ii. 1 and 2), the language of which offers remarkable resemblances to

Etruscan, especially in the phrase _sial[ch]veiz aviz_ (? = "fifty years old"); cf. Etr. _ceal[ch]us avils_ (? "twenty years old"); and the pair of endings _-ezi, -ale_ in consecutive words; cf. Etr. _lar[t]iale hul[ch]niesi_; the style of the sculptural figure has also parallels in the oldest type of Etruscan monuments. The alphabet of this inscription is identical (Kirchhoff, _Stud. Griech. Alphab._, 4th ed., p. 54) with that of the older group of Phrygian inscriptions, which mention King Midas and are therefore older than 620 B.C. With this should be combined the fact that a marked peculiarity of the South-Etruscan alphabet ([up arrow] = f, but earlier = the Greek _digamma_) has demonstrably arisen out of [glyph] = q on Phrygian soil, see _Class. Rev._ xii., 1898, p. 462. Despite the reasonable but not unanswerable difficulty of Kretschmer (_Einleitung in d. Geschichte d. griech. Sprache_, 1896, p. 240), the weight of the evidence appears to be distinctly in favour of the Etruscan character of the language, and Pauli's view is now generally accepted by students of Etruscan; hence the inclusion of the inscription in the _Corpus Inscc. Etruscarum_.

4. The first attempt to interpret Etruscan inscriptions was made by Phil. Buonarroti (_Explic. et conject. ad monum._ &c., Florence, 1726), who, as was almost inevitable at that epoch, tried to explain the language as a dialect of Latin. But no real study was possible before the determination of the alphabet by Lepsius (_Inscc. Umbr. et Oscae_, Leipzig, 1841), and his discovery that five of the Tables of Iguvium (q.v.), though written in Etruscan alphabet, contained a language akin to Latin but totally different from Etruscan, though some of the non-Italic peculiarities of Etruscan had been already pointed out by Ottfried Mueller (_Die Etrusker_, Breslau, 1828). The earliest inscriptions, e.g. the terra-cotta stele of Capua of the 5th century B.C., are written in "serpentine boustrophedon," but in its common form of the 3rd century B.C. the alphabet is retrograde, and has the following nineteen letters:--

[19 glyphs here are aligned with the letters below] a, c, e, v, z, h, [theta], i, l, m, n, p, s', r, s, t, u, [chi], f

On older monuments [glyph] = k occurs as an archaic form of c; [glyph] = q; [glyph], a sibilant of some kind; and [glyph] = [glyph], this last mostly in foreign words. In the earlier monuments the cross-bars of e and v and h have a more decidedly oblique inclination, and s is often angular ([glyph]). The mediae b, g, d, though they often occur in words handed down by writers as Etruscan, are never found in the Etruscan inscriptions, though the presence of the mediae in the Umbrian and Oscan alphabets and in the abecedaria shows that they existed in the earliest form of the Etruscan alphabet, O is very rare. The form [glyph] (earlier [two glyphs] ) = f in south Etruscan and Faliscan inscriptions should also be mentioned. Its combination with [glyph] h shows that it had once served to denote the sound of digamma just as Latin F. The varieties of the alphabet in use between the Apennines and the Alps were first examined by Mommsen (_Inschriften nord-etruskischen Alphabets_, 1853), and have since been discussed by Pauli (_Altitalische Forschungen_, 1885-1894, esp. vol. iii., _Die Veneter_, p. 218, where other references will be found, see also VENETI).

5. The determination of the alphabet was followed by a large number of different attempts to explain the Etruscan forms from words in some other language to which it was supposed that Etruscan might be akin; Scandinavian and Basque and Semitic have been tried among the rest. These attempts, however ingenious, have all proved fruitless; even the latest and least fanciful (_Remarques sur le parente de la langue etrusque_, Copenhagen, 1899; _Bulletin de l'Academie Royale des Sciences et des Lettres de Danemark_, 1899, p. 373), in which features of some living dialects of the Caucasus are cautiously compared by Prof. V. Thomsen (as independently by Pauli, see Sec. 12), is at the best premature, and as to the numerals probably misleading. Worst of all was the effort of W. Corssen (_Die Sprache der Etrusker_, 1875), in whom learning and enthusiasm were combined with loose methods of both epigraphy and grammar, to revive the view of Buonarroti. The only solid achievement in the period of Corssen's influence (1860-1880) was the description of the works of art (tombs, vases, mirrors and the like) from the different centres of Etruscan population; Dennis's _Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria_ (1st ed., 1848; 2nd, 1878) contributes something even to the study of the language, because many of the figures in the scenes sculptured or engraved bear names in Etruscan form (e.g. _usils_, "sun"; or "of the sun," on the _templum_ of Placentia; _fufluns_;, "Bacchus"; _tu[ch]ul[ch]a_, a demon or fury; see Dennis, _Cities_, 2nd ed., frontispiece, and p. 354).

6. The reaction against Corssen's method was led first by W. Deecke, _Corssen und die Sprache der Etrusker_ (1876), _Etruskische Forschungen_ (1875-1880), and continued by Carl Pauli at first jointly with Deecke and afterwards singly with greater power (_Etruskische Studien_, 1873), _Etr. Forschungen u. Studien_ (Goettingen-Stuttgart, 1881-1884), _Altitalische Studien_ (Hanover, 1883-1887); _Altitalische Forschungen_ (Leipzig, 1885-1894). Of the work achieved during the last generation by him and the few but distinguished scholars associated with him (Danielsson, Schaefer, Skutsch and Torp) it may perhaps be said that, though the positive knowledge yet reaped is scanty, so much has been done in other ways that the prospect is full of promise. In the first place, the only sound method of dealing with an unknown language, that of interpreting the records of the language by their own internal evidence in the first instance (not by the use of imaginary parallels in better known languages whose kinship with the problematic language is merely assumed), has been finally established and is now followed even by scholars like Elia Lattes, who still retain some affection for the older point of view. By this means enough certainty has been obtained on many characteristic features of the language to bring about a general recognition of the fact that Etruscan, if we put aside its borrowings from the neighbouring dialects of Italy, is in no sense an Indo-European language. In the second place, the great undertaking of the _Corpus Inscriptionum Etruscarum_, founded by Carl Pauli, with the support of the Berlin Academy, conducted by him from 1893 till his death in 1901, and continued by Danielsson, Herbig and Torp, for the first time provided a sound basis for the study in a text of the inscriptions, edited with care and arranged according to their provenance. The first volume contains over four thousand inscriptions from the northern half of Etruria. Thirdly, the discoveries of recent years have richly increased the available material, especially by two documents each of some length. (1) The 5th-century stele of terra-cotta from S. Maria di Capua already cited, published by Buecheler in _Rhein. Museum_, (lv., 1900, p. 1) and now in the Royal Museum at Berlin, is the longest Etruscan inscription yet found. Its best preserved part contains some two hundred words of continuous text, and is divided into paragraphs, of which the third may be cited in the reading approved by Danielsson and Torp, and with the division of words adopted by Torp (in his _Bemerkungen zur etrusk. Inschr. von S. Maria di Capua_, Christiania, 1905), to which the student may be referred. "isvei tule ilucve, an pris laruns ilucu[t]u[ch], nun: ti[t]uaial [ch]ues [ch]a[t]c(e) anulis mulu rizile, ziz riin puiian acasri, ti-m an tule, le[t]am sul; ilucu-per pris an ti, ar vus; ta aius, nun[t]eri." (2) The linen wrappings of an Egyptian mummy (of the Ptolemaic period) preserved in the Agram museum were observed to show on their inner surface some writing, which proved to be Etruscan and to contain more than a thousand words of largely continuous text (Krall, "Die etruskischen Mumienbinden des Agramer. Museums," _Denkschr. d. k. Akad. d. Wissenschaften_, 41, Vienna, 1892). The writing has probably nothing to do with the mummy as it is on the inner surface of the bands, and these are torn fragments of the original book. The alphabet is of about the 3rd century B.C.

7. From the recurrence of a number of particular formulae with frequent numerals at intervals, the book seems to be a liturgical document. Torp has pointed out that the two documents have some forty words in common, and, with Lattes ("Primi Apprenti sulla grande iscriz. Etrusca," &c., in _Rendic. d. Reale Inst. Lomb._, serie ii. vol. xxxviii., 1900, p. 345 ff.), has shown that both contain lists of offerings made to certain gods (among them Suri, Le[t]am, and Calu); and Skutsch (_Rhein. Mus._ 56, 1901, p. 639) has added a plausible conjecture as to the occasions of the offerings, based on the phrase "fler[ch]va ne[t]unsl" "Neptuni statua" (or "statuae pars"); Torp has made it very probable that the words _vacl_ (or _vacil_) and _nun_, which recur at regular intervals in both, mean "address," "recite," "pray," or the like, preceding or following spoken parts of the ritual.

8. Along with the growth of the material, some positive increase in knowledge of the language has been attained. Independently of the work done upon particular inscriptions, such as that which has just been described, a considerable addition has come from the elaborate study of Latin proper names already mentioned by Prof. W. Schulze of Berlin (_Zur Geschichte lateinischer Eigennamen_, Berlin, 1904), which has incidentally embodied and somewhat extended the points of Etruscan nomenclature previously observed. The chief results for our purpose may be briefly stated. It will be convenient to use the following terms:--

(1) _praenomen_ = personal name of the individual.

e.g. _Vel_ or _Lar_ of a man, _Lar[t]i_ or _[t]ana_ of a woman.

(2) _nomen_ = family name.

e.g. _Tite_ or _Vipi_ or _Tetna_, of men. _Titi_ or _Vipinei_ or _Tetinei_, of women.

(3) _cognomen_ = additional family name.

e.g. _Faru_ or _Petru_ of men, _Farui, Vetui_ of women.

(4) _agnomen_ = special cognomen derived from the cognomen of the father.

e.g. _Hanusa_ (in Latin spelling _Hannossa_) or _Pultusa_ (also _Pultus_) of a man; _Hanunia_ of a woman.

All these are commonly in the "nominative" (as the examples just quoted from Schulze, pp. 316-327) in sepulchral inscriptions.

Besides these, we have certain other descriptions used in forms which may be called a "genitive-dative" case, or a "derivative possessive" Adjective. These may be entitled:--

(5) _paternum_ (a) = praenomen of father, used generally after the _nomen_ of son or daughter.

e.g. _arn[t]al_ "of _Arn[t]_." more commonly simply _ar_, so _ls_ for _Laris-al_, to which _clan_ "son," often abbreviated _c_, and _se[ch]_ or _sec_ (abbrev. _s_) "daughter," are sometimes added.

_paternum (b) = nomen_ of father, used only after the _praenomen_ of a daughter (e.g. _[t]ana vel[t]urnas_, "Thana daughter of Velthurna"), to which _se[ch]_ "daughter," often abbreviated _s_, is sometimes added.

(6) _maternum_ (a) = nomen of mother.

e.g. _pumpunial_, "of Pumpuni" (in Lat. form _Pomponia_); _alfnal_ "of Alfnei" (Lat. _Alfia_); _hetarias_, "of Hetaria."

_maternum_ (b) = cognomen of mother.

e.g. _vetnal_, "of Vetui," or "of Vetonia," _hesual_, "of Hesui."

_maternum_ (c) = agnomen of mother.

e.g. _cumerunias_, "of Cumerunia," i.e. "of a daughter of the _cumeru_-family."

(7) _maritale_--(i.) _nomen_, or (ii.) _cognomen_, or (iii.) _agnomen_ of husband, used directly after the _nomen_ of the wife, the word _puia_, "wife," being often added.

e.g. (i.) _lar[t]i cencui larcnasa_, "Larthia Cenconia, wife of a Largena"; (ii.) _lar[t]ia pulfnei spaspusa_, "Larthia Pulfennia, wife of a Spaspo"; this form being the same as that used for the _agnomen_ of a man (see above)--(iii.) _hastia cainei leusla_, "Hastia Caia, wife of a son of a Leo"; and with a longer and possibly not synonymous form of suffix, _[t]ania titi latinial sec hanuslisa_, "Thania Titia, daughter of Latinia, wife of a Hanusa"--these secondary derivatives in _-sla_, &c., being an example of what is called _genetivus genetivi_, a characteristic Etruscan formation, not confined to this feminine use.

These examples will probably enable the reader to interpret the great mass of the names on Etruscan tombs. It should be added (1) that no clear distinction can be drawn between the use of the _cognomina_ and the _nomina_, though it is probable that in origin the _cognomen_ came from some family connected with the gens by marriage; and (2) that the _praenomen_ generally comes first, but sometimes second (especially when both _nomen_ and _praenomen_ are added in the genitive to the name of a son or daughter).

