of Harmozia, a coast district of Carmania, he found the country to be kindly, rich in every product except the olive. The Anamis appears to be the river now known as the Minab, discharging into the Persian Gulf near the entrance of the latter. The name Hormuz is derived by some from that of the Persian god Hormuzd (Ormazd), but it is more likely that the original etymology was connected with _khurma_, "a date"; for the meaning of Moghistan the modern name of the territory Harmozia is "the region of date-palms." The foundation of the city of Hormuz in this territory is ascribed by one Persian writer to the Sassanian Ardashir Babegan (c. 230 A.D.). But it must have existed at an earlier date, for Ptolemy takes note of [Greek: Harmonza polis] (vi. 8).

Hormuz is mentioned by Idrisi, who wrote c. 1150, under the title of Hormuz-al-sahiliah, "Hormuz of the shore" (to distinguish it from inland cities of the same name then existing), as a large and well-built city, the chief mart of Kirman. Siraf and Kish (Kais), farther up the gulf, had preceded it as ports of trade with India, but in the 13th century Hormuz had become the chief seat of this traffic. It was at this time the seat also of a petty dynasty of kings, of which there is a history by one of their number (Turan Shah); an abstract of it is given by the Jesuit Teixeira. According to this history the founder of the dynasty was Shah Mohammed Dirhem-Kub ("the Drachma-coiner"), an Arab chief who crossed the gulf and established himself here. The date is not given, but it must have been before 1100 A.D., as Ruknuddin Mahmud, who succeeded in 1246, was the twelfth of the line. These princes appear to have been at times in dependence necessarily on the atabegs of Fars and on the princes of Kirman. About the year 1300 Hormuz was so severely and repeatedly harassed by raids of Tatar horsemen that the king and his people abandoned their city on the mainland and transferred themselves to the island of Jerun (Organa of Nearchus), about 12 m. westward and 4 m. from the nearest shore.

The site of the continental or ancient Hormuz was first traced in modern times by Colonel (Sir Lewis) Pelly when resident at Bushire. It stands in the present district of Minab, several miles from the sea, and on a creek which communicates with the Minab river, but is partially silted up and not now accessible for vessels. There remain traces of a long wharf and extensive ruins. The new city occupied a triangular plain forming the northern part of the island, the southern wall, as its remains still show, being about 2 m. in extent from east to west. A suburb with a wharf or pier, called Turan Bagh (garden of Turan) after one of the kings, a name now corrupted to Trumpak, stood about 3 m. from the town to the south-east.

Odoric gives the earliest notice we have of the new city (c. 1320). He calls it Ormes, a city strongly fortified and abounding in costly wares, situated on an island 5 m. distant from the main, having no trees and no fresh water, unhealthy and (as all evidence confirms) incredibly hot. Some years later it was visited more than once by Ibn Batuta, who seems to speak of the old city as likewise still standing. The new Hormuz, called also Jerun (i.e. still retaining the original name of the island), was a great and fine city rising out of the sea, and serving as a mart for all the products of India, which were distributed hence over all Persia. The hills on the island were of rock-salt, from which vases and pedestals for lamps were carved. Near the gate of the chief mosque stood an enormous skull, apparently that of a sperm-whale. The king at this time was Kutbuddin Tahamtan, and the traveller gives a curious description of him, seated on the throne, in patched and dirty raiment, holding a rosary of enormous pearls, procured from the Bahrein fisheries, which at one time or another belonged, with other islands in the gulf and on the Oman shores from Ras-el-had (C. Rosalgat of the Portuguese) on the ocean round to Julfar on the gulf, to the princes of Hormuz. Abdurazzak, the envoy of Shah Rukh on his way to the Hindu court of Vijayanagar, was in Hormuz in 1442, and speaks of it as a mart which had no equal, frequented by the merchants of all the countries of Asia, among which he enumerates China, Java, Bengal, Tenasserim, Shahr-i-nao (i.e. Siam) and the Maldives. Nikitin, the Russian (c. 1470), gives a similar account; he calls it "a vast emporium of all the world."

In September 1507 the king of Hormuz, after for some time hearing of the terrible foe who was carrying fire and sword along the shores of Arabia, saw the squadron of Alphonso d'Albuquerque appear before his city, an appearance speedily followed by extravagant demands, by refusal of these from the ministers of the young king, and by deeds of matchless daring and cruelty on the part of the Portuguese, which speedily broke down resistance. The king acknowledged himself tributary to Portugal, and gave leave to the Portuguese to build a castle, which was at once commenced on the northern part of the island, commanding the city and the anchorage on both sides. But the mutinous conduct and desertion of several of Albuquerque's captains compelled him suddenly to abandon the enterprise; and it was not till 1514, after the great leader had captured Goa and Malacca, and had for five years been viceroy, that he returned to Hormuz (or Ormuz, as the Portuguese called it), and without encountering resistance to a name now so terrible, laid his grasp again on the island and completed his castle. For more than a century Hormuz remained practically in the dominions of Portugal, though the hereditary prince, paying from his revenues a tribute to Portugal (in lieu of which eventually the latter took the whole of the customs collections), continued to be the instrument of government. The position of things during the Portuguese rule may be understood from the description of Cesare de' Federici, a Venetian merchant who was at Hormuz about 1565. After speaking of the great trade in spices, drugs, silk and silk stuffs, and pearls of Bahrein, and in horses for export to India, he says the king was a Moor (i.e. Mahommedan), chosen by and subordinate to the Portuguese. "At the election of the king I was there and saw the ceremonies that they use.... The old king being dead, the captain of the Portugals chooseth another of the blood-royal, and makes this election in the castle with great ceremony. And when he is elected the captain sweareth him to be true ... to the K. of Portugal as his lord and governor, and then he giveth him the sceptre regal. After this ... with great pomp ... he is brought into the royal palace in the city. The king keeps a good train and hath sufficient revenues, ... because the captain of the castle doth maintain and defend his right ... he is honoured as a king, yet he cannot ride abroad with his train, without the consent of the captain first had" (in Hakluyt).[1]

The rise of the English trade and factories in the Indian seas in the beginning of the 17th century led to constant jealousies and broils with the Portuguese, and the successful efforts of the English company to open traffic with Persia especially embittered their rivals, to whom the possession of Hormuz had long given a monopoly of that trade. The officers of Shah Abbas, who looked with a covetous and resentful eye on the Portuguese occupation of such a position, were strongly desirous of the aid of English ships in attacking Hormuz. During 1620 and 1621 the ships of Portugal and of the English company had more than once come to action in the Indian seas, and in November of the latter year the council at Surat had resolved on what was practically maritime war with the Portuguese flag. There was hardly a step between this and the decision come to in the following month to join with "the duke of Shiraz" (Imam Kuli Khan, the governor of Fars) in the desired expedition against Hormuz. There was some pretext of being forced into the alliance by a Persian threat to lay embargo on the English goods at Jashk; but this seems to have been only brought forward by the English agents when, at a later date, their proceedings were called in question. The English crews were at first unwilling to take part in what they justly said was "no merchandizing business, nor were they engaged for the like," but they were persuaded, and five English vessels aided, first, in the attack of Kishm, where (at the east end of the large island so called) the Portuguese had lately built a fort,[2] and afterwards in that of Hormuz itself. The latter siege was opened on the 18th of February 1622, and continued to the 1st of May, when the Portuguese, after a gallant defence of ten weeks, surrendered. It is to be recollected that Portugal was at this time subject to the crown of Spain, with which England was at peace; indeed, it was but a year later that the prince of Wales went on his wooing adventure to the Spanish court. The irritation there was naturally great, though it is surprising how little came of it. The company were supposed (apparently without foundation) to have profited largely by the Hormuz booty; and both the duke of Buckingham and the king claimed to be "sweetened," as the record phrases it, from this supposed treasure. The former certainly received a large bribe (L10,000). The conclusion of the transaction with the king was formerly considered doubtful; but entries in the calendar of East India papers seem to show that James received an equal sum.[3]

Hormuz never recovered from this blow. The Persians transferred their establishments to Gombroon on the mainland, about 12 m. to the north-west, which the king had lately set up as a royal port under the name of Bander Abbasi. The English stipulations for aid had embraced an equal division of the customs duties. This division was apparently recognized by the Persians as applying to the new Bander, and, though the trade with Persia was constantly decaying and precarious, the company held to their factory at Gombroon for the sake of this claim to revenue, which of course was most irregularly paid. In 1683-1684 the amount of debt due to the company in Persia, including their proportion of customs duties, was reckoned at a million sterling. As late as 1690-1691 their right seems to have been admitted, and a payment of 3495 sequins was received by them on this account. The factory at Gombroon lingered on till 1759, when it was seized by two French ships of war under Comte d'Estaing. It was re-established, but at the time of Niebuhr's visit to the gulf a few years later no European remained. Niebuhr mentions that in his time (c. 1765) Mulla 'Ali Shah, formerly admiral of Nadir Shah, was established on the island of Hormuz and part of Kishm as an independent chief.

See also Barros, _Asia_; _Commentaries of Albuquerque_, trans. by Birch (Hak. Society); _Relaciones de Pedro Teixeira_ (Antwerp, 1610); Narratives in Hakluyt's _Collection_ (reprint in 1809, vol. ii.) and in Purchas's _Pilgrims_, vol. ii.; Pietro della Valle, _Persia_, lett. xii.-xvii.; _Calendar of E. I. Papers_, by Sainsbury, vol. iii.; Ritter, _Erdkunde_, xii.; _Jour. Roy. Geog. Soc._, Kempthorne in vol. v., White-locke in vol. viii., Pelly in vol. xxxiv.; Fraser, _Narrative of a Journey into Khorasan_ (1825); Constable and Stifle, _Persian Gulf Pilot_ (1864); Bruce, _Annals of the E. I. Company_, &c. (1810). (H. Y.)

The island has a circumference of 16 m. and its longest axis measures 4(1/2) m. The village is in 27 deg. 6' N., 56 deg. 29' E. The Portuguese fort still stands, but is sadly out of repair and much of its western wall has been undermined and washed away by the action of the sea. It is a bastioned fort with orillons and loopholed casemates under the ramparts and was separated from the town by a deep moat, now silted up, cut E.-W. across the isthmus and crossed by a bridge. It has three cisterns for collecting rainwater; two are 17-18 ft. deep, have a capacity of about 60,000 gallons and are covered by arched roofs supported on six stone pillars. The third cistern is smaller and has no roof. Five rusty old iron guns are lying prone on the roof; six others on the strand before the village are used for fastening boats, another serves as a socket for a flagstaff before the representative of the government. The island is under the jurisdiction of the governor of the Persian Gulf ports who resides at Bushire. Of the old city hardly anything stands except a minaret, 70 ft. high, with a winding staircase inside and much worn away at the base, part of a former mosque used by the Portuguese as a lighthouse, but the traces of buildings, massive foundations constructed of stone quarried in the hills on the island, of many cisterns (some say 300), &c., are numerous and extensive. The modern settlement, situated south of the fort on the eastern shore, has a population of about 1000 during the cool season, but less in the hot season, when many people go over to Minab on the mainland to the east. Most of the people live in huts constructed of the branches and leaves of the date palm. They own about sixty small sailing vessels trading to Muscat and other ports and also do some pearl-fishing. At Turan Bagh on the east coast 4(1/2) m. S.E. of the fort are some considerable ruins, irrigation canals, an extensive burial ground and some huts occupied by a few families who cultivate a small garden on a terrace supported by old retaining walls. On a hill near the shore 1(1/2) m. S.E. of the fort is the ruin of a small chapel called "Santa Lucia" on an old map in Astley's _Collection of Voyages_, and on the summit of a salt hill 1(1/2) m. south of the fort are the remains of another chapel called "N.S. de la Pena" on the same map, and a "Monastery" in a sketch of Hormuz made by David Davies, a mate on board the East India Company's ship "Discovery" in 1627. With the exception of the northern part, where the old city stood, and the little patch at Turan Bagh, the island is covered with reddish brown hills with sharp serrated ridges composed of gypsum, rock-salt and clay. These hills, which do not exceed 300 ft. in height, are broken through in four places by conical, whitish peaks of volcanic rocks (greenstone, trachyte); the highest of these peaks with an altitude of 690 ft. is situated almost in the centre of the island.

The island has extensive beds of red ochre in which nodules of very pure hematite are often found. The ochre, here called _gilek_, has been an important article of export for centuries[4] and great quantities of it are exported at the present time to England (in 1906-1907, 10,000 tons; local price 27s. the ton). The climate of Hormuz, although hot, is, according to medical experts, the best in the Persian Gulf. Rain falls in January, February and March, and the annual rainfall is said to be about the same as that of Bushire, 12 to 13 in.