9. The examples given illustrate also the few principles of inflexion and word-formation that are reasonably certain, for example, the various "genitival" endings. Those in _-s_ and _-l_ are also found in dedications where in Latin a dative would be used:--e.g. (_mi_) _[t]upl[t]as alpan turce_ "(hoc) deae Thupelthae donum dedit," where _turce_ shows the only verbal inflection yet certainly known; cf. _amce_, "was," _arce_, "made," _zilacnuce_, "held the office of a _Zila[ch]_," _lupuce_, "passed away." More important are the formative principles which the proper names display. Endings _-a, -u, -e_ and _-na_ are common in the "Nominative"--and in Etruscan there appears to be no distinction between this case and the Accusative--of men's names; the endings _-i, -ei, -nei, -nia_ and _-unia_ are among the commonest for women's names. But no trace of gender has yet been observed in common nouns or adjectives. Nor is it always easy to distinguish a "Case" from a noun-stem. The women's names corresponding to the men's names in _-u_ are sometimes _-ui_, sometimes _-nei_, sometimes longer forms (_ves-acnei_, beside _ves-u, hanunia_ from _hanu_). And the so-called Genitives can themselves be inflected, as we have seen. The form _ne[t]unsl_ "of Neptune," may even have swallowed up the nominatival _-s_ of the Italic _Neptunus_.

10. In view of the protracted discussion as to the numerals and the dice on which the first six are written, it should be added that only the following points are certain: (1) that _ma[ch]_ = one; (2) that the next five numbers are somehow represented by _ci, [t]u, hu[t], sa_ and _zal_; (3) and the next three somehow by _cezp-, sem[ph]-_ and _muv_; (4) that the suffix _-al[ch]-_ denotes the tens, or some of them, e.g. _ceal[ch]-_ beside _ci_ (? 50 and 5); (5) that the suffix _-z_ or _-s_ is multiplicative (_es(a)ls_ from _zal_). It is almost certain that _zal_ must mean either 2 or 6, and of these a stronger case can, perhaps, be made for the latter meaning. _Zathrum_ appears to be the corresponding ten (? 60). Skutsch's article in _Indogerm. Forschungen_, v. p. 256, remains the best account.

In close connexion with the numerals on sepulchral inscriptions appear the words _ril_, "old, aged," _avils_, "annorum," or "aetatis," and _tivr_, "month" (from _tiv_, "moon").

11. Schulze has shown (e.g., p. 410) that a large number of familiar endings (e.g. those which when Latinized become _-acius, -alius, -annius, -arius, -asius, -atius, -avus, -avius, -ax_, and a similar series with _-o-, -ocius_, &c.), and further those with the elements, _-lno-_, _-lino-, -enna, -eno-, -tern-, -turn-, -tric-_, &c., exhibit different methods by which _nomina_ were built up from _praenomina_ in Etruscan. Finally it is of considerable historical importance to observe that a great mass of the _praenomina_ used for this purpose are clearly of Italic origin, e.g. _Helva, Barba, Vespa, Nero, Pedo_, from all of which (and many more) there are derivatives which at one stage or other were certainly or probably Etruscan. It is this incorporation of Italic elements into the Etruscan nomenclature--itself a familiar and inevitable feature of the pirate-type of conquest and settlement, under which many women who bear and nurse and first name the children belong to the conquered race--that has entrapped so many scholars into the delusion that the language itself was Indo-European.

12. So far the language has been discussed without any reference to ethnology. But the facts stated above in regard to the extension of the language in space and time are clearly adverse to the hypothesis that it came into Italy from the north, and fully bear out Livy's account (v. 33. 11) that the Etruscans of the Alpine valleys had been driven into that isolation by the invasion of the Gauls (beginning about 400 B.C.). And the accumulating evidence of a connexion with Asia Minor (see e.g. above Sec. 3) justifies confidence in the unbroken testimony of every Roman writer, which cannot but represent the traditions of the Etruscans themselves, and the evidence of similar traditions from the Asiatic side given by Herodotus (i. 97) to the effect that they came to Italy by sea from Lydia. Against this there has never been anything to set but the silence of "the Lydian historian Xanthus" (Dion. Hal. i. 28; cf. 30) who may have had many excellent reasons for it other than a disbelief of the tradition, and of whom in any case we know nothing save the vague commendation of Dionysius. And it is not merely the miscellanies of Athenaeus (e.g. xii. 519) but the unimpeachable testimony of the Umbrian Plautus (_Cistellaria_, 2. 3. 19), singularly neglected since Dennis's day, that convicts the Etruscans of an institution practised by the Lydians and other non-Indo-European peoples of Asia Minor, but totally repugnant to all the peoples among whom the Etruscans moved in their western settlement. The reader may be referred to Dennis's introductory chapter for a very serviceable collection of the other ancient testimony as to their origin. In the present state of our knowledge of the language it is best to disregard its apparent or alleged resemblances to various features of various Caucasian dialects pointed out by Thomsen (see above) and Pauli (_Altit. Forsch._ ii. 2, p. 147 ff.), and to acquiesce in Kretschmer's (_op. cit._ p. 408) _non liquet_ as to the particular people of Asia Minor from whom the Etruscans sprang. But meanwhile it is clear that such evidence as has been obtained by epigraphic and linguistic research is not in any sense hostile but distinctly favourable to the tradition of their origin which they themselves must have maintained.

AUTHORITIES.--Beside those mentioned in the text, see Professor F. Skutsch's article "Etruskisch," in the new current (1908) edition of Pauly-Wissowa's _Encyclopaedia_; A. Torp's _Etruskische Beitraege_, and other shorter writings; E. Lattes's _Correzioni, giunte, postille al C. I. Etrusc._ (Florence, 1904), and his most valuable _Iscriz. paleolatine di provenienza Etrusca_ (1895); Schaefer's articles in Pauli's _Altitalische Studien_ (see above), and, with caution, Deecke's revision of Mueller's _Etrusker_ (Stuttgart, 1877). Some account of the relations of Etruscans with different Italic communities will be found in the relevant chapters of R.S. Conway's edition of the remains of _The Italic Dialects_ (1897). Newly discovered Etruscan inscriptions are regularly published in the _Notizie degli scavi di antichita_, the official Italian journal of excavations (published by the _Reale Accad. dei Lincei_, but procurable separately). Fabretti's _Corpus Inscc. Italicarum_ with its supplements was formerly useful, but in any doubtful reading its authority is worth little, and its commentary and glossary represent the epoch of Corssen. The regular contributions of Prof. Skutsch (under the general heading "Lateinische Sprache") to Vollmer's _Jahresbericht f. d. Fortschritte der romanischen Sprachwissenschaft_; and of Prof. Herbig to Bursian's _Jahresbericht ueber die Fortschritte der classischen Altertumswissenschaft_ will both be of service. The present writer is indebted to both Professor Skutsch and Professor Torp for valuable guidance and instruction. (R. S. C.)

FOOTNOTES:

[1] For Barnabei's excavations see Fausto Benedetti, _Gli Scavi di Narce ed il Museo di Villa Giulia_ (1900).

[2] For a further discussion see _ad fin._, section _Language_.

[3] See Pauli, _Altitalische Forschungen_, vol. i.; also sect. _Language_ (below).

[4] Cf. the contents of the graves found by Boni in the Roman Forum (_Notizie degli Scavi_, 1902, 1903, 1905) with the objects represented in the plates of Montelius, _La Civilisation primitive en Italie_, pt. i. For the cemeteries at Novilara cf. Brizio, _Monumenti antichi_, vol. v.

[5] [Greek: ten te Rhomen auten ton suggrapheon Tyrrenida polin einai hupelabon], Dion. Hal. i. 29; but see sect. _Language_ for meaning of [Greek: Tyrrenia].

[6] For the wars of the Greeks against the Carthaginians and the Etruscans see Busolt, _Griechische Geschichte_, ii. 218 ff.

[7] Pliny (_H.N._ xxxvii. 11). He says that amber was brought by the Germans down the valley of the Po. Thence the trade-route crossed the Apennines to Pisa (Scylax in _Geographi minores_, ed. Didot, i. p. 25). In the consideration of problems suggested by amber it is too often forgotten that a very beautiful dark amber is found in Sicily.

[8] Montelius, _Civilization primitive en Italie_, ii. pl. 265; cf. Petrie. _Naukratis_, i. pl. 20, fig. 15, and Perrot-Chipiez, _Histoire de l'art_, iii.

[9] _Monumenti dell' Inst. Arch. Rom._ x. pl. 31; _Museo Etrusco Vaticano_, i. pl. 63-69; cf. _Annali dell' Inst. Arch._, 1896, p. 199 ff.

[10] Vase with hieroglyphs found at Santa Marinella, _Bollettino dell' Inst. Arch._, 1841, p. 111; _Mon. antichi_, viii. p. 88.

[11] G. Dennis, _Cities and Cemeteries of Etruria_.

[12] Varro _ap._ Serv. _ad Aen._ viii. 526; see Helbig, _Bull. dell' Inst. Arch._ (1876), 227.

[13] Censorinus, _De Die Nat._ 17.

[14] See Preller, _Roem. Myth._ s.v. "Volcanus." Opposed to this see Wissowa, _Religion u. Kultus der Roemer_, who seems to misinterpret the evidence.

[15] Strabo v. 2. 39; cf. Livy i. 30; Dion. Hal. iii. 32.

[16] Nigidius Figulus _ap._ Arnob. _adv._ Nat. iii. 40; cf. _Nig. Fig. reliquiae_, ed. Ant. Swoboda (1888), p. 83.

[17] Montelius, _Civ. Prim. en Italie_.

[18] For an illustration of the Corneto tomb see ARCHITECTURE, vol. ii. p. 559.

[19] Appian viii. 66; Tertullian, _De spect._ 5; Plutarch, _Qu. Rom._ 107.

[20] Dion. Hal. vii. 72.

[21] Montelius, _Civ. Prim._ ii. pl. 172.

[22] Ib. pl. 333; cf. 343.

[23] Ib. pl. 166.

[24] Ib. pl. 173.

[25] _Monum. Ant_. xv. p. 151; _Bull. d. Com. Arch. di Roma_, 1898, p. 111.

[26] _Annali dell' Inst. Arch._, 1876, 230.

[27] Gerhard, _Etruskische Spiegel_; Koerte, _Rilievi delle urne Etrusche_.

[28] See Pottier, _Catalogue des vases antiques, II. L'Ecole Ionienne_, Boehlau, _Aus ionischen und italischen Nekropolen_; Karo, _De arte vascularia antiquissima_; Endt, _Ionische Vasenmalerei_. See further CERAMICS, Sec. Etruscan.

[29] Athen. i. 28.

[30] Martha, _L'Art etrusque_, pl. I, 4; _Bull. dell' Inst._ (1837) p. 46.

[31] Plutarch, _Camillus_, 12.

[32] Gerhard, _Etr. Spiegel_ (continued by Klugmann and Koerte).

[33] Mirrors of Greek style, Gerhard, 111, 112, 116, 240, 305, 352; Klugmann-Koerte, 107, 131, 160.

[34] See plates in Martha and in _Monumenti dell' Inst._, also _Mon. Ant._ iv. and Milani's _Studie materiali_.

[35] Juvenal v. 164; Ovid, _Am._ iii. 13. 25 ff.

[36] Pliny, _H.N._ xiv. 9; xvi. 216.

[37] From the Polledrara tomb at Vulci, Martha fig. 335.

[38] _Coll. Tyszkiewicz_, pl. 13.

[39] _Mon. dell' Inst._ vi. pl. 59, cf. _Annali_ (1861), p. 402; _Mon. Ant._ viii. pl. xiii.-xiv.

[40] _Mon. dell' Inst._ viii. pl. 20; Martha p. 347.

[41] Martha pp. 333, 348.

[42] See Koerte, _Rilievi delle urne Etrusche_.

[43] See _Mon. dell' Inst._ i. pl. 32-33, v. 16, 17, 33, 34, vi. 30-32, 79, viii. 36, ix. 13-15; Micali, _Mon. Ined._ pl. 58. Cf. Helbig, _Annali_ (1863) p. 336, (1870) pp. 5-74; Brunn, ib. (1866), p. 442.

[44] Mommsen, _Roem. Muenzwesen_; G.F. Hill, _Handbook of Greek and Roman Coins_; Deecke, _Etruskische Forschungen_; also article NUMISMATICS.