Capt. A. W. Stiffe in _Geogr. Mag._ (April 1874); William Foster in _Geogr. Journal_ (Aug. 1894); writer's notes taken on island. (A. H.-S.)

FOOTNOTES:

[1] In Barros, _Dec. II._ book x. c. 7, there is a curious detail of the revenue and expenditure of the kingdom of Ormuz, which would seem to exhibit the former as not more than L100,000.

[2] The attack on Kishm was notable in that one of the two Englishmen killed there was the great navigator Baffin.

[3] _Colonial Series, E. Indies_, by Sainsbury, vol. iii. _passim_, especially see pp. 296 and 329.

[4] "Reddle or Red Ochre from the Forest of Dean in Gloucestershire is very little inferior to the Sort brought from the Island of Ormuz in the Persian Gulph and so much valued and used by our Painters under the name of Indian Red" (Sir John Hill, _Theophrastus's History of Stones_, London, 1774).

HORN, ARVID BERNHARD, COUNT (1664-1742), Swedish statesman, was born at Vuorentaka in Finland on the 6th of April 1664, of a noble but indigent family. After completing his studies at Abo, he entered the army and served for several years in the Netherlands, in Hungary under Prince Eugene, and in Flanders under Waldeck (1690-1695). He stood high in the favour of the young Charles XII. and was one of his foremost generals in the earlier part of the great Northern War. In 1704 he was entrusted with his first diplomatic mission, the deposition of Augustus II. of Poland and the election of Stanislaus I., a mission which he accomplished with distinguished ability but absolute unscrupulousness. Shortly afterwards he was besieged by Augustus in Warsaw and compelled to surrender. In 1705 he was made a senator, in 1706 a count and in 1707 governor of Charles XII.'s nephew, the young duke Charles Frederick of Holstein-Gottorp. In 1710 he succeeded Nils Gyldenstolpe as prime minister. Transferred to the central point of the administration, he had ample opportunity of regarding with other eyes the situation of the kingdom, and in consequence of his remonstrances he fell rapidly in the favour of Charles XII. Both in 1710 and 1713 Horn was in favour of summoning the estates, but when in 1714 the diet adopted an anti-monarchical attitude, he gravely warned and ultimately dissolved it. In Charles XII.'s later years Horn had little to do with the administration. After the death of Charles XII. (1718) it was Horn who persuaded the princess Ulrica Leonora to relinquish her hereditary claims and submit to be _elected_ queen of Sweden. He protested against the queen's autocratic behaviour, and resigned both the premiership and his senatorship. He was elected _landtmarskalk_ at the diet of 1720, and contributed, on the resignation of Ulrica Leonora, to the election of Frederick of Hesse as king of Sweden, whose first act was to restore to him the office of prime minister. For the next eighteen years he so absolutely controlled both the foreign and the domestic affairs of Sweden that the period between 1720 and 1738 has well been called the Horn period. His services to his country were indeed inestimable. His strong hand kept the inevitable strife of the parliamentary factions within due limits, and it was entirely owing to his provident care that Sweden so rapidly recovered from the wretched condition in which the wars of Charles XII. had plunged her. In his foreign policy Horn was extremely wary and cautious, yet without compromising either the independence or the self-respect of his country. He was, however, the promoter of a new principle of administration which in later days proved very dangerous to Sweden under ministers less capable than he was. This was to increase the influence of the diet and its secret committees in the solution of purely diplomatic questions, which should have been left entirely to the executive, thus weakening the central government and at the same time facilitating the interference of foreign Powers in Sweden's domestic affairs. Not till 1731 was there any appearance of opposition in the diet to Horn's "system"; but Horn, piqued by the growing coolness of the king, the same year offered his resignation, which was not accepted. In 1734, however, the opposition was bold enough to denounce his neutrality on the occasion of the war of the Polish Succession, when Stanislaus I. again appeared upon the scene as a candidate for the Polish throne; but Horn was still strong enough to prevent a rupture with Russia. Henceforth he was bitterly but unjustly accused of want of patriotism, and in 1738 was compelled at last to retire before the impetuous onslaught of the triumphant young Hat party. For the rest of his life he lived in retirement at his estate at Ekebyholm, where he died on the 17th of April 1742. Horn in many respects greatly resembled his contemporary Walpole. The peculiar situation of Sweden, and the circumstances of his time, made his policy necessarily opportunist, but it was an opportunism based on excellent common sense.

See V. E. Svedelius, _Arvid Bernard Horn_ (Stockholm, 1879); R. N. Bain, _Gustavus III._, vol. i. (London, 1894), and _Charles XII._ (1895); C. F. Horn, _A. B. Horn: hans lefnad_ (Stockholm, 1852). (R. N. B.)

HORN, PHILIP DE MONTMORENCY, COUNT OF (1518-1568), a man of illustrious descent and great possessions in the Netherlands, became in succession under Charles V. and Philip II. stadtholder of Gelderland, admiral of Flanders and knight of the Golden Fleece. In 1559 he commanded the stately fleet which conveyed Philip II. from the Netherlands to Spain, and he remained at the Spanish court till 1563. On his return he placed himself with the prince of Orange and Count Egmont at the head of the party which opposed the policy of Cardinal Granvella. When Granvella retired the three great nobles continued to resist the introduction of the Spanish Inquisition and of Spanish despotic rule into the Netherlands. But though Philip appeared for a time to give way, he had made up his mind to visit the opponents of his policy with ruthless punishment. The regent, Margaret, duchess of Parma, was replaced by the duke of Alva, who entered the Netherlands at the head of a veteran army and at once began to crush all opposition with a merciless hand. Orange fled from the country, but Egmont and Horn, despite his warning, decided to remain and face the storm. They were both seized, tried and condemned as traitors, and were executed on the 5th of June 1568 in the great square before the town hall at Brussels.

See biographical notices in A. J. van der Aa, _Biographisch Woordenboek der Nederlanden_ (Haarlem, 1851-1879); J. Kok, _Vaderlandsch Woordenboek_ (Amsterdam, 1785-1799); also bibliography to chaps. vi. vii. and xix. in _Cambridge Modern History_, vol. iii. pp. 798-809 (1904).

HORN, English hero of romance. _King Horn_ is a heroic poem or gest of 1546 lines dating from the 13th century. Murry (or Allof), king of Sudenne[1] (Surrey and Sussex?) is slain by Saracen pirates who turn his son Horn adrift with twelve other children. The boat drifts to Westernesse[2] (Cornwall?), where the children are received by King Aylmer (Aethelmaer). Presently Horn is denounced by one of his companions as the lover of the king's daughter Rymenhild (Rimel) and is banished, taking with him a ring, the gift of his bride and a talisman against danger. In Ireland, under the name of Godmod, he serves for seven years, and slays in battle the Saracens who had killed his father. Learning that Rymenhild is to be married against her will to King Mody, he returns to Westernesse disguised as a palmer, and makes himself known to the bride by dropping the ring into the cup she offers him, with the words "Drink to Horn of Horn." He then reconquers his father's kingdom and marries Rymenhild.

The other versions of the story, which are founded on a common tradition, but are not immediately dependent on one another, are: (1) the longer French romance of _Horn et Rimenhild_ by "mestre Thomas," describing more complex social conditions than those of the English poem; (2) a slightly shorter Middle English poem, _Horn Childe and Maiden Rimnild_; (3) the Scottish ballad of "Hind Horn;" (4) a prose romance founded on the French _Horn_, entitled _Pontus et Sidoine_ (Lyons, 1480, Eng. trans. pr. by Wynkyn de Worde, 1511; German trans. Augsburg, 1483).

There is a marked resemblance between the story of Horn and the legend of Havelok the Dane, and it is interesting to note how closely Richard of Ely followed the Horn tradition in the 12th century _De gestis Herewardi Saxonis_. Hereward also loves an Irish princess, flees to Ireland, and returns in time for the bridal feast, where he is presented with a cup by the princess. The orphaned prince who recovers his father's kingdom and avenges his murder, and the maid or wife who waits years for an absent lover or husband, and is rescued on the eve of a forced marriage, are common characters in romance. The second of these motives, with almost identical incidents, occurs in the legend of Henry the Lion, duke of Brunswick; it is the subject of ballads in Swedish, Danish, German, Bohemian, &c., and of a _Historia_ by Hans Sachs, though some magic elements are added; it also occurs in the ballad of _Der edle Moringer_ (14th century), well known in Sir Walter Scott's translation; in the story of Torello in the _Decameron_ of Boccaccio (10th day, 9th tale); and with some variation in the Russian tale of Dobrynya and Nastasya.

_King Horn_ was re-edited for the Early English Text Soc. by G. H. McKnight in 1901; _Horn et Rimenhild_ was edited with the English versions for the Bannatyne Club by F. Michel (Paris, 1845); _Horn Childe and Maiden Rimnild_ in J. Ritson's _Metrical Romances_, vol. iii.; and "Hind Horn" in F. J. Child's _English and Scottish_ _Popular Ballads_ (vol. i., 1882), with an introductory note on similar legends. See also H. L. Ward, _Catalogue of Romances_, vol. i., where the relation between Havelok and Horn is discussed; _Hist. litt. de la France_ (vol. xxii., 1852); W. Soderhjelm, _Sur l'identite du Thomas auteur de Tristan et du Thomas auteur de Horn_ (_Romania_, xv., 1886); T. Wissmann, "King Horn" (1876) and "Das Lied von King Horn" (1881) in Nos. 16 and 45 of _Quellen und Forschungen zur Spr. und Culturgesch. d. german. Volker_ (Strassburg and London); _Reinfrid von Braunschweig_, a version of the legend of Henry the Lion, edited by K. Bartsch (Stuttgart, 1871); and a further bibliography in O. Hartenstein, _Studien zur Hornsage_ (Heidelberg, 1902).

FOOTNOTES:

[1] There was a barrow in the Isle of Purbeck, Dorsetshire, called Hornesbeorh; and there are other indications which point to a possible connexion between _Horn_ and Dorset (see H. L. Ward, _Cat. of Romances_, i. 451).

[2] Sudenne and Westernesse are tentatively identified also with Isle of Man and Wirral (_Cambridge Hist. of Eng Lit._, i. 304).

HORN (a common Teutonic word, cognate with Lat. _cornu_; cf. Gr. [Greek: keras]). The weapons which project from the heads of various species of animals, constituting what are known as horns, embrace substances which are, in their anatomical structure and chemical composition, quite distinct from each other; and although in commerce also they are known indiscriminately as horn, their uses are altogether dissimilar. These differences in structure and properties were thus indicated by Sir R. Owen:--"The weapons to which the term horn is properly or technically applied consist of very different substances, and belong to two organic systems, as distinct from each other as both are from the teeth. Thus the horns of deer consist of bone, and are processes of the frontal bone; those of the giraffe are independent bones or 'epiphyses' covered by hairy skin; those of oxen, sheep and antelopes are 'apophyses' of the frontal bone, covered by the corium and by a sheath of true horny material; those of the prong-horned antelope consist at their basis of bony processes covered by hairy skin, and are covered by horny sheaths in the rest of their extent. They thus combine the character of those of the giraffe and ordinary antelope, together with the expanded and branched form of the antlers of deer. Only the horns of the rhinoceros are composed wholly of horny matter, and this is disposed in longitudinal fibres, so that the horns seem rather to consist of coarse bristles compactly matted together in the form of a more or less elongated sub-compressed cone." True horny matter is really a modified form of epidermic tissue, and consists of the albuminoid "keratin." It forms, not only the horns of the ox tribe, but also the hoofs, claws or nails of animals generally, the carapace of the tortoises and the armadilloes, the scales of the pangolin, porcupine quills, and birds' feathers, &c.

Horn is employed in the manufacture of combs, buttons, the handles of walking-sticks, umbrellas, and knives, drinking-cups, spoons of various kinds, snuff-boxes, &c. In former times it was applied to several uses for which it is no longer required, although such applications have left their traces in the language. Thus the musical instruments and fog signals known as horns indicate their descent from earlier and simpler forms of apparatus made from horn. In the same way powder-horns were spoken of long after they ceased to be made of that substance; to a small extent lanterns still continue to be "glazed" with thin transparent plates of horn.

HORN (Lat. _cornu_; corresponding terms being Fr. _cor_, _trompe_; Ger. _Horn_; Ital. _corno_), a class of wind instruments primarily derived from natural animal horns (see above), and having the common characteristics of a conical bore and the absence of lateral holes. The word "horn" when used by modern English musicians always refers to the French horn.