ETTENHEIM, a town of Germany, in the grand-duchy of Baden, pleasantly situated on the Ettenbach, under the western slope of the Black Forest, 7 m. E. from the Rhine by rail. Pop. (1900) 3106. It has a handsome Roman Catholic church, with ceiling frescoes, and containing the tomb of Cardinal Rohan, the last prince bishop of Strassburg, who resided here from 1790 till 1803; a Protestant church and a medieval town-hall. Its industries include the manufacture of tobacco, soap and leather, and there is a considerable trade in wine and agricultural produce. Founded in the 8th century by Eddo, bishop of Strassburg, Ettenheim remained attached to that see until 1802, when it passed to Baden. Louis Antoine Henri de Bourbon-Conde, duke of Enghien (1772-1804), who had taken refuge here in 1801, was arrested in Ettenheim on the 15th of March 1804 and conveyed to Paris, where he was shot on the 20th of March following. The Benedictine abbey of Ettenheimmuenster, which was founded in the 8th century and which was dissolved in 1803, occupied a site south of the town.

ETTINGSHAUSEN, CONSTANTIN, BARON VON (1826-1897), Austrian geologist and botanist, was born in Vienna on the 16th of June 1826. He graduated as a doctor of medicine in Vienna, and became in 1854 professor of botany and natural history at the medical and surgical military academy in that city. In 1871 he was chosen professor of botany at Graz, a position which he occupied until the close of his life. He was distinguished for his researches on the Tertiary floras of various parts of Europe, and on the fossil floras of Australia and New Zealand. He died at Graz on the 1st of February 1897.

PUBLICATIONS.--_Die Farnkraeuter der Jetztwelt zur Untersuchung und Bestimmung der in den Formationen der Erdrinde eingeschlossenen Ueberreste von vorweltlichen Arten dieser Ordnung nach dem Flaechen-Skelet bearbeitet_ (1865); _Physiographie der Medicinal-Pflanzen_ (1862); _A Monograph of the British Eocene Flora_ (with J. Starkie Gardner), Palaeontograph. Soc. vol. i. (Filices, 1879-1882).

ETTLINGEN, a town of Germany, in the grand-duchy of Baden, on the Alb, and the railway Mannheim-Basel, 41/2 m. S. of Karlsruhe. Pop. (1905) 8040. It is still surrounded by old walls and ditches, and presents a medieval and picturesque appearance. Among its more striking edifices are an old princely residence, with extensive grounds, an Evangelical and two Roman Catholic churches, and the buildings of a former monastery. There are also many Roman remains, notable among them the "Neptune" sculpture, now embedded in the wall of the town-hall. Its chief manufactures are paper-making, spinning, weaving and machine building. The cultivation of wine and fruit is also largely carried on, and in these products considerable trade is done.

The first notice of Ettlingen dates from the 8th century. It became a town in 1227 and was presented by the emperor Frederick II. to the margrave of Baden. In 1689 it was pillaged by the French, and near the town Moreau defeated the archduke Charles on the 9th and 10th of July 1796.

See Schwarz, _Geschichte der Stadt Ettlingen_ (Carlsruhe, 1900).

ETTMUeLLER, ERNST MORITZ LUDWIG (1802-1877), German philologist, was born at Gersdorf near Loebau, in Saxony, on the 5th of October 1802. He was privately educated by his father, the Protestant pastor of the village, entered the gymnasium at Zittau in 1816 and studied from 1823 to 1826 at the university of Leipzig. After a period of about two years during which he was partly abroad and partly at Gersdorf, he proceeded to Jena, where in 1830 he delivered, under the auspices of the university, a course of lectures on the old Norse poets. Three years later he was called to occupy the mastership of German language and literature at the Zuerich gymnasium; and in 1863 he left the gymnasium for the university, with which he had been partially connected twenty years before. He died at Zuerich in April 1877. To the study of English Ettmueller contributed by an alliterative translation of Beowulf (1840), an Anglo-Saxon chrestomathy entitled _Engla and Seaxna scopas and boceras_ (1850), and a well-known _Lexicon Anglo-Saxonicum_ (1851), in which the explanations and comments are given in Latin, but the words unfortunately are arranged according to their etymological affinity, and the letters according to phonetic relations. He edited a large number of High and Low German texts, and to the study of the Scandinavian literatures he contributed an edition of the _Voeluspa_ (1831), a translation of the _Lieder der Edda von den Nibelungen_ (1837) and an old Norse reading book and vocabulary. He was also the author of a _Handbuch der deutschen Literaturgeschichte_ (1847), which includes the treatment of the Anglo-Saxon, the Old Scandinavian, and the Low German branches; and he popularized a great deal of literary information in his _Herbstabende und Winternaechte: Gespraeche ueber Dichtungen und Dichter_ (1865-1867). The alliterative versification which he admired in the old German poems he himself employed in his _Deutsche Stammkoenige_ (1844) and _Das verhaengnissvolle Zahnweh, oder Karl der Grosse und der Heilige Goar_ (1852).

ETTMUeLLER, MICHAEL (1644-1683), German physician, was born at Leipzig on the 26th of May 1644, studied at his native place and at Wittenberg, and after travelling in Italy, France and England was recalled in 1668 to Leipzig, where he was admitted a member of the faculty of medicine in 1676. About the same time the university confided to him the chair of botany, and appointed him extraordinary professor of surgery and anatomy. He died on the 9th of March 1683, at Leipzig. He enjoyed a great reputation as a lecturer, and wrote many tracts on medical and chemical subjects. His collected works were published in 1708 by his son, Michael Ernst Ettmueller (1673-1732), who was successively professor of medicine (1702), anatomy and surgery (1706), physiology (1719) and pathology (1724) at Leipzig.

ETTRICK, a river and parish of Selkirkshire, Scotland. The river rises in Capel Fell (2223 ft.), a hill in the extreme S.W. of the shire, and flows in a north-easterly direction for 32 m. to its junction with the Tweed, its principal affluent being the Yarrow. In the parish of Ettrick were born James Hogg, the "Ettrick shepherd" (the site of the cottage being marked by a monument erected in 1898), Tibbie (Elizabeth) Shiel (1782-1878), keeper of the famous inn at the head of St Mary's Loch, both of whom are buried in the churchyard, and Thomas Boston (1713-1767), one of the founders of the Relief church. About 2 m. below Ettrick church is Thirlestane Castle, the seat of Lord Napier and Ettrick, a descendant of the Napiers of Merchiston, and beside it is the ruin of the stronghold that belonged to John Scott of Thirlestane, to whom, in reward for his loyalty, James V. granted a sheaf of spears as a crest, and the motto, "Ready, aye ready." Two miles up Rankle Burn, a right-hand tributary, lies the site of Buccleuch, another stronghold of the Scotts, which gave them the titles of earl (1619) and duke (1663). Only the merest fragment remains of Tushielaw tower, occupying high ground opposite the confluence of the Rankle and the Ettrick, the home of Adam Scott, "King of the Border," who was executed for his misdeeds in 1530. Lower down the dale is Deloraine, recalling one of the leading characters in _The Lay of the Last Minstrel_. If the name come from the Gaelic _dail Orain_, "Oran's field," the district was probably a scene of the labours of St Oran (d. 548), an Irish saint and friend of Columba. It seems that Sir Walter Scott's rhythm has caused the accent wrongly to be laid on the last, instead of the penultimate syllable. Carterhaugh, a corruption of Carelhaugh, occupying the land where Ettrick and Yarrow meet, was the scene of the ballad of "Young Tamlane," and of the historic football match in 1815, under the auspices of the duke of Buccleuch, between the burghers of Selkirk, championed by Walter Scott, sheriff of the Forest (not yet a baronet), and the men of Yarrow vale, championed by the Ettrick shepherd.

ETTY, WILLIAM (1787-1849), British painter, was born at York, on the 10th of March 1787. His father had been in early life a miller, but had finally established himself in the city of York as a baker of spice-bread. After some scanty instruction of the most elementary kind, the future painter, at the age of eleven and a half, left the paternal roof, and was bound apprentice in the printing-office of the _Hull Packet_. Amid many trials and discouragements he completed his term of seven years' servitude, and having in that period come by practice, at first surreptitious, though afterwards allowed by his master "in lawful hours," to know his own powers, he removed to London.

The kindness of an elder brother and a wealthy uncle, William Etty, himself an artist, stood him in good stead. He commenced his training by copying without instruction from nature, models, prints, &c.--his first academy, as he himself says, being a plaster-cast shop in Cock Lane, Smithfield. Here he made a copy from an ancient cast of Cupid and Psyche, which was shown to Opie, and led to his being enrolled in 1807 as student of the Academy, whose schools were at that time conducted in Somerset House. Among his fellow scholars at this period of his career were some who in after years rose to eminence in their art, such as Wilkie, Haydon, Collins, Constable. His uncle generously paid the necessary fee of one hundred guineas, and in the summer of 1807 he was admitted to be a private pupil of Sir Thomas Lawrence, who was at the very acme of his fame. Etty himself always looked on this privilege as one of incalculable value, and till his latest day regarded Lawrence as one of the chief ornaments of British art. For some years after he quitted Sir Thomas's studio, even as late as 1816, the influence of his preceptor was traceable in the mannerism of his works. Though he had by this time made great progress in his art, his career was still one of almost continual failure, hardly cheered by even a passing ray of success. In 1811, after repeated rejections, he had the satisfaction of seeing his "Telemachus rescuing Antiope" on the walls of the Academy. It was badly hung, however, and attracted little notice. For the next five years he persevered with quiet and constant energy in overcoming the disadvantages of his early training with yearly growing success, and he was even beginning to establish something like a name when in 1816 he resolved to improve his knowledge of art by a journey to Italy. After an absence of three months, however, he was compelled to return home without having penetrated farther south than Florence. Struggles and vexations still continued to harass him, but he bore up against them with patient endurance and force of will. In 1820 his "Coral-finders," exhibited at the Royal Academy, attracted much attention, and its success was more than equalled by that of "Cleopatra's arrival in Cilicia," shown in the following year. In 1822 he again set out on a tour to Italy, taking Paris on his way, and astonishing his fellow-students at the Louvre by the rapidity and fidelity with which he copied from the old masters in that gallery. On arriving at Rome he immediately resumed his studies of the old masters, and elicited many expressions of wonder from his Italian fellow-artists for the same qualities which had gained the admiration of the French. Though Etty was duly impressed by the grand _chefs-d'oeuvre_ of Raphael and Michelangelo at Rome, he was not sorry to exchange that city for Venice, which he always regarded as the true home of art in Italy. His own style as a colourist held much more of the Venetian than of any other Italian school, and he admired his prototypes with a zeal and exclusiveness that sometimes bordered on extravagance.

Early in 1824 he returned home to find that honours long unjustly withheld were awaiting him. In that year he was made an associate of the Royal Academy, and in 1828 he was promoted to the full dignity of an Academician. In the interval between these dates he had produced the "Combat (Woman interceding for the Vanquished)," and the first of the series of three pictures on the subject of Judith, both of which ultimately came into the possession of the Scottish Academy. Etty's career was from this time one of slow but uninterrupted success. In 1830 he again crossed the channel with the view to another art tour through the continent; but he was overtaken in Paris by the insurrection of the Three Days, and was so much shocked by the sights he was compelled to witness in that time that he returned home with all convenient speed. During the next ten years of his life the zeal and unabated assiduity of his studies were not at all diminished. He was a constant attendant at the Academy Life School, where he used to work regularly along with the students, notwithstanding the remonstrances of some of his fellow-Academicians, who thought the practice undignified. The course of his studies was only interrupted by occasional visits to his native city, and to Scotland, where he was welcomed with the utmost enthusiasm, and _feted_ with the most gratifying heartiness by his brother-artists at Edinburgh. On the occasion of one of these visits he gave the finishing touches to his trio of Judiths. In 1840, and again in 1841, Etty undertook a pilgrimage to the Netherlands, to seek and examine for himself the masterpieces of Rubens in the churches and public galleries there. Two years later he once more visited France with a view to collecting materials for what he called "his last epic," his famous picture of "Joan of Arc." This subject, which would have tasked to the full even his great powers in the prime and vigour of manhood, proved almost too serious an undertaking for him in his old age. It exhibits, at least, amid great excellences, undeniable proofs of decay on the part of the painter; yet it brought a higher price than any of his earlier and more perfect works, L2500. In 1848, after completing this work, he retired to York, having realized a comfortable independence. One wish alone remained for him now to gratify; he desired to see a "gathering" of his pictures. With much difficulty and exertion he was enabled to assemble the great majority of them from various parts of the British Islands; and so numerous were they that the walls of the large hall he engaged in London for their exhibition were nearly covered. This took place in the summer of 1849; on the 13th of November of that same year he died. He received the honours of a public funeral in his native city.

Etty holds a secure place among English artists. His drawing was frequently incorrect, but in feeling and skill as a colourist he has few equals. His most conspicuous defects as a painter were the result of insufficient general culture and narrowness of sympathy.