Modern horns may be divided into three classes: (1) the short horns with wide bore, such as the bugles (q.v.) and the post-horn. (2) The saxhorns (q.v.), a family of hybrid instruments designed by Adolphe Sax, and resulting from the adaptation of valves and of a cup-shaped mouthpiece to instruments of the calibre of the bugle. The Flugelhorn family is the German equivalent of the saxhorns. The natural scale of instruments of this class comprises the harmonics from the second to the eighth only. (3) The French horn (Fr. _cor de chasse_ or _trompe de chasse_, _cor a pistons_; Ger. _Waldhorn_, _Ventilhorn_; Ital. _corno_ or _corno di caccia_), one of the most valuable and difficult wind instruments of the orchestra, having a very slender conical tube wound round in coils upon itself. It consists of four principal parts--the body, the crooks, the slide and the mouthpiece.

(a) The _body_ is the main tube, having a bore of the form known as trunco-conical, measuring approximately 7 ft. 4 in. in length, in which the increase in the diameter of the bore is very gradual in proportion to the length, the cone becoming accentuated only near the bell. In the valve horn the bore is only theoretically conical, the extra lengths of tubing attached to the valves being practically cylindrical. The body is coiled spirally, and has at one end a wide-mouthed bell from 11 to 12 in. in diameter having a parabolic curve, and at the other a conical ferrule into which fit the crooks.

(b) The _crooks_ (Fr. _corps_ or _tons de rechange_; Ger. _Krummbogen_, _Stimmbogen_, _Einsetzbogen_) are interchangeable, spiral tubes, tapering to a diameter of a quarter of an inch at the mouthpiece end and varying in length from 16 in. for the B[flat] alto crook to 125 in. for the B[flat] basso. Each crook is named according to the fundamental tone which it produces on being added to the body. By lengthening the tube at will the crook lowers the pitch of the instrument, and consequently changes the key in which it stands. Although the harmonic series remains the same for all the crooks, the actual sounds produced by overblowing are lower, the tube being longer, and they now belong to the key of the crook. The principle of the crook was known early in the 17th century; it had been applied to the trumpet, trombone and Jagertrummet[1] before being adapted to the horn. Crooks are merely transposing agents; they are powerless to fill up the gaps in the scale of the horn in order to make it a chromatic or even a diatonic instrument, for they require time for adjustment. The principle of the crook doubtless suggested to Stolzel the system of valves, which is but an instantaneous application of the general principle to the individual notes of the harmonic series, each of which is thereby lowered a semitone, a tone or a tone and a half, as long as the valve remains in operation. The body of the horn without crooks is of the length to produce 8 ft. C., and forms the standard, being known as the alto horn in C, which is the highest key in which the horn is pitched. The notes are sounded as written.

(c) The _mouthpiece_ of the horn differs substantially from that of the trumpet.[2] There is, strictly speaking, no cup, the inside of the mouthpiece being, like the bore of the instrument itself, in the form of a truncated cone or funnel. Like the other parts of this difficult and complex instrument, the proportions of the mouthpiece must bear a certain undefined relation to the length and diameter of the column of air. The choice of a suitable mouthpiece is in fact a test of skill; the shape of the lip of the performer and the more special use he may wish to make of either the higher or the lower harmonics have to be taken into consideration. In orchestral music the part for first horns naturally calls for the use of the higher harmonics, which are more easily obtained by means of a somewhat smaller and shallower mouthpiece[3] than that used upon the second horn, which is called upon to dwell more on the lower harmonics.

(d) The _tuning slides_ (Fr. _coulisses_; Ger. _Stimmbogen_) consist of a pair of sliding U-shaped tubes fitting tightly into each other, by means of which the instrument can be brought strictly into tune, and which also act as compensators with the crooks. On these tuning slides, placed across the ring formed by the coils of the valve-horn, are fixed the pistons with their extra lengths of tubing; as the connexion of the pistons with the body of the horn is made through the slides, the value of the latter as compensators will be readily understood. Those accustomed to deal with instruments having fixed notes, such as the piano and harp, hardly realize the extreme difficulties which confront both maker and performer in intricate wind instruments such as the horn, on which no sounds can be produced without conscious adjustment of lips and breath, and but few without the additional use of some such contrivance as slide, crook, piston of of the hand in the bell, in the case of the natural or hand horn.

Acoustics.

The production of sound in wind instruments has a fourfold object: (1) pitch; (2) range or scale of available notes; (3) quality of tone or _timbre_; (4) dynamic variation, or crescendo and diminuendo. The pitch of the horn, as of other wind instruments, depends almost exclusively on the length of the air-column set in vibration, and remains practically uninfluenced by the diameter of the bore. In the case of conical tubes in which the difference in diameter at the two extremities, mouthpiece and bell, is very great, as in the horn, the pitch of the tube will be slightly higher than its theoretical length would warrant.[4] When, for instance, three tubes of the same length are sounded--No. 1, conical diverging; No. 2, conical converging in the direction from mouthpiece to bell; No. 3, cylindrical--No. 1 gives a fundamental tone somewhat higher, No. 2 somewhat lower, than No. 3. Victor Mahillon[5] adds that the rate of vibration in such conical tubes as the horn is slightly less than the rate of vibration in ambient air; therefore, as the rate of vibration (i.e. the number of vibrations per second) varies in the inverse ratio with the length of the tube, it follows that the practical length of the horn is slightly less than the theoretical, the difference for the horn in B[flat] normal pitch amounting to 13.9 cm. (approximately 5(1/2) in.).

The tube of the horn behaves as an open pipe. E. F. F. Chladni[6] states that the mouthpiece end is to be considered as open in all wind instruments (excepting reed instruments), even when, as in horns and trumpets, it would seem to be closed by the lips. Victor Mahillon, although apparently holding the opposite view, and considering as closed the tubes of all wind instruments played by means of reeds, whether single or double, or by the lips acting as reeds, gives a new and practical explanation of the phenomenon.[7] The result is the same in both cases, for the closed pipe of trunco-conical bore, whose diameter at the bell is at least four times greater than the diameter at the mouthpiece, behaves in the same manner, when set in vibration by a reed, as an open pipe, and gives the consecutive scale of harmonics.[8]

In order to produce sound from the horn, the performer, stretching his lips across the funnel-shaped mouthpiece from rim to rim, blows into the cavity. The lips, vibrating as the breath passes through the aperture between them, communicate pulsations or series of intermittent shocks to the thin stream of air, known as the exciting current, which, issuing from them, strikes the column of air in the tube, already in a state of stationary vibration.[9] The effect of this series of shocks, without which there can be no sound, upon the column of air confined within the walls of the tube is to produce sound-waves, travelling longitudinally through the tube. Each sound-wave consists of two half-lengths, one in which the air has been compressed or condensed by the impulse or push, the second in which, the push being spent, the air again dilates or becomes rarefied. In an open pipe, the wave-length is theoretically equal to the length of the tube. The pitch of the note depends on the frequency per second with which each vibration or complete sound-wave reaches the drum of the ear. The longer the wave the lower the frequency. The velocity of the wave is independent of its length, being solely conditioned by the rate of vibration of the particles composing the conveying medium: while one individual particle performs one complete vibration, the wave advances one wave-length.[10] The rate of particle vibration or frequency is therefore inversely proportional to the corresponding wave-length.[11] Sound-waves generated by the same exciting current travel with the same velocity whatever their length, the difference being the frequency number and therefore the pitch of the note. As long as the performer blows with normal force, the same length of tube produces the same wave-length and therefore the same frequency and pitch. By "blowing with normal force" is understood the proper relative proportions to be maintained between the wind-pressure and the lip-tension--a ratio which is found instinctively by the performer but was only suspected by the older writers.[12] If the shocks or vibrations initiated by the lips through the medium of the exciting current be sharper owing to the increased tension of the lips, and at the same time succeed each other with greater velocity, the wave-length breaks up, and two, three or more proportionally shorter complete waves form instead of one, and traverse the pipe within the same space of time, producing sounds proportionally higher by an octave, a twelfth, &c., according to the character of the initiatory disturbance. We may therefore add this proposition: the rate of vibration of a tube varies as the number of segments into which the vibrating column of air within it is divided. In order to obtain the fundamental, the performer's lips must be loose and the wind-pressure gentle but steady, so that the exciting current may issue forth in a broad, slow stream. To set in vibration a column of air some 16 or 17 ft. long is a feat of extreme difficulty; that is why it is quite exceptional to find a horn-player who can sound the fundamental on the low C or B[flat] _basso_ horns. In the organ, where even a 32 ft. tone is obtained, the wind-pressure and the lip-opening controlling the exciting current are mechanically regulated for each length of pipe--only one note being required from each. In order, therefore, to induce the column of air within the tube to break up and vibrate in aliquot parts, the exciting current must be compressed into an ever finer, tenser and more incisive stream. There is in fact a certain minimum pressure for each degree of tension of the lips below which no harmonic can be produced.

It is often stated that the harmonics are obtained by increasing the tension of the lips and a crescendo by increasing the pressure of the breath.[13] Victor Mahillon[14] accounts for the harmonics by increased wind-pressure only. It is evident that the greater the tension of the lips, the greater the force of wind required to set them vibrating; therefore the force and velocity of the air must vary with the tension of the lips in order to produce a steady or musical sound. D. J. Blaikley considers that the ratio of increase in lips and breath follows that of the harmonic series. The tension of the lips has the effect of reducing the width of the slit or aperture between them and the width of the exciting current. While increasing its density the energy of the wind must, therefore, either expend itself in increasing the rate of vibration, or frequency of the pulses, which influences the pitch of the note; or else in increasing the extent of excursion or amplitude of the vibrations, which influences the dynamic force of the sound or loudness.[15] If the aperture be narrowed without providing a proportional increase of wind-pressure, the harmonic overtone may be heard, but either the intonation will suffer or the intensity of the tone will be reduced, because the force required, to set the tenser membrane in vibration is insufficient to give the vibrations the requisite amplitude as well as the frequency. If the force expended be excessive, i.e. more than the maximum required to ensure the increased frequency proportional to the increased tension, the superfluous energy must expend itself in increasing the amplitude of the vibrations so that a note of a greater degree of loudness as well as of higher pitch will be produced. The converse is equally true; the lower the pitch of the note the slower the pulses or vibrations and therefore the looser the lip and the gentler the force of current required to set them vibrating. To draw a parallel from organ-pipes: as long as even wind-pressure is maintained, the mouthpiece being fixed proportional to the length of tube, the pipe gives out one note of unvarying dynamic intensity; increase the pressure of the wind and harmonics are heard, but it is impossible to obtain a crescendo unless the mouthpiece be dispensed with and a free reed (q.v.) adapted.

Reference has already been made above to the difficulty of obtaining the fundamental on tubes of great length and narrow bore like the horn. The useful compass of the horn, therefore, begins with the note that an open pipe half its length would give; the Germans term instruments of such small calibre _half instruments_, and those of wide calibre, such as bugles and tubas, _whole instruments_,[16] since in them the whole of the length of the tube is available in practice.

The harmonic series of the horn, or the open notes obtainable without using valves or crooks, is written as for the alto horn in C of 8 ft. tone, which forms the standard of notation. Notes written in the bass clef are generally, for some unexplained reason, placed an octave lower than the real sounds.

All the crooks, a list of the principal of which is appended, therefore necessarily give real sounds _lower_ than the above series according to their individual length.

_Table of Principal Crooks now in Use._[17]

+---------------+------------------+-------------+----------+-----------------+ | Key of | Actual Sounds of | | Length of| | | Crook. | Range of Useful | | Crook in | Transposes to | | | Harmonics. | | Inches. | | +---------------+------------------+-------------+----------+-----------------+ | B[flat] alto | [music notes] | 2nd to 10th | 16 | major 2nd lower | | A[natural] | [music notes] | 2nd to 10th | 22(1/2) | minor 3rd " | | A[flat] | [music notes] | 2nd to 10th | 29(1/2) | major 3rd " | | G | [music notes] | 2nd to 12th | 36(3/4) | perfect 4th " | | F | [music notes] | 2nd to 16th | 52(1/2) | perfect 5th " | | E | [music notes] | 2nd to 16th | 61 | minor 6th " | | E[flat] | [music notes] | 2nd to 16th | 70(1/4) | major 6th " | | D | [music notes] | 2nd to 16th | 80 | minor 7th " | | C basso | [music notes] | 3rd to 16th | 101 | 8^ve " | | B[flat] basso | [music notes] | 3rd to 16th | 125 | major 9th " | +---------------+------------------+-------------+----------+-----------------+

The practical aggregate compass of the natural horns from B[flat] basso at the service of composers therefore ranges (actual sounds) from [music notes] or with 3 valves from [music notes] By means of hand-stopping, i.e. the practice of thrusting the hand into the bell in order to lower the sound by a tone or a semitone, or by the adaptation of valves to the horn, this compass may be rendered chromatic almost throughout the range.