See Etty's autobiography, published in the _Art Journal_ for 1849, and the _Life of William Etty, R.A._, by Gilchrist (2 vols., 1855).

ETYMOLOGY (Gr. [Greek: etymos], true, and [Greek: logos], account), that part or branch of the science of linguistics which deals with the origin or derivation of words. The Greek word [Greek: etymos], in so far as it was applied to words, referred to the real underlying meaning rather than to the origin. It was the Stoics who asserted that the discovery of [Greek: to etymon] would explain the essence of the things and ideas represented by words. Plato in the _Cratylus_ makes a nearer approach to the modern view when he connects, e.g. [Greek: gyne], woman, with [Greek: gone], seed, while he jests at such etymological feats as the derivation of [Greek: ouranos], heaven, [Greek: apo tou oran ta ano], from looking at things above, or [Greek: anthropos], man, from [Greek: ho anathron ha opopen], he who looks up at what he sees. Until the comparative study of philology and the development of the laws underlying phonetic changes, the derivation of words was a matter mostly of guess-work, sometimes right but more often wrong, based on superficial resemblances of form and the like. This popular etymology, to which the Germans have given the name _Volksetymologie_ or folk-etymology, has had much influence in the form which words take (e.g. "crawfish" or "crayfish," from the French _crevis_, modern _ecrevisse_, or "sand-blind," from _samblind_, i.e. semi-, half-blind), and has frequently been the occasion of homonyms. W.W. Skeat has embodied in certain canons or rules some well-known principles which should be observed in giving the etymology of a word; these may be usefully given here: "(1) Before attempting an etymology, ascertain the earliest form and use of the word, and observe chronology. (2) Observe history and geography; borrowings are due to actual contact. (3) Observe phonetic laws, especially those which regulate the mutual relation of consonants in the various Aryan languages, at the same time comparing the vowel sounds. (4) In comparing two words, A and B, belonging to the same language, of which A contains the lesser number of syllables, A must be taken to be the more original word, unless we have evidence of contraction or other corruption. (5) In comparing two words, A and B, belonging to the same language and consisting of the same number of syllables, the older form can usually be distinguished by observing the sound of the principal vowel. (6) Strong verbs, in the Teutonic languages, and the so-called "irregular verbs" in Latin, are commonly to be considered as primary, other related forms being taken from them. (7) The whole of a word, and not a portion only, ought to be reasonably accounted for; and, in tracing changes of form, any infringement of phonetic laws is to be regarded with suspicion. (8) Mere resemblances of form and apparent connexion in sense between languages which have different phonetic laws or no necessary connexion are commonly a delusion, and are not to be regarded. (9) When words in two different languages are more nearly alike than the ordinary phonetic laws would allow, there is a strong probability that one language has borrowed the word from the other. Truly cognate words ought not to be _too much_ alike. (10) It is useless to offer an explanation of an English word which will not also explain all the cognate forms" (Introduction to _Etymological Dictionary of the English Language_, 1898).

An English word is either "the extant formal representative or direct phonetic descendant of an earlier (Teutonic) word; or it has been _adopted_ or _adapted_ from some foreign language," adoption being a popular, and adaptation being a literary or learned process; finally, there is _formation_, i.e. the "combination of existing words (foreign or native) or parts of words with each other or with living formatives, i.e. syllables which no longer exist as separate words, but yet have an appreciable signification which they impart to the new product" (see Introduction to the Oxford _New English Dictionary_, p. xx). A further classification of words according to their origin is that into (1) naturals, i.e. purely native words, like "mother," "father," "house"; (2) those which become perfectly naturalized, though of foreign origin, like "cat," "mutton," "beef"; (3) denizens, words naturalized in usage but keeping the foreign pronunciation, spelling and inflections, e.g. "focus," "camera"; (4) aliens, words for foreign things, institutions, offices, &c., for which there is no English equivalent, e.g., _menu_, _table d'hote_, _impi_, _lakh_, _mollah_, _tarbush_; (5) casuals, e.g., _bloc_, _Ausgleich_, _sabotage_, differing only from "aliens" in their temporary use. The full etymology of a word should include the phonetic descent, the source of the word, whether from a native or from a foreign origin, and, if the latter, whether by adoption or adaptation, or, if a _formed_ word, the origin of the parts which go to make it up. In the present edition of the _Encyclopaedia Britannica_ such full etymologies, which would be necessary and in place in an etymological dictionary, have not been given in every instance, but brief etymological notes are appended, showing in outline the sources and history, and in many cases the development in meaning. (See also DICTIONARY.)

EU, a town of north-western France, in the department of Seine-Inferieure, on the river Bresle, 64 m. N.N.E. of Rouen on the Western railway, and 2 m. E.S.E. of Le Treport, at the mouth of the Bresle, which is canalized between the two towns. Pop. (1906) 4865. The extensive forest of Eu lies to the south-east of the town. Eu has three buildings of importance--the beautiful Gothic church of St Laurent (12th and 13th centuries) of which the exterior of the choir with its three tiers of ornamented buttressing and the double arches between the pillars of the nave are architecturally notable; the chapel of the Jesuit college (built about 1625), in which are the tombs of Henry, third duke of Guise, and his wife, Katherine of Cleves; and the chateau. The latter was begun by Henry of Guise in 1578, in place of an older chateau burnt by Louis XI. in 1475 to prevent its capture by the English. It was continued by Mademoiselle de Montpensier in the latter half of the 17th century, and restored by Louis Philippe who, in 1843 and 1845, received Queen Victoria within its walls. In 1902 the greater part of the building was destroyed by fire. The town has a tribunal of commerce and a communal college, flour-mills, manufactories of earthenware, biscuits, furniture, casks, and glass and brick works; the port has trade in grain, timber, hemp, flax, &c.

Eu (Augusta) was in existence under the Romans. The first line of its counts, supposed to be descended from the dukes of Normandy, had as heiress Alix (died 1227), who married Raoul (Ralph) de Lusignan, known as the Sire d'Issoudun from his lordship of that name. Through their grand-daughter Marie, the countship of Eu passed by marriage to the house of Brienne, two members of which, both named Raoul, were constables of France. King John confiscated the countship in 1350, and gave it to John of Artois (1352). His great-grandson, Charles, son of Philip of Artois, count of Eu, and Marie of Berry, played a conspicuous part in the Hundred Years' War. He was taken prisoner at the battle of Agincourt (1415), and remained in England twenty-three years, in accordance with the dying injunctions of Henry V. that he was not to be let go until his son, Henry VI., was of age to govern his dominions. He accompanied Charles VII. on his campaigns in Normandy and Guyenne, and was made lieutenant-general of these two provinces. It was he who effected a reconciliation between the king and the dauphin after the revolt of the latter. He was created a peer of France in 1458, and made governor of Paris during the war of the League of the Public Weal (1465). He died on the 15th of July 1472 at the age of about seventy-eight, leaving no children. His sister's son, John of Burgundy, count of Nevers, now received the countship, which passed through heiresses, in the 15th century, to the house of Cleves, and to that of Lorraine-Guise. In 1660 Henry II. of Lorraine, duke of Guise, sold it to "Mademoiselle," Anne Marie Louise d'Orleans, duchesse de Montpensier (q.v.), who made it over (1682) to the duke of Maine, bastard son of Louis XIV., as part of the price of the release of her lover Lauzun. The second son of the duke of Maine, Louis Charles de Bourbon (1701-1775), bore the title of count of Eu. In 1755 he inherited from his elder brother, Louis Auguste de Bourbon (1700-1755), prince de Dombes, great estates, part of which he sold to the king. The remainder, which was still considerable, passed to his cousin the duke of Penthievre. These estates were confiscated at the Revolution; but at the Restoration they were bestowed by Louis XVII. on the duchess-dowager of Orleans who, in 1821, bequeathed them to her son, afterwards King Louis Philippe. They were again confiscated in 1852, but were restored to the Orleans family by the National Assembly after the Franco-German War. The title of count of Eu was revived in the 19th century in favour of the eldest son of the duke of Nemours, second son of King Louis Philippe.

EUBOEA (pronounced _Evvia_ in the modern language), EURIPOS, or NEGROPONT, the largest island of the Grecian archipelago. It is separated from the mainland of Greece by the Euboic Sea. In general outline it is long and narrow; it is about 90 m. long, and varies in breadth from 30 m. to 4. Its general direction is from N.W. to S.E., and it is traversed throughout its length by a mountain range, which forms part of the chain that bounds Thessaly on the E., and is continued south of Euboea in the lofty islands of Andros, Tenos and Myconos. The principal peaks of this range are grouped in three knots which divide the island into three portions. Towards the north, opposite the Locrian territory, the highest peaks are Mts. Gaetsades (4436 ft.) and Xeron (3232 ft.). The former was famed in ancient times for its medicinal plants, and at its foot are the celebrated hot springs, near the town of Aedepsus (mod. Lipsos), called the Baths of Heracles, used, we are told, by the dictator L. Cornelius Sulla, and still frequented by the Greeks for the cure of gout, rheumatism and digestive disorders. These springs, strongly sulphurous, rise a short distance inland at several points, and at last pour steaming over the rocks, which they have yellowed with their deposit, into the Euboic Sea. Opposite the entrance of the Maliac Gulf is the promontory of Cenaeum, the highest point (2221 ft.) behind which is now called Lithada, a corruption of Lichades, the ancient name of the islands off the extremity of the headland. Here again we meet with the legends of Heracles, for this cape, together with the neighbouring coast of Trachis, was the scene of the events connected with the death of that hero, as described by Sophocles in the _Trachiniae_. Near the north-east extremity of the island, and almost facing the entrance of the Gulf of Pagasae, is the promontory of Artemisium, celebrated for the great naval victory gained by the Greeks over the Persians, 480 B.C. Towards the centre, to the N.E. of Chalcis, rises the highest of its mountains, Dirphys or Dirphe, now Mount Delphi (5725 ft.), the bare summit of which is not entirely free from snow till the end of May, while its sides are clothed with pines and firs, and lower down with chestnuts and planes. It is one of the most conspicuous summits of eastern Greece, and from its flanks the promontory of Chersonesus projects into the Aegean. At the southern extremity the highest mountain is Ocha, now called St Elias (4830 ft.). The south-western promontory was named Geraestus, the south-eastern Caphareus; the latter, an exposed point, attracts the storms, which rush between it and the neighbouring cliffs of Andros as through a funnel. The whole of the eastern coast is rocky and destitute of harbours, especially the part called Coela, or "the Hollows," where part of the Persian fleet was wrecked. So greatly was this dreaded by sailors that the principal line of traffic from the north of the Aegean to Athens used to pass by Chalcis and the Euboic Sea.

Euboea was believed to have originally formed part of the mainland, and to have been separated from it by an earthquake. This is the less improbable because it lies in the neighbourhood of a line of earthquake movement, and both from Thucydides and from Strabo we hear of the northern part of the island being shaken at different periods, and the latter writer speaks of a fountain at Chalcis being dried up by a similar cause, and a mud volcano formed in the neighbouring plain. Evidences of volcanic action are also traceable in the legends connected with Heracles at Aedepsus and Cenaeum, which here, as at Lemnos and elsewhere in Greece, have that origin. Its northern extremity is separated from the Thessalian coast by a strait, which at one point is not more than a mile and a half in width. In the neighbourhood of Chalcis, both to the north and the south, the bays are so confined as readily to explain the story of Agamemnon's fleet having been detained there by contrary winds. At Chalcis itself, where the strait is narrowest, it is called the Euripus, and here it is divided in the middle by a rock, on which formerly a castle stood. The channel towards Boeotia, which is now closed, is spanned by a stone bridge. The other, which is far the deeper of the two, is crossed by an iron swing-bridge, allowing for the passage of vessels. This bridge, which dates from 1896, replaced a smaller wooden swing-bridge erected in 1856. The extraordinary changes of tide which take place in this passage have been a subject of wonder from classical times. At one moment the current runs like a river in one direction, and shortly afterwards with equal velocity in the other. Strabo speaks of it as varying seven times in the day, but it is more accurate to say, with Livy, that it is irregular. A bridge was first constructed here in the twenty-first year of the Peloponnesian War, when Euboea revolted from Athens; and thus the Boeotians, whose work it was, contrived to make that country "an island to every one but themselves." The Boeotians by this means secured a powerful weapon of offence against Athens, being able to impede their supplies of gold and corn from Thrace, of timber from Macedonia, and of horses from Thessaly. The name Euripus was corrupted during the middle ages into Evripo and Egripo, and in this latter form transferred to the whole island, whence the Venetians, when they occupied the district, altered it to Negroponte, referring to the bridge which connected it with the mainland.

The rivers of Euboea are few in number and scanty in volume. In the north-eastern portion the Budorus flows into the Aegean, being formed by two streams which unite their waters in a small plain, and were perhaps the Cereus and Neleus concerning which the story was told that sheep drinking the water of the one became white, of the other black. On the north coast, near Histiaea, is the Callas; and on the western side the Lelantus, near Chalcis, flowing through the plain of the same name. This plain, which intervenes between Chalcis and Eretria, and was a fruitful source of contention to those cities, is the most considerable of the few and small spaces of level ground in the island, and was fertile in corn. Aristotle, when speaking of the aristocratic character of the horse, as requiring fertile soil for its support, and consequently being associated with wealth, instances its use among the Chalcidians and Eretrians, and in the former of those two states we find a class of nobles called _Hippobotae_. This rich district was afterwards occupied by Athenian cleruchs. The next largest plain was that of Histiaea, and at the present day this and the neighbourhood of the Budorus (Ahmet-Aga) are the two best cultivated parts of Euboea, owing to the exertions of foreign colonists. The mountains afford excellent pasturage for sheep and cattle, which were reared in great quantities in ancient times, and seem to have given the island its name; these pastures belonged to the state. The forests are extensive and fine, and are now superintended by government officials, called [Greek: dasophylakes], in spite or with the connivance of whom the timber is being rapidly destroyed--partly from the merciless way in which it is cut by the proprietors, partly from its being burnt by the shepherds, for the sake of the rich grass that springs up after such conflagrations, and partly owing to the goats, whose bite kills all the young growths. In the mountains were several valuable mines of iron and copper; and from Karystos, at the south of the island, came the green and white marble, the modern Cipollino, which was in great request among the Romans of the imperial period for architectural purposes, and the quarries of which belonged to the emperor. The scenery of Euboea is perhaps the most beautiful in Greece, owing to the varied combinations of rock, wood and water; for from the uplands the sea is almost always in view, either the wide island-studded expanse of the Aegean, or the succession of lakes formed by the Euboic Sea, together with mountains of exquisite outline, while the valleys and maritime plains are clothed either with fruit trees or with plane trees of magnificent growth.

On the other hand, no part of Greece is so destitute of interesting remains of antiquity as Euboea. The only site which has attracted archaeologists is that of Eretria (q.v.), which was excavated by the American School of Athens in 1890-1895.

Like most of the Greek islands, Euboea was originally known under other names, such as Macris and Doliche from its shape, and Ellopia and Abantis from the tribes inhabiting it. The races by which it was occupied at an early period were different in the three districts, into which, as we have seen, it was naturally divided. In the northern portion we find the Histiaei and Ellopes, Thessalian races, which probably had passed over from the Pagasaean Gulf. In central Euboea were the Curetes and Abantes, who seem to have come from the neighbouring continent by way of the Euripus; of these the Abantes, after being reinforced by Ionians from Attica, rose to great power, and exercised a sort of supremacy over the whole island, so that in Homer the inhabitants generally are called by that name. The southern part was occupied by the Dryopes, part of which tribe, after having been expelled from their original seats in the south of Thessaly by the Dorians, migrated to this island, and established themselves in the three cities of Karystos, Dystos and Styra. The population of Euboea at the present day is made up of elements not less various, for many of the Greek inhabitants seem to have immigrated, partly from the mainland, and partly from other islands; and besides these, the southern portion is occupied by Albanians, who probably have come from Andros; and in the mountain districts nomad Vlach shepherds are found.

_History._--The history of the island is for the most part that of its two principal cities, Chalcis and Eretria, the latter of which was situated about 15 m. S.E. of the former, and was also on the shore of the Euboic Sea. The neighbourhood of the fertile Lelantian or Lelantine plain, and their proximity to the place of passage to the mainland, were evidently the causes of the choice of site, as well as of their prosperity. Both cities were Ionian settlements from Attica, and their importance in early times is shown by their numerous colonies in Magna Graecia and Sicily, such as Cumae, Rhegium and Naxos, and on the coast of Macedonia, the projecting portion of which, with its three peninsulas, hence obtained the name of Chalcidice. In this way they opened new trade routes to the Greeks, and extended the field of civilization. How great their commerce was is shown by the fact that the Euboic scale of weights and measures was in use at Athens (until Solon, q.v.) and among the Ionic cities generally. They were rival cities, and at first appear to have been equally powerful; one of the earliest of the sea-fights mentioned in Greek history took place between them, and in this we are told that many of the other Greek states took part. It was in consequence of the aid which the people of Miletus lent to the Eretrians on this occasion that Eretria sent five ships to aid the Ionians in their revolt against the Persians (see IONIA); and owing to this, that city was the first place in Greece proper to be attacked by Datis and Artaphernes in 490 B.C. It was utterly ruined on that occasion, and its inhabitants were transported to Persia. Though it was restored after the battle of Marathon, on a site at a little distance from its original position, it never regained its former eminence, but it was still the second city in the island. From this time its neighbour Chalcis, which, though it suffered from a lack of good water, was, as Strabo says, the natural capital from its commanding the Euripus, held an undisputed supremacy. Already, however, this city had suffered from the growing power of Athens. In the year 506, when the Chalcidians joined with the Boeotians and the Spartan king Cleomenes in a league against that state, they were totally defeated by the Athenians, who established 4000 Attic settlers (see CLERUCHY) on their lands, and seem to have reduced the whole island to a condition of dependence. Again, in 446, when Euboea endeavoured to throw off the yoke, it was once more reduced by Pericles, and a new body of settlers was planted at Histiaea in the north of the island, after the inhabitants of that town had been expelled. This event is referred to by Aristophanes in the _Clouds_ (212), where the old farmer, on being shown Euboea on the map "lying outstretched in all its length," remarks,--"I know; we laid it prostrate under Pericles." The Athenians fully recognized its importance to them, as supplying them with corn and cattle, as securing their commerce, and as guaranteeing them against piracy, for its proximity to the coast of Attica rendered it extremely dangerous to them when in other hands, so that Demosthenes, in the _De corona_, speaks of a time when the pirates that made it their headquarters so infested the neighbouring sea as to prevent all navigation. But in the 21st year of the Peloponnesian war the island succeeded in regaining its independence. After this we find it taking sides with one or other of the leading states, until, after the battle of Chaeronea, it passed into the hands of Philip II. of Macedon, and finally into those of the Romans. By Philip V. of Macedon Chalcis was called one of the three fetters of Greece, Demetrias on the Gulf of Pagasae and Corinth being the other two.

In modern history Euboea or Negropont comes once more prominently into notice at the time of the fourth crusade. In the partition of the Eastern empire by the Latins which followed that event the island was divided into three fiefs, the occupants of which ere long found it expedient to place themselves under the protection of the Venetian republic, which thenceforward became the sovereign power in the country. For more than two centuries and a half during which the Venetians remained in possession, it was one of the most valuable of their dependencies, and the lion of St Mark may still be seen, both over the sea gate of Chalcis and in other parts of the town. At length in 1470, after a valiant defence, this well-fortified city was wrested from them by Mahommed II., and the whole island fell into the hands of the Turks. One desperate attempt to regain it was made by Francesco Morosini (d. 1694) in 1688, when the city was besieged by land and sea for three months; but owing to the strength of the place, and the disease which thinned their ranks, the assailants were forced to withdraw. At the conclusion of the Greek War of Independence, in 1830, the island was delivered from the Turkish sway, and constituted a part of the newly established Greek state. Euboea at the present time produces a large amount of grain, and its mineral wealth is also considerable, great quantities of magnesia and lignite being exported. In 1899 it was constituted a separate nome (pop. 1907, 116,903).

BIBLIOGRAPHY.--H.N. Ulrichs, _Reisen und Forschungen in Griechenland_, vol. ii. (Berlin, 1863); C. Bursian, _Geographie von Griechenland_, vol. ii. (Leipzig, 1872); C. Neumann and J. Partsch, _Physikalische Geographie von Griechenland_ (Breslau, 1885); Baedeker's _Greece_ (3rd ed., Leipzig, 1905); for statistics see GREECE: _Topography_. (H. F. T.)

EUBULIDES, a native of Miletus, Greek philosopher and successor of Eucleides as head of the Megarian school. Nothing is known of the events of his life. Indirect evidence shows that he was a contemporary of Aristotle, whom he attacked with great bitterness. There was also a tradition that Demosthenes was one of his pupils. His name has been preserved chiefly by some celebrated, though false and captious, syllogisms of which he was the reputed author. Though mainly examples of verbal quibbling, they serve to show the difficulties of language and of explaining the relations of sense-given impressions. Eubulides wrote a treatise on Diogenes the Cynic and also a number of comedies. (See MEGARIAN SCHOOL OF PHILOSOPHY.)

EUBULUS, of Anaphlystus, Athenian demagogue during the time of Demosthenes. He was a persistent opponent of that statesman, and was chiefly instrumental in securing the acquittal of Aeschines (who had been his own clerk) when accused of treachery in connexion with the embassy to Philip of Macedon. Eubulus took little interest in military affairs, and was (at any rate at first) a strong advocate of peace at any price. He devoted himself to matters of administration, especially in the department of finance, and although he is said to have increased the revenues and to have done real service to his country, there is no doubt that he took advantage of his position to make use of the material forces of the state for his own aggrandizement. His proposal that any one who should move that the Theoric Fund should be applied to military purposes should be put to death may have gained him the goodwill of the people, but it was not in the true interest of the state. Later, Eubulus himself seems to have recognized this, and to have been desirous of modifying or repealing the regulation, but it was too late; Athens had lost all feelings of patriotism; cowardly and indolent, she rivalled even Tarentum in her luxury and extravagance (Theopompus in Athenaeus iv. p. 166). As one of the chief members of an embassy to Philip, Eubulus allowed himself to be won over, and henceforth did his utmost to promote the cause of the Macedonian. The indignant remonstrances of Demosthenes failed to weaken Eubulus's hold on the popular favour, and after his death (before 330) he was distinguished with special honours, which were described by Hypereides in a speech ([Greek: Peri ton Euboulou doreon]) now lost. Eubulus was no doubt a man of considerable talent and reputation as an orator, but none of his speeches has survived, nor is there any appreciation of them in ancient writers. Aristotle (_Rhetoric_, i. 15. 15) mentions a speech against Chares, and Theopompus (in his _Philippica_) had given an account of his life, extracts from which are preserved in Harpocration.

See Demosthenes, _De corona_, pp. 232, 235; _De falsa legatione_, pp. 434, 435, 438; _Adversus Leptinem_, p. 498; _In Midiam_, pp. 580, 581; Aeschines, _De falsa legatione, ad fin_.; Index to C.W. Mueller's _Oratores Attici_; A.D. Schaefer, _Demosthenes und seine Zeit_ (1885).

EUBULUS, Athenian poet of the Middle comedy, flourished about 370 B.C. Fragments from about fifty of the 104 plays attributed to him are preserved in Athenaeus. They show that he took little interest in political affairs, but confined himself chiefly to mythological subjects, ridiculing, when opportunity offered, the bombastic style of the tragedians, especially Euripides. His language is pure, and his versification correct.

Fragments in T. Kock. _Comicorum Atticorum fragmenta_, ii. (1884).