The principle of the valve as applied to wind instruments differs entirely from that of keys. The latter necessitate lateral holes bored through the tube, and when the keys are raised the vibrating column of air within the tube and the ambient air without are set in communication, with the result that the vibrating column is shortened and the pitch of the note raised. The valve system consists of valves or pistons attached to additional lengths of tubing, the effect of which is invariably to lower the pitch, except in the case of valve systems specified as "ascending" tried by John Shaw and Adolphe Sax. Insuperable practical difficulties led to the abandonment of these systems, which in any case were the exception and not the rule. The valves, placed upon the U-shaped slides in the centre of the horn, are worked by means of pistons or levers, opening or closing the wind-ways at will, so that when they are in operation the vibrating column of air no longer takes its normal course along the main tube and directly through the slides, but makes a detour through the extra length of tubing before completing its course. Thus the valves, unlike the keys, do not open any communication with the ambient air. Even authoritative writers[18] have confused the two principles, believing them to be one and the same.

French horns are made with either two or three valves. To the first valve is attached sufficient length of tubing to lower the pitch of the instrument a tone, so that any note played upon the horn in F while the first valve is depressed takes effect a tone lower, or as though the horn were in E[flat]. The second valve opens a passage into a shorter length of tubing sufficient to lower the pitch of the instrument a semitone, as though the instrument were for the time being in E. The third valve similarly lowers the pitch a tone and a half. It will thus be seen that the principle applied in the crook and the valve is in the main the same, but the practical value of the valve is immeasurably superior. Thanks to the valve system the performer is able to have the extra lengths of tubing necessary to give the horn a chromatic compass permanently incorporated with the instrument, and at will to connect one or a combination of these lengths with the main tube of the instrument during any interval of time, however short. The three devices, crooks, valves and slides, are in fact all based upon the same principle, that of providing additional length of tubing in order to deepen the pitch of the whole instrument at will and to transpose it into a different key. Valves and slides, being instantaneous in operation, give to the instrument a chromatic compass, whereas crooks merely enable the performer to play in many keys upon one instrument instead of requiring a different instrument for each key. The slide is the oldest of these devices, and probably suggested the crook as a substitute on instruments of conical bore such as the horn.

The invention of the valve, although a substantial improvement, was found to fall short of perfection in its operation on the tubes of wind instruments so soon as the possibility of using the three valves in combination to produce six different positions or series of harmonics was realized, and for the following reason. In order to deepen the pitch one tone by means of valve 1, a length of tubing exactly proportional to the length of the main tube must be thrown into communication with the latter. If, in addition to valve 1, valve 3 be depressed, a further drop in pitch of 1(1/2) tone should be effected; but as the length of tubing added by depressing valve 3 is calculated in proportion to the main tube, and the latter has already been lengthened by depressing valve 1, therefore the additional length supplied by opening valve 3 is now too short to produce a drop of a minor third strictly in tune, and all notes played while valves 1 and 3 are depressed will be too sharp. Means of compensating slight errors in intonation are provided in the U-shaped slides mentioned above.

The _timbre_ of the natural horn is mellow, sonorous and rich in harmonics; it is quite distinctive and bears but little resemblance to that of the other members of the brass wind. In listening to its sustained notes one receives the impression of the tone being breathed out as by a voice, whereas the trumpet and trombone produce the effect of a rapid series of concussions, and in the tuba and cornet the concussions, although still striking, are softened as by padding. The timbre of the hand-stopped notes is veiled and suggestive of mystery; so characteristic is the timbre that passages in the _Rheingold_ heard when the magic power of the Tarnhelm reveals itself sound meaningless if the weird chords are played by means of the valves instead of by hand-stopping. The timbre of the piston notes is more resonant than that of the open notes, partaking a little of the character of the trombone, which is probably due to the fact that the strictly conical bore of the natural horn has been replaced by a mixed cylindrical and conical as in trumpet and trombone.

The form of the mouthpiece (q.v.) at the point where it joins the main bore of the tube must also exercise a certain influence on the form of vibration, which it helps to modify in conjunction with the conformation of each individual horn-player's lip. In the horn the cup of the mouthpiece is shaped like a funnel, the bore converging insensibly into the narrow end of the main conical bore without break or sharp edges as in the mouthpieces, more properly known as cup-shaped, of trumpet and bombardon.

The brilliant sonorousness and roundness of the timbre of the horn are due to the strength and predominance of the partial tones up to the 7th or 8th. The prevalence of the higher harmonics from the 10th to the 16th, in which the partial tones lie very close together, determines the harsh quality of the trumpet timbre, which may be easily imitated on the horn by forcing the sound production and using a trumpet mouthpiece, and by raising the bell, an effect which is indicated by composers by the words "Raise the Bells."[19]

History.

The origin of the horn must be sought in remote prehistoric times, when, by breaking off the tip of a short animal horn, one or at best two notes, powerful, rough, unsteady, only barely approximating to definite musical sounds, were obtained. This was undoubtedly the archetype of the modern families of brass wind instruments, and from it evolved the trumpet, the bugle and the tuba no less than the horn. The common characteristics which link together these widely different modern families of instruments are: (1) the more or less pronounced conical bore, and (2) the property possessed in a greater or lesser degree of producing the natural sounds by what has been termed overblowing the harmonic overtones. If we follow the evolution of the animal horn throughout the centuries, the ultimate development leads us not to the French horn but to the bugle and tuba.

Before civilization had dawned in classic Greece, Egypt, Assyria and the Semitic races were using wind instruments of wood and metal which had left the primitive ram or bugle horn far behind. Even in northern Europe, during the Bronze age (c. 1000 B.C.), prehistoric man had evolved for himself the prototype of the Roman _cornu_, a bronze horn of wide conical bore, bent in the shape of a G. One of these instruments, known among the modern Scandinavian races as _luurs_ or _lurs_, found in the peat beds of Denmark and now preserved in the Museum of Northern Antiquities in Copenhagen, has a length of 1.91 m. (about 6 ft. 4 in.). The U-shaped mouthpiece joint is neatly joined to the remainder of the crescent-tube by means of a bronze ring; the bell, which must have rested on the shoulder, consists merely of a flat rim set round the end of the tube. There is therefore no graceful curve in the bell as in the French horn. An exact facsimile of this prehistoric horn has been made by Victor Mahillon of Brussels, who finds that it was in the key of E[flat] and easily produces the first eight harmonics of that key. It stands, therefore, an octave higher than the modern horn in E[flat] (which measures some 13 ft.), but on the _lur_ the fundamental E[flat] can be reached owing to the wider calibre of the bore.[20]

Among the Romans the wind instruments derived from the horn were well represented, and included well-developed types which do not differ materially from the natural instruments of modern times. The buccina developed directly into the trumpet and trombone during the middle ages, losing no characteristic of importance but the bent form, which was perforce abandoned when the art of bending hollow tubes was lost after the fall of the Roman Empire. The name clung through all the changes in form and locality to the one type, and still remains at the present day in the German _Posaune_ (trombone). There were four instruments known by the name of _cornu_ among the Romans: (1) the short animal horn used by shepherds; (2) the longer, semicircular horn, used for signals; and (3) the still longer _cornu_, bent and carried like the buccina, which had the wide bore of the modern tuba. But whereas on the buccina the higher harmonics were easily obtained, on the cornu the natural scale consisted of the first eight harmonics only. The cornu, although shorter than the buccina, had a deeper pitch and more sonorous tone, for, owing to the wider calibre of the bore, the fundamental was easily reached. In the reliefs on Trajan's Column, where the two instruments may be compared, the wider curve of the buccina forms a ready means of identification. In addition to these was (4) the small instrument like the medieval hunting-horn or post-horn, with the single spiral turn similar to one which figures as service badge in many British infantry regiments,[21] such as the first battalion of the King's Own Light Infantry. A terra-cotta model, slightly broken, but with the spiral intact, was excavated at Ventoux in France and is at present preserved in the department of Greek and Roman antiquities at the British Museum, having been acquired from the collection of M. Morel.

The _lituus_, or cavalry trumpet of the Romans, consisted of a cylindrical tube, to which was attached a bent horn or conical bell, the whole in the shape of a J. The long, straight Roman tuba was similar to the large, bent cornu so far as bore and capabilities were concerned, but more unwieldy. All these wind instruments seem to have been used during the classic Greek and Roman periods merely to sound fanfares, and therefore, in spite of the high degree of perfection to which they attained as instruments, they scarcely possess any claim to be considered within the domain of music. They were signalling instruments, mainly used in war, in hunting and in state or civic ceremonial. Vegetius (A.D. 386) describes these instruments, and gives detailed instructions for the special traditional uses of tuba, buccina and cornu in the military camp: "Semivocalia sunt, quae per tubam, aut cornua, aut buccinam dantur. Tuba quae directa est appellatur buccina, quae in semet ipsam aereo circulo flectitur. Cornu quod ex uris agrestibus, argento nexum, temperatum arte, et spiritu, quem canentis flatus emittit auditur."[22] It will be seen that Vegetius demands a skilled horn-player. These service instruments may all be identified in the celebrated bas-reliefs of Trajan's Column[23] (fig. 1) and of the Triumphal arch of Augustus at Susa.[24]

Interesting evidence of a collegium cornicinum (gild of horn-players) is furnished by an altar stone in the Roman catacombs, erected to the memory of one "M. Julius victor ex Collegio Liticinum Cornicinum," on which are carved a lituus, a cornu and a pan's pipe, the cornu being similar to those on Trajan's Column.

All three Roman instruments, the tuba, the buccina and the cornu, had well-formed mouthpieces, differing but little from the modern cup-shaped form in use on the trumpet, the trombone, the tubas, &c.[25] It would seem that even the short horn in the 4th century was provided with a mouthpiece,[26] judging from a carved specimen on an ivory _capsa_ or _pyxis_ dating from the period immediately preceding the fall of the Roman Empire, preserved among the precious relics at Xanten.

After the fall of the Roman Empire, when instrumental music had fallen into disrepute and had been placed under a ban by the church, the art of playing upon such highly-developed instruments gradually died out in western Europe. With the disappearance of the civilization and culture of the Romans, the skilled crafts also gradually vanished, and the art of making metal pipes of delicate calibre and of bending them was completely forgotten, and had to be reacquired step by step during the middle ages from the more enlightened East. The names of the instruments and representations of them survived in MSS. and monuments of art, and as long as the West was content to turn to late Roman and Romano-Christian art for its models, no difficulties were created for the future archaeologist. By the time the Western races had begun to express themselves and to develop their own characteristics, in the 11th century, the arts of Persia, Arabia and the Byzantine Empire had laid their mark upon the West, and confusion of models, and more especially of names, ensued. The greatest confusion of all was created by the numerous translations and glosses of the Bible and by the attempts of miniaturists to illustrate the principal scenes. In Revelation, for instance (ch. viii.), the seven angels with their trumpets are diversely represented with long tubas, with curved horns of various lengths, and with the buisine, busaun or posaune, the descendant of the buccina.

We know from the colouring used in illuminated MSS., gold and pale blue, that horns were made of metal early in the middle ages. The metal was not cast in moulds but hammered into shape. Viollet-le-Duc[27] reproduces a miniature from a MS. of the end of the 13th century (Paris, Bibliotheque du corps legislatif), in which two metal-workers are shown hammering two large horns.

The early medieval horns had no mouthpieces, the narrow end being merely finished with a rim on which the lips rested. The tone suffered in consequence, being uncertain, rough and tremulous, wherefore it was indicated by the neume known as _quilisma_: "Est vox tremula; sicut est sonus flatus tubae vel cornu et designatur per neumam, quae vocatur _quilisma_."[28]

During the middle ages the bugle-horn or bull's horn was extensively used as a signal instrument on land and sea (see BUGLE), by the night-watchmen in cities, in the watch tower of the feudal castle and by foresters and huntsmen. The hunting-horn was generally represented as small in the hunting scenes which abound in illuminated MSS. and early printed books; it was crescent-shaped and was worn slung by a leather strap over one shoulder and resting on the opposite hip. When played it was held with the wide end curving upwards in front of the huntsman's head. A kind of tablature for the horn was in use in France in the 14th century; an example of it is here reproduced (fig. 2) from a 14th-century French MS. treatise on venery.[29] Only one note is indicated, the various calls and signals being based chiefly on rhythm, and the notes being left to the taste and skill of the huntsman. The interpretation[30] of the _Cornure de chasse de veue_ seen in the figure is as follows:

First line = [music notes]

Second line = [music notes]

Third line = [music notes]

In the first poem is given a list of these signs with the names by which they were known in venery.