EUCALYPTUS, a large genus of trees of the natural order Myrtaceae, indigenous, with a few exceptions, to Australia and Tasmania. In Australia the Eucalypti are commonly called "gum-trees" or "stringy-bark trees," from their gummy or resinous products, or fibrous bark. The genus, from the evidence of leaf-remains, appears to have been represented by several species in Eocene times. The leaves are leathery in texture, hang obliquely or vertically, and are studded with glands which contain a fragrant volatile oil. The petals cohere to form a cap[1] which is discarded when the flower expands. The fruit is surrounded by a woody cup-shaped receptacle and contains very numerous minute seeds. The Eucalypti are rapid in growth, and many species are of great height, _E. amygdalina_, the tallest known tree, attaining to as much as 480 ft., exceeding in height the Californian big-tree (_Sequoia gigantea_), with a diameter of 81 ft. _E. globulus_, so called from the rounded form of its cap-like corolla, is the blue gum tree of Victoria and Tasmania. The leaves of trees from three to five years of age are large, sessile and of a glaucous-white colour, and grow horizontally; those of older trees are ensiform, 6-12 in. long, and bluish-green in hue, and are directed downwards. The flowers are single or in clusters, and nearly sessile. This species is one of the largest trees in the world, and attains a height of 375 ft. Since 1854 it has been successfully introduced into the south of Europe, Algeria, Egypt, Tahiti, New Caledonia, Natal and India, and has been extensively planted in California, and, with the object of lessening liability to droughts, along the line of the Central Pacific railway. It would probably thrive in any situation having a mean annual temperature not below 60 deg. F., but it will not endure a temperature of less than 27 deg. F. Its supposed property of reducing the amount of malaria in marshy districts is attributable to the drainage effected by its roots, rather than to the antiseptic exhalations of its leaves. To the same cause also is ascribed the gradual disappearance of mosquitoes in the neighbourhood of plantations of this tree, as at Lake Fezara, in Algeria. Since about 1870, when the tree was planted in its cloisters, the monastery of St Paolo a la tre Fontana has become habitable throughout the year, although situated in one of the most fever-stricken districts of the Roman Campagna. An essential oil is obtained by aqueous distillation of the leaves of this and other species of _Eucalyptus_, which is a colourless or straw-coloured fluid when freshly prepared, with a characteristic odour and taste, of sp. gr. 0.910 to 0.930, and soluble in its own weight of alcohol. This consists of many different bodies, the most important of which is eucalyptol, a volatile oil, which constitutes about 70%. This is the portion of eucalyptus oil which passes over between 347 deg. and 351 deg. F., and crystallizes at 30 deg. F. It consists chiefly of a terpene and cymene. Eucalyptus oil also contains, after exposure to the air, a crystallizable resin derived from eucalyptol. The dose of the oil is 1/2 to 3 minims. Eucalyptol may be given in similar doses, and is preferable for purposes of inhalation. The oil derived from _E. amygdalina_ contains a large quantity of phellandrene, which forms a crystalline nitrate, and is very irritating when inhaled. The oils from different species of _Eucalyptus_ vary widely in composition.

Eucalyptus oil is probably the most powerful antiseptic of its class, especially when it is old, as ozone is formed in it on exposure to air. Internally it has the typical actions of a volatile oil in marked degree. Like quinine, it arrests the normal amoeboid movements of the polymorphonuclear leucocytes, and has a definite antiperiodic action; but it is a very poor substitute for quinine in malaria. In large doses it acts as an irritant to the kidneys, by which it is largely excreted, and as a marked nervous depressant, abolishing the reflex functions of the spinal cord and ultimately arresting respiration by its action on the medullary centre. An emulsion, made by shaking up equal parts of the oil and powdered gum-arabic with water, has been used as a urethral injection, and has also been given internally in drachm doses in pulmonary tuberculosis and other microbic diseases of the lungs and bronchi. The oil has somehow acquired an extraordinary popular reputation in influenza, but there is no evidence to show that it has any marked influence upon this disease or that its use tends to lessen the chances of infection. It has been used as an antiseptic by surgeons, and is an ingredient of "catheter oil," used for sterilizing and lubricating urethral catheters, now that carbolic oil, formerly employed, has been shown to be practically worthless as an antiseptic. _Eucalyptus rostrata_ and other species yield eucalyptus or red gum, which must be distinguished from Botany Bay kino. Red gum is very powerfully astringent and is given internally, in doses of 2 to 5 grains, in cases of diarrhoea and pharyngeal inflammation. It is prepared by the pharmacist in the form of tinctures, insufflations, syrups, lozenges, &c. Red gum is official in Great Britain. _E. globulus_, _E. resinifera_, and other species, yield what is known as Botany Bay kino, an astringent dark-reddish amorphous resin, which is obtained in a semi-fluid state by making incisions in the trunks of the trees. The kino of _E. gigantea_ contains a notable proportion of gum. J.H. Maiden enumerates more than thirty species as kino-yielding. From the leaves and young bark of _E. mannifera_ and _E. viminalis_ is procured Australian manna, a hard, opaque, sweet substance, containing melitose. On destructive distillation the leaves yield much gas, 10,000 cub. ft. being obtained from one ton. The wood is extensively used in Australia as fuel, and the timber is of remarkable size, strength and durability. Maiden enumerates nearly 70 species as timber-yielding trees including _E. amygdalina_, the wood of which splits with remarkable facility, _E. botryoides_, hard, tough and durable and one of the finest timbers for shipbuilding, _E. diversicolor_ or "karri," _E. globulus_, _E. leucoxylon_ or ironbark, _E. marginata_ or "jarrah" (see JARRAH WOOD), _E. obliqua_, _E. resinifera_, _E. siderophloia_ and others. The timber is often very hard, tough and durable, and useful for shipbuilding, building, fencing, planks, &c. The bark of different species of _Eucalyptus_ has been used in paper-making and tanning, and in medicine as a febrifuge.

For further details see Baron von Mueller's monograph of the genus, _Eucalyptographia_ (Melbourne, 1879-1884); J.H. Maiden, _Useful Native Plants of Australia_ (1889).

FOOTNOTE:

[1] Whence the name ([Greek: eukaluptos], well-covered) given by L'Heritier, 1788.

EUCHARIS, in botany, a genus of the natural order Amaryllidaceae, containing a few species, natives of Columbia. _Eucharis amazonica_ or _grandiflora_ is the best-known and most generally cultivated species. It is a bulbous plant with broad stalked leaves, and an erect scape 11/2 to 2 ft. long, bearing an umbel of three to ten large white showy flowers. The flowers resemble the daffodil in having a prominent central cup or corona, which is sometimes tinged with green. It is propagated by removing the offsets, which may be done in spring, potting them singly in 6-in. pots. It requires good loamy soil, with sand enough to keep the compost open, and should have a good supply of water and a temperature of 65 deg. to 70 deg. during the night, with a rise of 8 deg. or 10 deg. in the day. During summer growth is to be encouraged by repotting, but the plants should afterwards be slightly rested by removal to a night temperature of about 60 deg., water being withheld for a time, though they must not go too long dry, the plant being an evergreen. By the turn of the year they may again have more heat and more water, and this will probably induce them to flower. After this is over they may be shifted and grown again as before; and, as they get large, either be divided to form new plants or allowed to develop into nobler specimens. With a stock of the smaller plants to start them in succession, they may be had in flower all the year round. A few years ago the bulbs of _E. amazonica_ were badly inflicted with a disease known as the Eucharis mite, and all kinds of remedies were tried without avail, although steeping in Condy's fluid appeared to give the best results. The disease appears to have died out again. Other species of Eucharis now met with in gardens are E_. Bakeriana_, E_. Mastersii_, _E. Lowii_ and _E. Sanderii_. A remarkable hybrid was raised a few years ago between _Eucharis_ and the allied genus _Urceolina_, to which the compound name _Urceocharis_ was given.

EUCHARIST (Gr. [Greek: eucharistia], thanksgiving), in the Christian Church, one of the ancient names of the sacrament of the Lord's Supper or Holy Communion. The term [Greek: eucharistia] was at first applied to the act of thanksgiving associated with the sacrament; later, so early as the 2nd century, to the objects, e.g. the sacramental bread and wine, for which thanks were given; and so to the whole celebration. The term _Mass_, which has the same connotation, is derived from the Lat. _missa_ or _missio_, because the children and catechumens, or unbaptized believers, were dismissed before the eucharistic rite began. Other names express various aspects of the rite: Communion (Gr. [Greek: koinonia]), the fellowship between believers and union with Christ; _Lord's Supper_, so called from the manner of its institution; _Sacrament_ as a consecration of material elements; the _Mystery_ (in Eastern churches) because only the initiated participated; the _Sacrifice_ as a rehearsal of Christ's passion. In this article the history of the rite is first traced up to A.D. 200 in documents taken in their chronological order; differences of early and later usage are then discussed; lastly, the meaning of the original rite is examined.

St Paul (1 Cor. xi. 17-34) attests that the faithful met regularly in church, i.e. in religious meetings, to eat the dominical or Lord's Supper, but that this aim was frustrated by some who ate up their provisions before others, so that the poor were left hungry while the rich got drunk; and the meetings were animated less by a spirit of brotherhood and charity than of division and faction. He directs that, when they so meet, they shall wait for one another. Those who are too hungry to wait shall eat at home; and not put to shame those who have no houses (and presumably not enough food either), by bringing their viands to church and selfishly eating them apart.

It was therefore not the quantity or quality of the food eaten that constituted the meal a Lord's Supper; nor even the circumstances that they ate it "in church," as was assumed by those guilty of the practices here condemned; but only the pervading sense of brotherhood and love. The contrast lay between the _Dominical Supper_ or food and drink shared unselfishly by all with all, and the _private supper_, the feast of Dives, shamelessly gorged under the eyes of timid and shrinking Lazarus. By way of enforcing this point Paul repeats the tradition he had received direct from the Lord, and already handed on to the Corinthians, of how "the Lord Jesus on the night in which he was betrayed" (not necessarily the night of Passover) "took bread and having given thanks brake it and said, This is my body, which is for your sake; this do in remembrance of me. In like manner also the cup, after supper, saying, This cup is the new covenant through my blood: this do, as oft as ye drink it, in remembrance of me." Paul adds that this rite commemorated the Lord's death and was to be continued until he should come again, as in that age they expected him to do after no long interval: "As often as ye eat this bread and drink the cup, ye do (or ye shall) proclaim the Lord's death till he come."

The same epistle (x. 17) attests that one loaf only was broken and distributed: "We who are many, are one loaf (or bread), one body; for we all partake of the one loaf (or bread)." As a single loaf could not satisfy the hunger of many, the rehearsal in these meals of Christ's own action must have been a crowning episode, enhancing their sanctity. The _Fractio Panis_ probably began, as the drinking of the cup certainly ended, the supper; the interval being occupied with the common consumption by the faithful of the provisions they brought. This much is implied by the words "after supper." If, in any case, all present had eaten in their homes beforehand, the giving of the cup would immediately follow on the breaking and eating of the one loaf, but Paul's words indicate that the common meal within the church was the norm. Those who ate at home marked themselves out as both greedy and lacking in charity. There is no demand that they should come fasting, or Paul could not recommend in (xi. 34) that those who were too hungry to wait until all the brethren were assembled in church, should eat at home and beforehand.

Mark xiv. 22-25, Matt. xxvi. 26-29, Luke xxii. 14-20, are, in order of time, our next accounts, Mark representing the oldest tradition. They all in substance repeat Paul's account; but identify the night on which Jesus was betrayed with that of the Pascha. In Matthew and Mark, Jesus says of the bread "Take ye it, this is my body," omitting the idea of sacrifice imported by Paul's addition "which is for you"; but in them Jesus enunciates the same idea when he says of the cup: "This is my blood of the covenant which is poured out for many," Matthew adding "for the remission of sins," a phrase which savours of Heb. ix. 22: "apart from the shedding of blood there is no remission." It is a later addition, and so may be the words "which is poured out for many." But the words which follow have an antique ring: "Amen, I say unto you, I will no more drink of the fruit of the vine, until that day when I drink it new in the kingdom of God." For here Jesus affirms his conviction, in view of his impending death, which unlike his disciples he foresaw, that, when the kingdom of God is instituted on earth, he will take his place in it. But this is the last time he will sit down upon earth with his disciples at the table of the millenarist hope. These sources do not hint that the Last Supper is to be repeated by Christ's followers until the advent of the kingdom. Luke's account is too much interpolated from Paul, and the texts of his oldest MSS. too discrepant, for us to rely on it except so far as it supports the other gospels. It emphasizes the fact that the Last Supper was the Pascha. "With desire have I desired to eat this Passover, before I suffer"; and places the bread after the wine, unless indeed the Pauline interpolation comprises the whole of verse 19.

The fourth gospel, written perhaps A.D. 90-100, sublimates the rite, in harmony with its general treatment of the life of Jesus: "I am the living bread which cometh down out of heaven, that a man may eat thereof and not die" (John vi. 51). As in 1 Cor. x. the flesh of Christ is contrasted with the manna which saved not the Jews from death, so here the latter ask: "How can this man give us his flesh to eat?" and Jesus answers: "Amen, Amen I say unto you, Except ye eat the flesh of the Son of Man and drink his blood, ye have not life in yourselves.... He that eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood abideth in me and I in him." In an earlier passage, again in reference to the manna, Jesus is called "the bread of God, which cometh down out of heaven, and giveth life unto the world." They ask: "Lord, ever more give us this bread," and he answers: "I am the bread of life: he that cometh to me shall not hunger, and he that believeth on me shall never thirst." This writer's thought is coloured by the older speculations of Philo, who in metaphor called the Logos the heavenly bread and food, the cupbearer and cup of God; and he seems even to protest against a literal interpretation of the words of institution, since he not only pointedly omits them in his account of the Last Supper, but in v. 63 of this chapter writes: "It is the Spirit that quickeneth; the flesh profiteth nothing: the _words_ that I have spoken unto you are spirit and are life."