In the 16th century in England the hunting-horn sometimes had a spiral turn in the centre, half-way between mouthpiece and bell end; the extra length was apparently added solely in order to lower the pitch, the higher harmonics not being used for the hunting calls. In George Turbevile's _Noble Arte of Venerie_ (1576, facsimile reprint, Oxford, 1908) the "measures of blowing according to the order which is observed at these dayes in this Realme of Englande" are given for the horn in D. One of these, given in fig. 3, is the English 16th-century hunting call, corresponding to the 14th-century French _Cornure de chasse de veue_ given above.

The hunting-horn, whether in its simplest form or with the one spiral, was held with the bell upwards on a level with the huntsman's head or just above it.[31]

A horn of the same fine calibre as the French horn, 3 or 4 ft. in length, slightly bent to take the curve of the body, was in use in Italy, it would seem, in the 15th century.[32] It was held slanting across the body with the bell already slightly parabolic, at arm's length to the left side.

The hunting- and post-horns were favourite emblems on medieval coats of arms, more especially in Germany[33] and Bohemia.

It is necessary at this point to draw attention to the fact that the French horn is a hybrid having affinities with both trumpet and primitive animal horn, or with _buccina_ and _cornu_, and that both types, although frequently misnamed and confused by medieval writers and miniaturists, subsisted side by side, evolving independently until they merged in the so-called French horn. Both buccina and cornu after the fall of the Roman Empire, while Western arts and crafts were in their infancy, were made straight, being then known as the busine or straight trumpet (busaun or posaun in Germany), and the long horn, _Herhorn_, slightly curved.[34]

[Illusration: FIG. 4.--Medieval Circular Horn.]

[Illusration: FIG. 5.--Medieval Circular Horn, 1589.]

From two medieval representations of instruments like the Roman cornu one might be led to conclude that the instrument had been revived and was in use from the 14th century. A wooden bas-relief on the under part of the seats of the choir of Worcester cathedral,[35] said to date from the 14th century, shows a musician in a robe with long sleeves of fur playing the horn (fig. 4). The tube winds from the mouth in a circle reaching to his waist, passes under the right arm across the shoulders with the bell stretching out horizontally over his left shoulder. The tube, of strictly conical bore, is made in three pieces, the joints being strengthened by means of two rings. The other example is German, and figures in the arms of the city of Frankfort-on-Main.[36] Here in the two opposite corners are two cherubs playing immense cornua. The bore of the instruments (fig. 5) is of a calibre suggestive of the contrabass tuba; the circle formed is of a diameter sufficiently large to accommodate the youthful performer in a sitting posture; the bell is the forerunner of that of the modern saxophone, shaped like a gloxinea; the mouthpiece is cup-shaped. It is possible, of course, that these two examples are attempts to reproduce the classic instrument, but the figures of the musicians and the feeling of the whole scheme of ornamentation seem to render such an explanation improbable. Moreover, Sebastian Virdung,[37] writing on musical instruments at the beginning of the 16th century, gives a drawing of a cornu coiled round tightly, the tubing being probably soldered together at certain points. Virdung calls this instrument a _Jegerhorn_, and the short hunting-horn _Acherhorn_ (Ackerhorn--the synonym of the modern Waldhorn). The scale of the former could have consisted only of the first eight harmonics, including the fundamental, which would be easily obtained on an instrument of such a large calibre. Mersenne,[38] a century and a quarter later, gives a drawing of the same kind of horn among his _cors de chasse_, but does not in his description display his customary intimate knowledge of his subject; it may be that he was dealing at second-hand with an instrument of which he had had little practical experience. Praetorius[39] gives as Jagerhorn only the simple forms of crescent-shaped horns with a single spiral; the spirally-wound horn of Virdung is replaced by a new instrument--the _Jagertrummet_ (huntsman's trumpet)--of the same form, but less cumbersome, of cylindrical bore excepting at the bell end and having a crook inserted between the mouthpiece and the main coils. The tube, which could not have been less than 8 ft. long, produced the harmonic series of the cavalry trumpet from the 3rd to the 12th. The restrictions placed upon the use of the cavalry trumpet would have rendered it unavailable for use in the hunting-field, but the snake-shaped model, as Praetorius describes it, was a decided improvement on the horn, although inferior in resonance to the cavalry model. Here then are the materials for the fusion of the trumpet and hunting-horn into the natural or hand-horn of the 17th and 18th centuries. There is evidence, however, that a century earlier, i.e. at the end of the 15th century, the art of bending a brass tube of the delicate proportions of the French horn, which is still a test of fine workmanship, had been successfully practised. In an illustrated edition of Virgil's works published in Strassburg in 1502 and emanating from Gruninger's office, Brant being responsible for the illustrations, the lines (_Aen._ viii. 1-2) "Ut belli signum Laurenti Turnus ab arce Extulit: et rauco strepuerunt cornua cantu" are illustrated by two soldiers, one with the sackbut (posaune, the descendant of the buccina), the other with a horn wound spirally round his body in three coils, which appear to have a conical bore from the funnel-shaped mouthpiece to the bell which extends at the back of the head horizontally over the left shoulder (fig. 6). There is ample room for the performer's head and shoulders to pass through the circle: the length of the tube could not therefore have been much less than 16 ft. long, equivalent to the horn in C or B[flat] basso. In the same book (pl. ccci.) is another horn, smaller, differing slightly in the disposition of the coils and held like the modern horn in front.

These horns were not used for hunting but for war in conjunction with the draw-trumpet. Brant could not have imagined these instruments, and must have seen the originals or at least drawings of them; the instruments probably emanated from the famed workshops of Nuremberg, being intended mainly for use in Italy, and had not been generally adopted in Germany. The significance of these drawings of natural horns in a German work of the dawn of the 16th century will not be lost. It disposes once and for all of the oft-repeated fable that the hunting-horn first assumed its present form in France about 1680, a statement accepted without question by authorities of all countries, but without reference to any _piece justificative_ other than the story of the Bohemian Count Sporken first quoted by Gerber,[40] and repeated in most musical works without the context. The account which gave rise to this statement had been published in 1782 in a book by Faustinus Prochaska:[41] "Vix Parisiis inflandi cornua venatoria inventa ars quum delectatus suavitate cantus duos ex hominibus sibi obnoxiis ea instituendos curavit. Id principium apud nos artis, qua hodie Bohemi excellere putantur." In a preceding passage after the count's name, Franz Anton, Graf von Sporken, are the words "anno saeculi superioris octogesimo quum iter in externas provincias suscepisset," &c. There is no reference here to the invention of the horn in Paris or to the folding of the tube spirally, but only to the manner of eliciting sound from the instrument. Count Sporken, accustomed to the medieval hunting fanfares in which the tone of the horn approximated to the blare of the trumpet, was merely struck by the musical quality of the true horn tone elicited in Paris, and gave France the credit of the so-called invention, which probably more properly belonged to Italy. The account published by Prochaska a hundred years after, without reference to the source from which it was obtained, finds no corroboration from French sources. Had the French really made any substantial improvement in the hunting-horn at the end of the 17th century, transforming it from the primitive instrument into an orchestral instrument, it would only be reasonable to expect to find some evidence of this, considering the importance attached to the art of music at the court of Louis XIV., whose musical establishments, la Chapelle Musique,[42] la Musique de la Chambre du Roi and la Musique de la Grande Ecurie, included the most brilliant French artists. One would expect to find horns of that period by French makers among the relics of musical instruments in the museums of Europe. This does not seem to be the case. Moreover, in Diderot and d'Alembert's _Encyclopedie_ (1767) the information given under the heading _trompe ou cor de chasse grand et petit_ is very vague, and contains no hint of any special merit due to France for any improvement in construction. Among the plates (vol. v., pl. vii.) is given an illustration of a horn very similar to the instruments made in England and Germany nearly a century earlier, but with a funnel-shaped mouthpiece. Dr Julius Ruhlmann states that there are two horns by Raoux, bearing the date 1703,[43] in the Bavarian National Museum in Munich,[44] but although fine examples, one in silver, the other in brass (fig. 6) by Raoux, they turn out on inquiry[45] to bear no date whatever. Ruhlmann's statement in the same article, that in the arms of the family of Wartenberg-Kolb (now extinct), which goes back to 1169, there is a hunting-horn coiled round in a complete circle is also misleading. The horn (a post-horn) did not appear in the arms of the family in question until 1699, when the first peer Casimir Johann Friedrich was created hereditary Post-Master. The influence of such erroneous statements in the work of noted writers is far-reaching. Inquiries at the department of National Archives in Paris concerning Raoux, the founder of the afterwards famous firm of horn-makers whose model with pistons is used in the British military bands and at Kneller Hall, proved fruitless. Fetis states that he worked during the second half of the 18th century. Albert Chouquet[46] states that he has seen a trumpet by Raoux, "seul ordinaire du Roy, Place du Louvre" dated 1695. The inscriptions on the horns in question are: For No. 105, a silver horn of the simplest form of construction in D, "Fait a Paris par Raoux"; for No. 106, a brass horn engraved with a crown on an ermine mantle with the initials C. A. (Carl Albert), "Fait a Paris par Raoux, seul ordinaire du Roy, Place du Louvre." Both horns measure across the coils 56 cm. and across the bell 27(1/2). They are practically the same as the _cors de chasse_ now in use in French and Belgian military bands, the large diameter of the coil enabling the performer to carry it over his shoulder. The orchestral horn was given a narrower diameter in order to facilitate its being held in front of the performer in a convenient position for stopping the bell with the right hand. No. 107 in the same collection, a horn of German construction, bears the inscription "Macht Jacob Schmid in Nurnberg" and the trademark "J. S." with a bird. A horn in E[flat]] of French make, having fleur-de-lys stamped on the rim of the bell, and measuring only 15 in. across the coils to the exterior edge of the bell--therefore a very small horn--is preserved in the Grand Ducal Museum at Darmstadt.[47] A horn in F[sharp] (probably F in modern high pitch), having the rim ornamented as above and the inscription "Fait a Paris, Carlin, ordinaire du Roy," readily gives the harmonics from the 3rd to the 12th.[48] The extreme width is 20 in.[49] Carlin, who lived at rue Croix des Petits Champs, died about 1780. The earliest dated horn extant is believed to be the one preserved in the Hohenzollern Museum in Sigmaringen, "Machts Wilhelm Haas, Nurnberg, 1688."[50] Another early German horn engraved "Machts Heinr. Rich. Pfeiffer in Leipzig, 1697,"[51] formerly in Paul de Wit's museum in Leipzig and now transferred with the rest of the collection to Cologne, is of similar construction.

The horn must have been well known at this time in England, for there are 17th-century horns of English manufacture still extant, one, for instance, in the collection of the Rev. F. W. Galpin by William Bull, dated 1699.[52] In 1701 Clagget[53] invented a contrivance by means of which two horns in different keys could be coupled and played by means of one mouthpiece, a valve or key opening the passage into the airways of one or the other of these horns at the will of the performer. Another horn of English manufacture about 1700 was exhibited at the South Kensington Museum in 1872, bearing No. 337 in the catalogue, in which unfortunately no details are given. Enough examples have been quoted to show that, judging from the specimens extant, Germany was not behind France, if not actually ahead, in the manufacture of early natural horns. Data are wanting concerning the instruments of Italy; they would probably prove to be the earliest of all, and as brass wind instruments are perishable are perhaps for that very reason unrepresented at the present day.

The horn at the present stage in its evolution was also well represented among the illustrations of the musical literature in Germany[54] during the first half of the 18th century, and references to it are frequent.

Music.

The earliest orchestral music for the horn occurs in the operas of Cavalli and Cesti, leaders of the Venetian Opera in the 17th century. Already in 1639 Cavalli in his opera _Le Nozze de Tito e Pelei_ (act i. sc. 1) introduced a short scena, "Chiamata alla Caccia"[55] in C major for four horns on a basso continuo. An examination of the scoring in C clefs on the first, second, third and fourth lines shows, by the use of the note [music notes] in the bass part and in the second tenor of [music notes] the 5th harmonic of the series, that the fundamental could have been no other than the 16-ft. C; the highest note in the treble part is [music notes], the 12th harmonic of the 8-ft. alto horn in C, now obsolete. It is clear therefore that horns with tubing respectively 8 ft. and 16 ft. long, which must have been disposed in coils as in the present day, were in use in Italy before the middle of the 17th century, fifty years before the date of their reputed invention in Paris.

In the same opera, act i. sc. 4, "Coro di Cavalieri" is a stirring call to arms of elemental grandeur, in which occur the words: "all' armi, o la guerrieri corni e tamburi e trombe, ogni campo ogni canto, armi rimbombe." There are above the voice parts four staves with treble and C clef signatures above the bass, and, although no instruments are indicated, the music written thereon, which alternates with the voices but does not accompany them, can have been intended for no instruments but trumpets and horns, thus carrying out the indications in the text. The horn is here once again put to the same use as the Roman cornu, and associated in like manner with the descendant of the buccina in a call to arms. It may be purely a coincidence that the early illustration of a horn with the tubing wound in coils round the body in the Strassburg Virgil mentioned above was put to the same use and associated with the same instrument.

Cesti's operas likewise contain many passages evidently intended for the horn, although the instruments are not specified in the score, which was nothing unusual at the time. Lulli composed the incidental music for a ballet, _La Princesse d'Elide_, which formed part of Moliere's divertissement, "Les plaisirs de l'ile enchantee," written for a great festival at Versailles on the 7th of May 1664. A copy of the music for this ballet, made about 1680, is preserved in the library of the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge. The music contains a piece entitled "Les violons et les cors de chasse," written in the same style as Cavalli's scena; there are but two staves, and on both the music is characteristic of the horn, with which the violins would play in unison. The piece finishes on B[flat][music notes] and to play this note as the second of the harmonic series, the fundamental not being obtainable, the tube of the horn must have been over 17 ft. long. Among Philidor's copies of Lulli's ballets preserved in the library of the Paris Conservatoire of Music (vol. xlvii., p. 61) is a more complete copy of the above. The second number is an "Air des valets de chiens et des chasseurs avec les cors de chasse," which is substantially the same as the one in the Fitzwilliam Museum, but set for five horns in B[flat]. Here again the use of D, the fifth note of the harmonic series, indicates that the fundamental was [music notes] a tone lower than the C horn scored for by Cavalli, and known as B[flat] basso. Victor Mahillon[56] considers that the music reveals the fact that it was written for horns in B[flat], 35 degrees (chromatic semitones) above 32-ft. C, or [music notes] having a wave-length of 1.475 m. To this statement it is not possible to subscribe. The quintette required four horns in B[flat] over 8 ft. long and one B[flat] basso about 17 ft. long. It is obvious that the present custom of placing the bass notes of the horn on the F clef an octave too low, as is now customary, had not yet been adopted, for in that case the bass horn would in several bars be playing above the tenor.

In 1647 Cardinal Mazarin, wishing to create in France a taste for Italian opera, had procured from Italy an orchestra, singers and mise-en-scene. That he was not entirely successful in making Paris appreciate Italian music is beside the mark; he developed instead a demand for French opera, to which Lulli proved equal. The great similarity in the style of the horn _scene_ by Cavalli and Lulli may perhaps provide a clue to the mysterious and sudden apparition of the natural horn in France, where nothing was known of the hybrid instrument thirty years before, when Mersenne[57] wrote his careful treatise on musical instruments.

The orchestral horn had been introduced from Italy. It is not difficult to understand how the horn came to be called the _French_ horn in England; the term only appears after Gerber and other writers had repeated the story of Count Sporken introducing the musical horn into Bohemia.[58] By this time the firm of Raoux, established in Paris a hundred years, had won for itself full recognition of its high standard of workmanship in the making of horns.

This use of the horn by Lulli in the one ballet seems to be an isolated instance; no other has yet been quoted. The introduction of the natural horn into the orchestra of the French opera did not occur until much later in 1735 in Andre Campra's _Achille et Deidamie_, and then only in a fanfare. In the meantime the horn had already won a place in most of the rising opera houses and ducal orchestras[59] of Germany, and had been introduced by Handel into the orchestra in London in his _Water-music_ composed in honour of George I.

Although the Italians were undoubtedly the first to introduce the horn into the orchestra, it figured at first only as the characteristic instrument of the chase, suggesting and accompanying hunting scenes or calls to arms. For a more independent use of the horn in the orchestra we must turn to Germany. Reinhard Keiser, the founder of German opera, at the end of the 17th century in Hamburg, introduced two horns in C into the opening chorus of his opera _Octavia_ in 1705, where the horns are added to the string quartette and the oboes; they play again in act i. sc. 3, and in act ii. sc. 6 and 9. The compass used by the composer for the horns in C alto is the following:--

Wilhelm Kleefeld draws attention to the characterization, which differed in the three acts. In _Henrico_ (1711), in _Diana_ (1712) and in _L'Inganno Fedele_ (1714) F horns were used. This called forth from Mattheson[60] his much-quoted eulogium, the earliest description of the orchestral horn: "Die lieblich pompeusen Waldhorner sind bei itziger Zeit sehr _en vogue_ kommen, weil sie theils nicht so rude von Natur sind als die Trompeten, teils auch weil sie mit mehr _Facilite_ konnen tractiret werden. Die brauchbarsten haben F und mit den Trompeten aus dem C gleichen _Ambitum_. Sie klingen auch dicker und fullen besser aus als die ubertaubende und schreyende Clarinen, weil sie um eine ganze quinte tiefer stehen."

Lotti in his _Giove in Argo_, given in Dresden, 1717, scored for two horns in C, writing for them soli in the aria for tenor[61] (act iii. sc. 1). Examples of C. H. Graun's[62] scoring for horns in F and G respectively in _Polydorus_ (1708-1729) and in _Iphigenia_ (1731) show the complete emancipation of the instrument from its original limitations; it serves not only as melody instrument but also to enrich the harmony and emphasize the rhythm. A comparison of the early scores of Cavalli and Lulli with those of Handel's _Wasserfahrtmusik_[63] (1717) and of _Radamisto_, performed in London in 1720, shows the rapid progress made by the horn, even at a time when its technique was still necessarily imperfect.

While Bach was conductor of the prince of Anhalt-Cothen's orchestra (1717-1723), it is probable that horns in several keys were used. In Dresden two Bohemian horn-players, Johann Adalbert Fischer and Franz Adam Samm, were added to the court orchestra in 1711.[64] In Vienna the addition is stated to have taken place in 1712 at the opera.[65] It is probable that as in Paris so in Vienna there were solitary instances in which the horn was heard in opera without attracting the attention of musicians long before 1712, for instance in Cesti's _Il Pomo d'Oro_, printed in Vienna in 1667 and 1668 and performed for the wedding ceremonies of Kaiser Leopold and Margareta, infanta of Spain. A horn in E (former F pitch) in the museum of the Brussels conservatoire bears the inscription "Machts Michael Leicham Schneider in Wien, 1713."[66] Furstenau[67] gives a further list of operas in Vienna during the first two decades of the 18th century.

It will be well before the next stage in the evolution is approached to consider the compass of the natural horn. The pedal octave from the fundamental to the 2nd harmonic was altogether wanting; the next octave contained only the 2nd and 3rd harmonics or the octave and its fifth; in the third octave, the 8ve, its major 3rd, 5th and minor 7th; in the fourth octave, a diatonic scale with a few accidentals was possible. It will be seen that the compass was very limited on any individual horn, but by grouping horns in different keys, or by changing the crooks, command was gained by the composer over a larger number of open notes.

An important period in the development of the horn has now been reached. Anton Joseph Hampel is generally credited[68] with the innovation of adapting the crooks to the middle of the body of the horn instead of near the mouthpiece, which greatly improved the quality of the notes obtained by means of the crooks. The crooks fitted into the two branches of U-shaped tubes, thus forming slides which acted as compensators. Hampel's _Inventionshorn_, as it is called in Germany (Fr. _cor harmonique_), is said to date from 1753,[69] the first instrument having been made for him by Johann Werner, a brass instrument-maker of Dresden. The same invention is also attributed to Haltenhof of Hanau.[70] Others again mention Michael Wogel[71] of Carlsruhe and Rastadt, probably confusing his adaptation of the _Invention_ or _Maschine_, as the slide contrivance was called in Germany, to the trumpet in 1780. The Inventionshorn, although embodying an important principle which has also found its application in all brass wind instruments with valves as a means of correcting defective intonation, did not add to the compass of the horn. At some date before 1762 it would seem that Hampel[72] also discovered the principle on which hand-stopping is founded.

By hand-stopping (Fr. _sons bouches_, Ger. _gestopfte Tone_) is understood the practice of inserting the hand with palm outstretched and fingers drawn together, forming a long, shallow cup, into the bell of the horn; the effect is similar to that produced in wood wind instruments, termed _d'amore_, by the pear-shaped bell with a narrow opening, i.e. a veiled mysterious quality, and, according to the arrangement of the hand and fingers (which cannot be taught theoretically, being inter-dependent on other acoustic conditions), a drop in pitch which enables the performer merely to correct the faulty intonation of difficult harmonics or to lower the pitch exactly a semitone or even a full tone by inserting the hand well up the bore of the bell. J. Frohlich[73] gives drawings of the two principal positions of the hand in the horn. The same phenomenon may be observed in the flute by closing all the holes, so that the fundamental note of the pipe speaks, and then gradually bringing the palm of the hand nearer the open end of the flute. As a probable explanation may be offered the following suggestion. The partial closing of the opening of the bell removes the boundary of ambient air, which determines the ventral segment of the half wave-length some distance beyond the normal length; this boundary always lies _beyond_ the end of the tube, thus accounting for the discrepancy between the theoretical length of the air-column and the practical length actually given to the tube.[74] Hampel is also said to have been the first to apply the _sordini_[75] (Fr. _sourdine_) or mute, already in use in the 17th century for the trumpet,[76] to the horn. The original mute did not affect the pitch of the instrument, but only the tone, and when properly constructed may be used with the valve horn to produce the mysterious veiled quality of the hand-stopped notes. No satisfactory scientific explanation of the modifications in the pitch effected by the partial obstruction of the bell, whether by the hand or by means of certain mechanical devices, has as yet been offered. D. J. Blaikley suggests that in cases when the effect of hand-stopping appears to be to raise the pitch of the notes of the harmonic series, the real result of any contraction of the bell mouth (as by the insertion of the hand) is always a flattening of pitch accompanied by the introduction of a distorted or inharmonic scale, of such a character that for instance, the _c_, _d_, _e_, or 8th, 9th and 10th notes of the original harmonic scale become not the c[sharp] d[sharp] e[sharp] of a fundamental raised a semitone, but D[flat], E[flat], and f due to the 9th, 10th and 11th notes of a disturbed or distorted scale having a fundamental lower than that of the normal horn.

With regard to the discovery of this method of obtaining a chromatic compass for the horn, which rendered the instrument very popular with composers, instrumentalists and the public, and procured for it a generally accredited position in the orchestra, the following is the sum of evidence at present available. In the Kgl. offentliche Bibliothek, Dresden, is preserved, amongst the musical MSS., an autograph volume of 152 pages, entitled _Lection pro Cornui_, bearing the signature A. J. H[ampel], the name being filled in in pencil by a different hand. There is no introduction, no letterpress of any description belonging to the MS. method for the horn, nor is any book or pamphlet explaining the Inventionshorn or the method of hand-stopping by Hampel extant or known to have existed. He has apparently left no record of his accomplishment. A few typical extracts copied and selected from the original MS., courteously communicated by the director of the Royal Library, Hofrath, P. E. Richter (a practical musician and performer on horn and trumpet), do not prove conclusively that they were intended to be played on hand-stopped horns, with the exception, perhaps, of the A, 13th harmonic from C, which could not easily be obtained except by hand-stopping on the hand-horn. On the blank sheet preceding the exercises is an inscription in the hand of Moritz Furstenau, former custodian of the Royal Private Musical Collection (incorporated with the public library in 1896): "Anton Joseph Hampel, by whom these exercises for the horn were written, was a celebrated horn-player, a member of the Orchestra of the Electoral Prince of Saxony. He invented the so-called Inventionshorn. Cf. _Neues biog.-hist. Lexicon der Tonkunstler_ by Gerber, pt. i. col. 493; also _Zur Gesch. der Musik u. des Theaters am Hofe zu Dresden_, by M. Furstenau, Bd. ii." It will be seen that Furstenau gives Gerber as his authority for the attribution of the invention to Hampel, although he searched the archives, to which he had free access, for material for his book.