In Acts ii. 46 we read that, "the faithful continued steadfastly with one accord in the temple"; at the same time "breaking bread at home they partook of food with gladness and singleness of heart, praising God." All such repasts must have been sacred, but we do not know if they included the Eucharistic rite. The care taken in the selecting and ordaining of the seven deacons argues a religious character for the common meals, which they were to serve. Their main duty was to look after the duty of the Hellenistic widows, but inasmuch as meats strangled or consecrated to idols were forbidden, it probably devolved on the deacons to take care that such were not introduced at these common meals. The Essenes, similarly, appointed houses all over Palestine where they could safely eat, and priests of their own to prepare their food. Some Christians escaped the difficulties of their position by eating no meat at all. "He that is weak," says Paul (Rom. xiv. 1), "eateth herbs"; that is, becomes a vegetarian. Rather than scandalize weaker brethren, Paul was willing to eat herbs the rest of his life.

The travel-document in Acts often refers to the solemn breaking of bread. Thus Paul in xxvii. 35, having invited the ship's company of 276 persons to partake of food, took bread, gave thanks to God in the presence of all, and brake it and began to eat. The rest on board then began to be of good cheer, and themselves also took food. Here it is not implied that Paul shared his food except with his co-believers, but he ate before them all. Whether he repeated the words of institution we cannot say.

In Acts xx. 7 the faithful of Troas gather together to break bread "on the first day of the week" after sunset. After a discourse Paul, who was leaving them the next morning, broke bread and ate. This was surely such a meeting as we read of in 1 Cor. x., and was held on Sunday by night; but long before dawn, since after it Paul "talked with them a long while, even till break of day." In 1 Cor. xvi. 1 Paul bids the Corinthians, as he had bidden the churches of Galatia, lay up in store on the first of the week, each one of them, money for the poor saints of Jerusalem. This is the first notice of Sunday Eucharistic collections of alms for the poor.

Here seems to belong in the order of development the Cathar Eucharist (see CATHARS). The Cathars used only the Lord's prayer in consecrating the bread and used water for wine.

The next document in chronological order is the so-called Teaching of the Apostles (A.D. 90-110). This assigns prayers and rubrics for the celebration of the Eucharist:--

IX.

"1. Now with regard to the Thanksgiving, thus give ye thanks.

"2. First concerning the cup:--We give thanks to thee, our Father, for the holy vine[1] of David thy servant, which thou didst make known to us through Jesus thy servant;[2] to thee be the glory for ever.

"3. And concerning the broken bread:--We give thanks to thee, our Father, for the life and knowledge which thou didst make known to us through Jesus thy servant; to thee be the glory for ever.

"4. As this broken bread was (once) scattered on the face of the mountains and, gathered together, became one,[3] even so may thy Church be gathered together from the ends of the earth into thy kingdom; for thine is the glory and the power through Jesus Christ for ever.

"5. But let no one eat or drink of your Thanksgiving (Eucharist), but they who have been baptized into the name of the Lord; for concerning this the Lord hath said. Give not that which is holy unto the dogs.[4]

X.

"1. Then, after being filled, thus give ye thanks:--

"2. We give thanks to thee, holy Father, for thy holy name, which thou hast caused to dwell in our hearts, and for the knowledge and faith and immortality which thou didst make known to us through Jesus Christ thy servant; to thee be the glory for ever.

"3. Thou Almighty Sovereign, didst create all things for thy name's sake, and food and drink thou didst give to men for enjoyment, that they should give thanks unto thee; but to us thou didst of thy grace give spiritual food and drink and life eternal through thy servant.

"4. Before all things, we give thee thanks that thou art mighty; to thee be the glory for ever.

"5. Remember, Lord, thy church to deliver it from all evil, and to perfect it in thy love, and gather it together from the four winds,[5] the sanctified, unto thy kingdom, which thou hast prepared for it; for thine is the power and the glory for ever.

"6. Come grace, and pass this world away. Hosanna to the God of David! If any one is holy, let him come. If any one is not, let him repent. Maranatha.[6] Amen.

"But allow the prophets to give thanks as much as they will."

From a subsequent section, ch. xiv. 1, we learn that the Eucharist was on Sunday:--"Now when ye are assembled together on the Lord's day of the Lord, break bread and give thanks, having first confessed your transgressions, so that your sacrifice may be pure."

The above, like the uninterpolated Lucan account, places the cup first and has no mention of the body and blood of Christ. But in this last and other respects it contrasts with the other synoptic and with the Pauline accounts. The cup is not the _blood_ of Jesus, but _the holy vine of David_, revealed through Jesus; and the holy vine can but signify the spiritual Israel, the _Ecclesia_ or church or Messianic Kingdom, into which the faithful are to be gathered.

The one loaf, as in Paul, symbolizes the unity of the _ecclesia_, but the cup and bread, given for enjoyment, are symbols at best of the spiritual food and drink of the life eternal given of grace by the Almighty Father through his servant (lit. boy) Jesus. The bread and wine are indeed an offering to God of what is his own, pure because offered in purity of heart; but they are not interpreted of the sacrifice of Jesus' body broken on the cross, or of his blood shed for the remission of sin. It is not, as in Paul, a meal commemorative of Christ's death, nor connected with the Passover, as in the Synoptics. Least of all is it a sacramental eating of the flesh and drinking of the blood of Jesus, a perpetual renewal of kinship, physical and spiritual, with him. The teaching rather breathes the atmosphere of the fourth gospel, which sets the Last Supper before the feast of the Passover (xiii. 1), and pointedly omits Christ's institution of the Eucharist, substituting for it the washing of his disciples' feet. The blessing of the Bread and Cup, as an incident in a feast of Christian brotherhood, is all that the _Didache_ has in common with Paul and the Synoptists. The use of the words "after being filled," in x. 1, implies that the brethren ate heartily, and that the cup and bread formed no isolated episode. The Baptized alone are admitted to this Supper, and they only after confession of their sins. Every Sunday at least they are to celebrate it. A prophet can "in the Spirit appoint a table," that is, order a Lord's Supper to be eaten, whenever he is warned by the Spirit to do so. But he must not himself partake of it--a very practical rule. The prophets are to give thanks as they like at these "breakings of bread," without being restricted to the prayers here set forth. In xv. 3 the overseers or bishops and deacons, though their functions are less spiritual than administrative and economic, are allowed to take the place of the prophets and teachers. The phrase used is [Greek: leitourgein ten leitourgian], "to liturgize the liturgy." This word "liturgy" soon came to connote the Eucharist. The prophets who normally preside over the Suppers are called "your high-priests," and receive from the faithful the first-fruits of the winepress and threshing-floor, of oxen and sheep, and of each batch of new-made bread, and of oil. Out of these they provide the Suppers held every Lord's day, offering them as "a pure sacrifice." Bishops and deacons hold a subordinate place in this document; but the contemporary Epistle of Clement of Rome attests that these bishops "had offered the gifts without blame and holily." The word "liturgy" is also used by Clement.

Pliny's Letter (Epist. 96), written A.D. 112 to the emperor Trajan, about the Christians of Bithynia, attests that on a fixed day, _stato die_ (no doubt Sunday), they met before dawn and recited antiphonally a hymn "to Christ as to a god." They then separated, but met again later to partake of a meal, which, however, was of an ordinary and innocent character. Pliny regarded their meal as identical in character with the common meals of _hetairiae_, i.e. the trade-gilds or secret societies, which were then, as now, often inimical to the government. Even benefit societies were feared and forbidden by the Roman autocrats, and the "dominical suppers" of the Christians were not likely to be spared. Pliny accordingly forbade them in Bithynia, and the renegade Christians to whom he owed his information gave them up. These suppers included an Eucharist; for it was because the faithful ate in the latter of the flesh and blood of the Son of God that the charge of devouring children was made against them. If, then, this afternoon meal did not include it, Pliny's remark that their food was ordinary and innocent is unintelligible.

Ignatius, about A.D. 120, in his letter to the Ephesians, defines the one bread broken in the Eucharist as a "drug of immortality, and antidote that we should not die, but live for ever in Jesus Christ." He also rejects as invalid any Eucharist not held "under the bishop or one to whom he shall have committed it." For the Christian prophet has disappeared, and with him the custom of holding Eucharists in private dwellings.

In the Epistle to Diognetus, formerly assigned to Justin Martyr, we read (v. 7) that "Christians have in vogue among themselves a table common, yet not common" (i.e. unclean). In Justin's first apology (c. 140) we have two detailed accounts of the Eucharist, of which the first, in ch. 65, describes the first communion of the newly baptized:--

"After we have thus washed the person who has believed and conformed we lead him to the brethren so called, where they are gathered together, to offer public prayer both for ourselves and for the person illuminated, and for all others everywhere, earnestly, to the end that having learned the truth we may be made worthy to be found not only in our actions good citizens, but guardians of the things enjoined.

"We salute one another with a kiss at the end of the prayers. Then there is presented to the president of the brethren bread and a cup of water (and of a mixture,)[7] and he having taken it sends up praise and glory to the father of all things by the name of the Son and Holy Spirit, and he offers at length thanksgiving (_eucharistia_) for our having been made worthy of these things by him. But when he concludes the prayer and thanksgiving all the people present answer with acclamation 'Amen.' But the word 'Amen' in Hebrew signifies 'so be it.' And when the president has given thanks, and all the people have so answered, those who are called by us deacons distribute to each of those present, for them to partake of the bread (and wine)[8] and water, for which thanks have been given, and they carry portions away to those who are not present. And this food is called by us _Eucharistia_, and of it none may partake save those who believe our teachings to be true and have been washed in the bath which is for remission of sin and rebirth, and who so live as Christ taught. For we do not receive these things as common bread or common drink. For as Jesus Christ our Saviour was made flesh by Word of God and possessed flesh and blood for our sake; so we have been taught that the food blessed (lit. thanked for) by prayer of Word spoken by him, food by which our blood and flesh are by change of it (into them) nourished, is both flesh and blood of Jesus so made flesh. For the apostles in the memorials made by them, which are called gospels, have so related it to have been enjoined on them: to wit, that Jesus took bread, gave thanks and said: This do ye in memory of me; this is my body, and the cup likewise he took and gave thanks and said, This is my blood; and he distributed to them alone. And this rite too the evil demons by way of imitation handed down in the mysteries of Mithras. For that bread and a cup of water is presented in the rites of their initiation with certain conclusions (_or_ epilogues), you either know or can learn."

The second account, in ch. 67, adds that the faithful both of town and country met for the rite on Sunday, that the prophets were read as well as the gospels, that the president after the reading delivered an exhortation to imitate in their lives the goodly narratives; and that each brought offerings to the president out of which he aided orphans and widows, the sick, the prisoners and strangers sojourning with them. These contributions of the faithful seem to be included by Justin along with the bread and cup as sacrifices acceptable to God. But he also particularly specifies (Dialog. 345) that perfect and pleasing sacrifices alone consist in prayers and thanksgivings (_thusia_). The elements are _gifts_ or _offerings_. Justin was a Roman, but may not represent the official Roman church. The rite as he pictures it agrees well with the developed liturgies of a later age.

Irenaeus (Gaul and Asia Minor, before 190) in his work _against heresies_, iv. 31, 4, points to the sacrament in proof that the human body may become incorruptible:

"As bread from the earth on receiving unto itself the invocation of God is no longer common bread, but is an Eucharist, composed of two elements, an earthly and a heavenly, so our bodies by partaking of the Eucharist cease to be corruptible, and possess the hope of eternal resurrection."

There is a similar passage in the 36th fragment (ed. Harvey ii. p. 500), sketching the rite and calling the elements antitypes:

"The oblation of the Eucharist is not fleshly, but spiritual and so pure. For we offer to God the bread and the cup of blessing ([Greek: eulogia]), thanking him for that he bade the earth produce these fruits for our sustenance. And therewith having finished the offering ([Greek: prosphora]) we invoke the Holy Spirit to constitute this offering, both the bread body of Christ and the cup the blood of Christ, that those who partake of these antitypes ([Greek: antitupa], i.e. surrogates) may win remission of sins and life eternal."

Here we note the stress laid on the Invocation of the Spirit to operate the transformation of the elements, though in what sense they are transformed is not defined. This _Epiklesis_ survives in the Greek liturgies, but in the Roman a prayer takes its place that the angel of the Lord may take the oblation laid on the visible altar, and carry it up to the altar sublime into the presence of the divine majesty. We must not forget that the church of Irenaeus was Greek.