The first possessor of the MS., Franz Schubert (1768-1824), musical director of the Italian opera in Dresden, wrote the following note in pencil on the last page of the cover: "Franz Schubert. The complete school of horn-playing by the Kgl. Polnischen u. Kursachs. Cammermusicus Anton Joseph Hampel, a celebrated virtuoso, invented by himself in 1762." Judging from the standard of modern technique, there are many passages in the "Lection" which could not be played without artificially humouring the production of harmonics with the lips, and it is an open question to what extent this method of correcting intonation and of altering the pitch was practised in the 18th century. When, therefore, Franz Schubert states that the method was _invented_ by Hampel, we may take this as indirectly confirming Gerber's statements. Further confirmation is obtained from the text of a work on the horn written by Heinrich Domnich[77] (b. 1760), the son of a celebrated horn-player of Wurtzburg contemporary with Hampel. Domnich junior settled eventually in Paris, where he was appointed first professor of the horn at the Conservatoire. According to him the mute (sourdine) of metal, wood or cardboard in the form of a hollow cone, having a hole in the base, was used to soften the tone of the horn without altering the pitch. But Hampel, substituting for this the pad of cotton wool used for a similar purpose with the oboe, found with surprise that its effect in the bell of the horn was to _raise_ the pitch a semitone (see D. J. Blaikley's explanation above). By this means, says Domnich, a diatonic and chromatic scale was obtained. Later Hampel substituted the hand for the pad. Domnich duly ascribes to Hampel the credit of the Inventionshorn, but erroneously states that it was Haltenhoff of Hanau who made the first instrument. Domnich further explains that Hampel, who had not practised the _bouche_ notes in his youth, only made use of them in slow music, and that the credit of making practical use of the discovery was due to his pupil Giovanni Punto (Joh. Stich) the celebrated horn virtuoso, who was a friend of Domnich's.

It may be well to draw attention to the fact that hand-stopping was not possible so long as the tube of horn was folded in a circle wide enough to be worn round the body. The reduction of the diameter of the orchestral horn in order to allow the performer to hold the instrument in front of him, thus bringing the bell in front of the right arm in a convenient position for hand-stopping, must have preceded the discovery of hand-stopping. In the absence of contrary evidence we may suppose that the change was effected for the more convenient arrangement and manipulation of the slides or _Inventions_. So radical a change in the compass of the horn could not occur and be adopted generally without leaving its mark on the horn music of the period; this change does not occur, as far as we know, before the last decades of the 18th century. The rapid acceptance in other countries of Hampel's discovery of hand-stopping is evidenced by a passage from a little English work on music, published in London in 1772 but bearing at the end of the preface the date June 1766:[78] "Some eminent Proficients have been so dexterous as very nearly to perform all the defective notes of the scale on the Horn by management of Breath and by a little stopping the bell with their hands."

Hampel's success gave a general impetus to the inventive faculty of musical instrument makers in Europe. At first the result was negative. Kolbel's attempt must, however, be mentioned, if only to correct a misconception. Kolbel, a Bohemian horn virtuoso at the imperial Russian court from 1754, spent many years in vain endeavours to improve his instrument. At last, in 1760, he applied keys to the horn or the bugle, calling it Klappenhorn (the bugle is known in Germany as _Signal_ or _Buglehorn_). Kolbel's experiment did not become widely known or adopted during his lifetime, but Anton Weidinger, court trumpeter at Vienna, made a keyed trumpet[79] in 1801, which attracted attention in musical circles and gave a fresh impetus in experimenting with keys upon brass instruments. In 1813 Joseph Weidinger, the twelve-year-old son of the above, gave a concert in Vienna on the _Klappenwaldhorn_[80] (or keyed French horn), about which little seems to be known. Victor Mahillon[81] describes such an instrument, but ascribes the invention to Kolbel; there was but one key placed on the bell, which on being opened had the effect of raising the pitch of the instrument a whole tone. By alternately using the harmonic open notes on the normal length of the tube, and then by the action of the key shortening the air column, the following diatonic scale was obtained in the third octave:

In 1812 Dikhuth,[82] horn-player in the orchestra of the grand-duke of Baden at Mannheim, constructed a horn in which a slide on the principle of that of the trombone was intended to replace hand-stopping and to lower the pitch at will a semitone.

The most felicitous, far-reaching and important of all improvements was the invention of valves (q.v.), pistons or cylinders (the principle of which has already been explained), by Heinrich Stolzel,[83] who applied them first of all to the horn, the trumpet and the trombone,[84] thus endowing the brass wind with a chromatic compass obtained with perfect ease throughout the compass. The inherent defect of valve instruments already explained, which causes faulty intonation needing correction when the pistons are used in combination, has now been practically overcome. The numerous attempts to solve the difficulty, made with varying success by makers of brass instruments, are described under VALVE, BOMBARDEN and CORNET.[85] (K. S.)

FOOTNOTES:

[1] See Michael Praetorius, _De organographia_ (Wolfenbuttel, 1618), tab. viii., where crooks for lowering the key by one tone on trumpet and trombone are pictured.

[2] See Victor Mahillon, _Les Elements d'acoustique musicale et instrumentale_ (Brussels, 1874), pp. 96, 97, &c.; Friedrich Zamminer, _Die Musik und die musikalischen Instrumente_ (Giessen, 1855), p. 310, where diagrams of the mouthpieces are given.

[3] See Joseph Frohlich, _Vollstandige theoretisch-praktische Musikschule_ (Bonn, 1811), iii. 7, where diagrams of the two mouthpieces for first and second horn are given.

[4] See Gottfried Weber, "Zur Akustik der Blasinstrumente," in _Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung_ (Leipzig, 1816), p. 38.

[5] _Les Instruments de musique au musee du Conservatoire royal de musique de Bruxelles_, "Instruments a vent," ii., "Le Cor, son histoire, sa theorie, sa construction" (Brussels and London, 1907), p. 28.

[6] _Die Akustik_ (Leipzig, 1802), p. 86, S 72.

[7] _Op. cit._ p. 13, S 20, and p. 15, SS 24 and 25. This apparent discrepancy between an early and a modern authority on the acoustics of wind instruments is easily explained. Chladni, when speaking of open and closed pipes, refers to the standard cylindrical and rectangular organ-pipes. Mahillon, on the other hand, draws a distinction in favour of the conical pipe, demonstrating in a practical manner how, given a certain calibre, the conical pipe must overblow the harmonics of the open pipe, whatever the method of producing the sound.

[8] See Gottfried Weber, _loc. cit._

[9] See Ernst Heinrich and Wilhelm Weber, _Wellenlehre_ (Leipzig, 1825), p. 519, S 281, and _A Text-Book of Physics_, part. ii., "Sound," by J. H. Poynting and J. J. Thomson (London, 1906), pp. 104 and 105.

[10] See Sedley Taylor, _Sound and Music_ (1896), p. 21.

[11] _Id._ pp. 23-25.

[12] See Gottfried Weber, _op. cit._, pp. 39-41, and Ernst H. and Wilhelm Weber, _op. cit._ p. 522, end of S 285.

[13] See A. Ganot, _Elementary Treatise on Physics_, translated by E. Atkinson (16th ed., London, 1902), p. 266, S 282, "In the horn different notes are produced by altering the distance of the lips." Such a vague and misleading statement is worse than useless. See also Poynting and Thomson, _op. cit._ p. 113.

[14] "Le Cor," p. 22; p. 11, S 18; pp. 6 and 7, S 8.

[15] The phraseology alone is here borrowed from Sedley Taylor, (_op. cit._ p. 55), who does not enter into the practical application of the theory he expounds so clearly.

[16] See Dr Emil Schafhautl's article on musical instruments, S iv. of _Bericht der Beurtheilungs Commission bei der Allg. Deutschen Industrie Ausstellung, 1854_ (Munich, 1855), pp. 169-170; also F. Zamminer, _op. cit._

[17] The measurements are for the high philharmonic pitch a'=452.4. V. Mahillon, "Le cor" (p. 32), gives a table of the lengths of crooks in metres.

[18] Robert Eitner, editor of the Monatshefte fur Musikwissenschaft, published therein an article in 1881, p. 41 seq., "Wer hat die Ventiltrompete erfunden," in which, after referring to the _Klappenwaldhorn_ and _Trompete_ (keyed horn and trumpet) made by Weidinger and played in public in 1802 and 1813 respectively, he goes on to state that Schilling in his Lexicon makes the comical mistake of looking upon the Klappentrompete (keyed trumpet) and _Ventiltrompete_ (valve trumpet) as different instruments. He accordingly sets matters right, as he thinks, by according to Weidinger the honour of the invention of valves, hitherto wrongfully attributed to Stolzel; and in the _Quellenlexikon_ (1904) he leaves out Stolzel's name, and names Weidinger as the inventor of the _Klappen_ or _Ventil_, referring readers for further particulars to his article, just quoted, in the _Monatshefte_.

[19] See Hector Berlioz, _A Treatise on Modern Instrumentation and Orchestration_, translated by Mary Cowden Clarke, new edition revised by Joseph Bennett (1882), p. 141.

[20] See Victor Mahillon, _Catal. descriptif des instruments de musique_, &c., vol. ii. p. 388, No. 1156, where an illustration is given. See also Dr August Hammerich (French translation by E. Beauvais), "Uber altnordische Luren" in _Vierteljahrschrift fur Musik-Wissenschaft_ x. (1894).

[21] See Major J. H. L. Archer, _The British Army Records_ (London, 1888), pp. 402, &c.

[22] _De re militari_, iii. 5 (Basel, 1532). The successive editions and translations of this classic, both manuscript and printed, throughout the middle ages afford useful evidence of the evolution of these three wind instruments.

[23] See Wilhelm Froehner, _La Colonne Trajane d'apres le surmoulage execute a Rome en 1861-1862_ (Paris, 1872-1874). On pl. 51 is a cornu framing the head of a cornicen or horn-player. See also the fine plates in Conrad Cichorius, _Die Reliefs der Traiansaule_ (Berlin, 1896, &c.).

[24] Ermanno Ferrero, _L'Arc d'Auguste a Suse_ (Segusio, 9-8 B.C.) (Turin, 1901).

[25] See the mouthpiece on the Pompeian buccinas preserved in the museum at Naples, reproduced in the article Buccina. The museums of the conservatoires of Paris and Brussels and the Collection Kraus in Florence possess facsimiles of these instruments; see Victor Mahillon, _Catalogue_, vol. ii. p. 30. Cf. also the pair of bronze Etruscan cornua, No. 2734 in the department of Creek and Roman antiquities at the British Museum, which possess well-preserved cup-shaped mouthpieces.

[26] See Bock, "Gebrauch der Horner im Mittelalter," in Gustav Heider's _Mittelalterliche Kunstdenkmaler Osterreichs_ (Stuttgart, 1858-1860).

[27] _Dictionnaire raisonne du mobilier francais_ (Paris, 1889), ii. p. 246.

[28] Engelbertus Admontensis in _De Musica Scriptores_, by Martin Gerbert, Bd. ii. lib. ii. cap. 29; and Edward Buhle, _Die Musikalischen Instrumente in den Miniaturen des fruhen Mittelalters_, pt. i., "Die Blasinstrumente" (Leipzig, 1903), p. 16.

[29] _Le Tresor de venerie par Hardouin, seigneur de Fontaines-Guerin_ (edited by H. Michelant, Metz, 1856); the first part was edited by Jerome Pichon (Paris, 1855), with an historical introduction by Bottee de Toulmon.

[30] As worked out by Edward Buhle, _op. cit._, p. 23.

[31] See Turbevile, _op. cit._, also J. du Fouilloux, _La Venerie_ (Paris, 1628), p. 70; cf. also editions of 1650 and of 1562, where the horn is called _trompe_, used with the verb _corner_; Juliana Bernes, _Boke of St Albans_ (1496), the frontispiece of which is a hunting scene showing a horn of very wide bore, without bell. Only half the instrument is visible.

[32] See "Reliure italienne du xv^e siecle en argent nielle. Collection du Baron Nathaniel de Rothschild, Vienne," in _Gazette archeologique_ (Paris, 1880), xiii. p. 295, pl. 38, where other instruments are also represented.

[33] See Jost Amman, _Wappen und Stammbuch_ (1589). A reprint in facsimile has been published by Georg Hirth as vol. iii. of _Liebhaber Bibliothek_ (Munich, 1881). See arms of Sultzberger aus Tirol (p. 52), "Ein Jagerhornlin," and of the Herzog von Wirtenberg; cf. the latter with the arms of Wurthemberch in pl. xxii. vol. ii. of Gelre's _Wappenboek ou armorial de 1334 a 1372_ (miniatures of coats of arms in facsimile), edited by Victor Bouton (Paris, 1883).

[34] For illustrations see autotype facsimile of Utrecht Psalter, 9th century; British Museum, Add. MS. 10,546, Ps. 150, 9th century; Add. MS. 24,199, 10th century; Eadwine Psalter, Trin. Coll. Camb., 11th century, and Cotton MS., Nero, D. IV., 8th century; also Edward Buhle, _op. cit._, pl. ii. and pp. 12-24.

[35] See John Carter, _Specimens of Ancient Sculpture and Paintings_ (London, 1780-1794), i. p. 53 (plates unnumbered); also reproduced in H. Lavoix, _Histoire de la musique_ (Paris, 1884).

[36] See Jost Amman, _op. cit._

[37] _Musica getutscht und ausgezogen_ (Basel, 1511), p. 30. The names are not given under the drawings, but the above is the order in which they occur, which is probably reversed.

[38] _Harmonie universelle_ (Paris, 1636), p. 245.

[39] _Syntagma Musicum_ (Wolfenbuttel, 1618), pl. vii. No. 11, p. 39.

[40] _Historisch-biographisches Lexicon der Tonkunstler_ (Leipzig, 1790-1792 and 1812-1814).

[41] _De saecularibus Liberalium Artium in Bohemia et Moravia fatis commentarius_ (Prague, 1784), p. 401.

[42] See Ernest Thoinan, _Les Origines de la chapelle musique des souverains de France_ (Paris, 1864); F. J. Fetis, "Recherches sur la musique des rois de France, et de quelques princes depuis Philippe le Bel jusqu'a la fin du regne de Louis XIV.," _Revue musicale_ (Paris, 1832), xii. pp. 193, 217, 233, 241, 257; Castil-Blaze, _La Chapelle musique des rois de France_ (Paris, 1882); Michel Brenet, "Deux comptes de la chapelle musique des rois de France," _Intern. Mus. Ges._, Smbd. vi., i. pp. 1-32; J. Ecorcheville, "Quelques documents sur la musique de la grande ecurie du roi," _Intern. Mus. Ges._, Smbd. ii. 4 (Leipzig, 1901), pp. 608-642.

[43] _Neue Zeitschrift f. Musik_ (Leipzig, 1870), p. 309.

[44] See _Die Sammlung der Musikinstrumente des baierischen Nat. Museum_ by K. A. Bierdimpfl (Munich, 1883), Nos. 105 and 106.

[45] Communication from Dr Georg Hagen, assistant director.

[46] See Musee du Conservatoire National de Musique. _Catalogue des instruments de musique_ (Paris, 1884), p. 147.

[47] See Captain C. R. Day, _Descriptive Catalogue of the Musical Instruments exhibited at the Military Exhibition_ (London, 1890), p. 147, No. 307.

[48] See V. Mahillon, _Catal._ vol. i. No. 468.

[49] See Captain C. R. Day, _Catal._ No. 309, p. 148.

[50] For an illustration see _Catalogue of the Special Exhibition of Ancient Musical Instruments at South Kensington Museum 1872_ (London, 1873), p. 25, No. 332.

[51] See _Katalog des musikhistorischen Museums von Paul de Wit_ (Leipzig, 1904), p. 142, No. 564, where it is classified as a Jagertrompete after Praetorius; it has a trumpet mouthpiece.

[52] For an illustration see F. J. Crowest, _English Music_, p. 449, No. 12.

[53] See Ignatz and Anton Bock in _Baierisches Musik-Lexikon_ by Felix J. Lipowski (Munich, 1811), p. 26, note.

[54] See, for instance, frontispiece of Walther's _Musikalisches Lexikon_ (Leipzig, 1732); J. F. B. C. Majer's _Musik-Saal_ (Nuremberg, 1741, 2nd ed.), p. 54; Joh. Christ. Kolb, _Pinacotheca Davidica_ (Augsburg, 1711); Ps. xci.; "Componimenti Musicali per il cembalo Dr Theofilo Muffat, organista di sua Sacra Maesta Carlo VI. Imp." (1690), title-page in _Denkmaler d. Tonkunst in Oesterreich_, Bd. iii.

[55] See Hugo Goldschmidt, "Das Orchester der italienischen Oper im 17 Jahrhundert," _Intern. Mus. Ges._, Smbd. ii. 1, p. 73.

[56] See "Le Cor," pp. 23 and 24, and _Dictionnaire de l'acad. des beaux arts_, vol. iv., art. "Cor."

[57] Mersenne's drawings of _cors de chasse_ are very crude; they have no bell and are all of the large calibre suggestive of the primitive animal horn. He mentions nevertheless that they were not only used for signals and fanfares but also for little concerted pieces in four parts for horns alone, or with oboes, at the conclusion of the hunt.

[58] See William Tans'ur Senior, _The Elements of Musick_ (London, 1772); Br. V. Dictionary under "Horn." Also Scale of Horn in the hand of Samuel Wesley; in Add. MS. 35011, fol. 166, Brit. Mus.

[59] A horn-player, Johann Theodor Zeddelmayer, was engaged in 1706 at the Saxon court at Weissenfels; see _Neue-Mitteilungen aus dem Gebiete histor. antiqu. Forschungen_, Bd. xv. (2) (Halle, 1882), p. 503; also Wilhelm Kleefeld, "Das Orchester der Hamburger Oper, 1678-1738," _Intern. Mus. Ges._, Smbd. i. 2, p. 280, where the appearance of the horn in the orchestras of Germany is traced.

[60] _Das neu-eroffnete Orchester_, i. 267.

[61] See Moritz Furstenau, _Zur Geschichte der Musik und des Theaters zu Dresden_ (Dresden, 1861-1862), vol. ii. p. 60.

[62] See "Carl Heinrich Graun als Opernkomponist," by Albert Mayer-Reinach, _Intern. Mus. Ges._, Smbd. i. 3 (Leipzig, 1900), pp. 516-517 and 523-524, where musical examples are given.

[63] Cf. Chrysander, _Haendel_, ii. 146.

[64] See Moritz Furstenau, _op. cit._ ii. 58.

[65] See Ludwig von Kochel, _Die kaiserliche Hofkappelle in Wien_ (Vienna, 1869), p. 80.

[66] See Victor Mahillon, _Catalogue descriptif_, vol. ii. No. 1160, p. 389.

[67] _Op. cit._ ii. 60.

[68] The Department of State Archives for Saxony in Dresden possesses no documents which can throw any light upon this point, but, through the courtesy of the director, the following facts have been communicated. Two documents concerning Anton Joseph Hampel are extant: (1) An application by his son, Johann Michael Hampel, to the elector Friedrich August III. of Saxony, dated Dresden, April 3, 1771, in which he prays that the post of his father as horn-player in the court orchestra--in which he had already served as deputy for his invalid father--may be awarded to him. (2) A petition from the widow, Aloisia Ludevica Hampelin, to the elector, bearing the same date (April 3, 1771), wherein she announces the death of her husband on the 30th of March 1771, who had been in the service of the house of Saxony thirty-four years as horn-player, and prays for the grant of a monthly pension for herself and her three delicate daughters, as she finds herself in the most unfortunate circumstances. There is no allusion in either letter to any musical merit of the deceased.

[69] There is an instrument of this early type, supposed to date from the middle of the 18th century, in Paul de Wit's fine collection of musical instruments formerly in Leipzig and now transferred to Cologne; see _Katalog_, No. 645, p. 148.

[70] See _Dictionnaire de l'acad. des beaux arts_, vol. iv. (Paris), article "Cor."

[71] See Dr Gustav Schilling, _Universal Lexikon der Tonkunst_ (Stuttgart, 1840), Bd. vi., "Trompete"; also Capt. C. R. Day, pp. 139 and 151, where the term _Invention_ is quite misunderstood and misapplied. See Gottfried Weber in _Caecilia_ (Mainz, 1835), Bd. xvii.

[72] Gerber in the first edition of his _Lexikon_ does not mention Hampel or award him a separate biographical article; we may therefore conclude that he was not personally acquainted with him, although Hampel was still a member of the electoral orchestra in Dresden during Gerber's short career in Leipzig. In the edition of 1812 Gerber renders him full justice.

[73] _Vollstandige theoretisch-praktische Musikschule_ (Bonn, 1811), pt. iii. p. 7.

[74] See Victor Mahillon, "Le Cor," p. 28; Chladni, _op. cit._ p. 87.

[75] See Frohlich, _op. cit._ 7; and Gerber, _Lexikon_ (ed. 1812), p. 493; "Le Cor," pp. 34 and 53.

[76] See Praetorius and Mersenne, _op. cit._; the latter gives an illustration of the trumpet mute.

[77] _Methode de premier et de second cor_ (Paris, c. 1807). The passage in question was discovered and courteously communicated by Hofrat P. E. Richter of the Royal Library, Dresden. There is no copy of Domnich's work in the British Museum.

[78] See William Tans'ur Senior, _op. et loc. cit._

[79] See _Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung_ (Leipzig), Nov. 1802, p. 158, and Jan. 1803, p. 245; and E. Hanslick, _Geschichte des Concertwesens in Wien_ (Vienna, 1869), p. 119.

[80] See _Allgem. mus. Ztg._, 1815, p. 844.

[81] "Le Cor," pp. 34-35.

[82] See the description of the instrument and of other attempts to obtain the same result by Gottfried Weber, "Wichtige Verbesserung des Horns" in _Allg. musik. Ztg._ (Leipzig, 1812), pp. 758, &c.; also 1815, pp. 637 and 638 (the regent or keyed bugle).

[83] See _Allg. musik. Ztg._, 1815, May, p. 309, the first announcement of the invention in a paragraph by Captain G. B. Bierey.

[84] _Ibid._, 1817, p. 814, by F. Schneider, and Dec. p. 558; 1818, p. 531. An announcement of the invention and of a patent granted for the same for ten years, in which Blumel is for the first time associated with Stolzel as co-inventor. See also _Caecilia_ (Mainz, 1835), Bd. xvii. pp. 73 seq., with illustrations, an excellent article by Gottfried Weber on the valve horn and valve trumpet.

[85] For a very complete exposition of the operation of valves in the horn, and of the mathematical proportions to be observed in construction, see Victor Mahillon's "Le Cor," also the article by Gottfried Weber in _Caecilia_ (1835), to which reference was made above. A list of horn-players of note during the 18th century is given by C. Gottlieb Murr in _Journal f. Kunstgeschichte_ (Nuremberg, 1776), vol. ii. p. 27. See also a good description of the style of playing of the virtuoso J. Nisle in 1767 in Schubart, _Aesthetik d. Tonkunst_, p. 161, and _Leben u. Gesinnungen_ (1791), Bd. ii. p. 92; or in L. Schiedermair, "Die Blutezeit d. Ottingen-Wallensteinschen Hofkapelle," _Intern. Mus. Ges._ Smbd. ix. (1), 1907, pp. 83-130.

HORNBEAM (_Carpinus betulus_), a member of a small genus of trees of the natural order Corylaceae. The Latin name _Carpinus_ has been thought to be derived from the Celtic _car_, wood, and _pin_ or _pen_, head, the wood of hornbeams having been used for yokes of cattle (see Loudon, _Ency. of Pl._ p. 792, new ed. 1855, and Littre, Dict. ii. 556). The common hornbeam, or yoke-elm, _Carpinus betulus_ (Ger. _Hornbaum_ and _Hornbuche_, Fr. _charme_), is indigenous in the temperate parts of western Asia and of Asia Minor, and in Europe, where it ranges as high as 55 deg. and 56 deg. N. lat. It is common in woods and hedges in parts of Wales and of the south of England. The trunk is usually flattened, and twisted as though composed of several stems united; the bark is smooth and light grey; and the leaves are in two rows, 2 to 3 in. long, elliptic-ovate, doubly toothed, pointed, numerously ribbed, hairy below and opaque, and not glossy as in the beech, have short stalks and when young are plaited. The stipules of the leaves act as protecting scale-leaves in the winter-bud and fall when the bud opens in spring. The flowers appear with the leaves in April and May. The male catkins are about 1(1/2) in. long, and have pale-yellow anthers, bearing tufts of hairs at the apex; the female attain a length in the fruiting stage of 2 to 4 in., with bracts 1 to 1(1/2) in. long. The green and angular fruit or "nut" ripens in October; it is about 1/4 in. in length, is in shape like a small chestnut, and is enclosed in leafy, 3-lobed bracts. The hornbeam thrives well on stiff, clayey, moist soils, into which its roots penetrate deeply; on chalk or gravel it does not flourish. Raised from seed it may become a tree 40 to as much as 70 ft. in height, greatly resembling the beech, except in its rounder and closer head. It is, however, rarely grown as a timber-tree, its chief employment being for hedges. "In the single row," says Evelyn (_Sylva_, p. 29, 1664), "it makes the noblest and the stateliest _hedges_ for long Walks in Gardens or _Parks_, of any Tree whatsoever whose leaves are _deciduous_." As it bears clipping well, it was formerly much used in geometric gardening. The branches should not be lopped in spring, on account of their tendency to bleed at that season. The wood of the hornbeam is white and close-grained, and polishes ill, is of considerable tenacity and little flexibility, and is extremely tough and hard to work--whence, according to Gerard, the name of the tree. It has been found to lose about 8% of its weight by drying. As a fuel it is excellent; and its charcoal is much esteemed for making gunpowder. The inner part of the bark of the hornbeam is stated by Linnaeus to afford a yellow dye. In France the leaves serve as fodder. The tree is a favourite with hares and rabbits, and the seedlings are apt to be destroyed by mice. Pliny (_Nat. Hist._