To the second century, lastly, belongs in part the evidence of the catacombs, on the walls of which are depicted persons reclining at tables supporting a fish, accompanied by one or more baskets of loaves, and more rarely by flasks of wine or water. The fish represents Christ; and in the Inscription of Abercius, bishop of Hierapolis about A.D. 160, we have this symbolism enshrined in a literary form: "In company with Paul I followed, while everywhere Faith led the way, and set before me the fish from the fountain, mighty and stainless, whom a pure virgin grasped, and gave this to friends to eat always, having good wine and giving the mixt cup with bread." This representation of baskets of loaves and several fishes, or of one fish and several loaves, seems to contradict the usage of one loaf. It may represent the _agape_ or Lord's Supper as a whole, of which the one loaf and cup formed an episode. Or the entire stock of bread may have been regarded as flesh of Jesus in virtue of the initial consecration of one single loaf.

To the second century also belong two gnostic uses. Firstly, that of Marcus, a Valentinian, of South Gaul about 150, whose influence extended to Asia Minor. Irenaeus relates (Bk. I., ch. vii. 2), that this "magician" used in the Eucharist cups apparently mixt with wine, but really containing water, and during long invocations made them appear "purple and red, as if the universal Grace [Greek: charis] dropped some of her blood into the cup through his invocation, and by way of inspiring worshippers with a passion to taste the cup and drink deep of the influence termed Charis." Such a rite presupposes a belief in a real change of the elements; and water must have been used. In the sequel Irenaeus recites the Invocation read by Marcus before the communicants:--

"Grace that is before all things, that passeth understanding and words, replenish thy inner man, and make to abound in thee the knowledge of her, sowing in the good soil the grain of mustard seed."

The _Acts of Thomas_, secondly, ch. 46, attest an Eucharistic usage, somewhat apart from the orthodox. The apostle spreads a linen cloth on a bench, lays on it bread of blessing ([Greek: eulogia]), and says:

"Jesus Christ, Son of God, who hast made us worthy to commune in the Eucharist of thy holy body and precious blood, Lo, we venture on the thanksgiving (_Eucharistia_) and invocation of thy blessed name, come now and communicate with us. And he began to speak and said: Come Pity supreme, come communion of the male, come Lady who knowest the mysteries of the Elect one, ... come secret mother ... come and communicate with us in this Eucharist which we perform in thy name and in the love (_agape_) in which we are met at thy calling. And having said this he made a cross upon the bread, and brake it and began to distribute it. And first he gave to the woman, saying: This shall be to thee for remission of sins and release of eternal transgressions. And after her he gave also to all the rest that had received the seal."

In the 2nd century the writer who nearest approaches to the later idea of Transubstantiation is the gnostic Theodotus (c. 160):

"The bread no less than the oil is hallowed by the power of the name. They remain the same in outward appearance as they were received, but by that power they are transformed into a spiritual power. So the water when it is exorcised and becomes baptismal, not only drives out the evil principle, but also contracts a power of hallowing."

In the Fathers of the first three or four centuries can be traced the same tendency to spiritualize the Eucharist as we encountered in the fourth gospel, and in the _Didache_. Ignatius, though in _Smyrn_. 7 he asserts the Eucharist to be Christ's "flesh which suffered for our sins," elsewhere speaks of the blood as being "joy eternal and lasting," as "hope," as "love incorruptible," and of the flesh as "faith" or as "the gospel." Clement of Alexandria (c. 180) regards the rite as an initiation in divine knowledge and immortality. The only food he recognizes is spiritual; e.g. knowledge of the divine Essence is "eating and drinking of the divine Word." So Origen declares the bread which God the Word asserted was his body to be that which nourishes souls, the word from God the Word proceeding, the Bread from the heavenly Bread. Not the visible bread held in his hand, nor the visible cup, were Christ's body and blood, but the word in the mystery of which the bread was to be broken and the wine to be poured out. "We drink Christ's blood," he says elsewhere, "when we receive His words in which standeth Life." So the author of the _Contra Marcellum_ writes in view of John vi. 63 as follows (_De eccl. Theol_. p. 180):

"In these words he instructed them to interpret in a spiritual sense his utterances about his flesh and blood. Do not, he said, think that I mean the flesh which invests and covers me, and bid you eat that; nor suppose either that I command you to drink my sensible and somatic blood. Nay, you know well that my words which I have spoken unto you are spirit and life. It follows that the very words and discourses are his flesh and blood, of which he that constantly partakes, nourished as it were upon heavenly bread, will partake of the heavenly life. Let not then, he says, this scandalize you which I have said about eating of my flesh and about drinking of my blood. Nor let the obvious and first hand meaning of what I said about my flesh and blood disturb you when you hear it. For these words avail nothing if heard and understood literally (_or_ sensibly). But it is the spirit which quickens them that can understand spiritually what they hear."

But these views were not those of the uninstructed pagans who filled the churches and needed a rite which brought them, as their old sacrifices had done, into physical contact and union with their god. Their point of view was better expressed in the scruples of priests, who, as Tertullian (c. 200) records (_De Corona_, iii.), were careful lest a crumb of the bread or a drop of the wine should fall on the ground, and by such incidents the body of Christ be harassed and attacked!

_The Eucharist as a Sacrifice_.--Before the 3rd century we cannot trace the view that in the Eucharistic rite the death of Christ, regarded from the Pauline standpoint as an atoning or redemptive sacrifice for the sins of mankind, is renewed and repeated, though the germ out of which it would surely grow is already present in the words "My blood ... which is shed for many" of Matt. and Mark; yet more surely in Paul's "my body which is in your behoof" and "this do in commemoration of me," where the Greek word for do, Gr. [Greek: poieite], Lat. _facite_, could to pagan ears mean "this do ye sacrifice." In the first two centuries the rite is spoken of as an offering and as a bloodless sacrifice; but it is God's own creations, the bread and wine, alms and first-fruits, which, offered with a pure conscience, he receives as from friends, and bestows in turn on the poor; it is the praise and prayers which are the sacrifice. In these centuries baptism was the rite for the remission of sin, not the Eucharist; it is the prophet in the _Didache_ who presides at the Lord's Supper, not the Levitically conceived priest; nor as yet has the Table become an Altar. Among Christians, prayers, supplications and thanksgivings have taken the place of the sacrifices of the old covenant.

In Cyprian of Carthage (c. 250) we first find the Eucharist regarded as a sacrifice of Christ's body and blood offered by the priest for the sins of the living and dead. We cannot drink the blood of Christ unless Christ has been first trodden under foot and pressed.... As Jesus our high priest offered himself as a sacrifice to his Father, so the human priest takes Christ's place, and imitates his action by offering in church a true and full sacrifice to God the Father (Ep. 63). He speaks of the dominical host (_hostia_), and takes the verb to _do_ in Paul's letter in the sense of to _sacrifice_. As early as Tertullian prayers for the dead, who were named, were offered in the rite; but there was as yet no idea of the sacrifice of Christ being reiterated in their behalf. After Cyprian's day this view gains ground in the West, and almost obscures the older view that the rite is primarily an act of communion with Christ. In harmony with Cyprian's new conception is another innovation of his age and place, that of children communicating; both were the natural accompaniment of infant baptism, of which we first hear in his letters. In the East we do not hear of the sacrifice of the body and blood before Eusebius, about the year 300. In the Armenian church of the 12th century the idea of a reiterated sacrificial death of Christ still seemed bizarre and barbarous.[9] But as early as 558 in Gaul the bread was arranged on the altar in the form of a man, so that one believer ate his eye, another his ear, a third his hand, and so on, according to their respective merits! This was forbidden by Pope Pelagius I.; but in the Greek church the custom survives, the priest even stabbing with "the holy spear" in its right side the human figure planned out of the bread, by way of rehearsing in pantomime the narrative of John xix. 34.

The change from a commemoration of the Passion to a re-enacting of it came slowly in the Greek church. Thus Chrysostom (_Ham_. 17, _ad Heb_.), after writing "We offer ([Greek: poiouren]) not another sacrifice, but the same," instantly corrects himself and adds: "or rather we perform a commemoration of the sacrifice." This was exactly the position also of the Armenian church.

_Wine or Water?_--Justin Martyr perhaps contemplated the use of water instead of wine, and Tatian his pupil used it. The Marcionites, the Ebionites, or Judaeo-Christians of Palestine, the Montanists of Phrygia, Africa and Galatia, the confessor Alcibiades of Lyons, c. A.D. 177 (Euseb. _Hist. Eccl_. v. 3. 2), equally used it. Cyprian (_Ep_. 63) affirms (c. 250) that his predecessors on the throne of Carthage had used water, and that many African bishops continued to do so, "out of ignorance," he says, "and simplemindedness, and God would forgive them." Pionius, the Catholic martyr of Smyrna, c. 250, also used water. In the _Acts of Thomas_ it is used. Such uniformity of language has led Prof. Harnack to suppose that in the earliest age water was used equally with wine, and Eusebius the historian, who had means of judging which we have not, saw no difficulty in identifying with the first converts of St Mark the Therapeutae of Philo who took only bread and water in their holy repast.

Abercius and Irenaeus are the first to speak of wine mixt with water, of a _krama_ ([Greek: krama]) or _temperamentum_. In the East, then as now, no one took wine without so mixing it. Cyprian insists on the admixture of water, which he says represented the humanity of Jesus, as wine his godhood. The users of water were named _Aquarii_ or _hydroparastatae_ in the 4th century, and were liable to death under the code of Theodosius. Some of the Monophysite churches, e.g. the Armenian, eschewed water and used pure wine, so falling under the censure of the council _in Trullo_ of A.D. 692. Milk and honey was added at first communions. Oil was sometimes offered, as well as wine, but it would seem for consecration only, and not for consumption along with the sacrament. With the bread, however, was sometimes consecrated cheese, e.g. by the African Montanists in the 2nd century. Bitter herbs also were often added, probably because they were eaten with the Paschal lamb. Many early canons forbid the one and the other. Hot water was mixt with the wine in the Greek churches for some centuries, and this custom is seen in catacomb paintings. It increased the resemblance to real blood.

_Position of the Faithful at the Eucharist_.--Tertullian, Eusebius, Chrysostom and others represent the faithful as standing at the Eucharist. In the art of the catacombs they sit or recline in the ordinary attitude of banqueters. In the age of Christ standing up at the Paschal meal had been given up, and it was become the rule to recline. Kneeling with a view to adoration of the elements was unheard of in the primitive church, and the Armenian Fathers of the 12th century insist that the sacrament was intended by Christ to be eaten and not gazed at (Nerses, _op. cit_. p. 167). Eucharistic or any other liturgical vestments were unknown until late in the 5th century, when certain bishops were honoured with the same _pallium_ worn by civil officials (see VESTMENTS).

In the Latin and in the Monophysite churches of Armenia and Egypt unleavened bread is used in the Eucharist on the somewhat uncertain ground that the Last Supper was the Paschal meal. The Greek church uses leavened.

_Transubstantiation_.--In the primitive age no one asked how Christ was present in the Eucharist, or how the elements became his body and blood. The Eucharist formed part of an _agape_ or love feast until the end of the 2nd century, and in parts of Christendom continued to be so much later. It was, save where animal sacrifices survived, _the_ Christian sacrifice, _par excellence_, the counterpart for the converted of the sacrificial communions of paganism; and though charged with higher significance than these, it yet reposed on a like background of religious usage and beliefs. But when the Agape on one side and paganism on the other receded into a dim past, owing to the enhanced sacrosanctity of the Eucharist and because of the severe edicts of the emperor Theodosius and his successors, the psychological background fell away, and the Eucharist was left isolated and hanging in the air. Then men began to ask themselves what it meant. Rival schools of thought sprang up, and controversy raged over it, as it had aforetime about the _homoousion_, or the two natures. Thus the sacrament which was intended to be a bond of peace, became a chief cause of dissension and bloodshed, and was often discussed as if it were a vulgar talisman.

Serapion of Thmuis in Egypt, a younger contemporary of Athanasius, in his Eucharistic prayers combines the language of the _Didache_ with a high sacramentalism alien to that document which now only survived in the form of a grace used at table in the nunneries of Alexandria (see AGAPE). He entreats "the Lord of Powers to fill this sacrifice with his Power and Participation," and calls the elements a "living sacrifice, a bloodless offering." The bread and wine before consecration are "likenesses of his body and blood," this in virtue of the words pronounced over them by Jesus on the night of his betrayal. The prayer then continues thus: "O God of truth, let thy holy Word settle upon this bread, that the bread may become body of the word, and on this cup, that the cup may become blood of the truth. And cause all who communicate to receive a drug of life for healing of every disease and empowering of all moral advance and virtue." Here the bread and wine become by consecration tenements in which the Word is reincarnated, as he aforetime dwelled in flesh. They cease to be mere _likenesses_ of the body and blood, and are changed into receptacles of divine power and intimacy, by swallowing which we are benefited in soul and body. Cyril of Jerusalem in his _catechises_ 5^1 enunciates the same idea of [Greek: metabole] or transformation.

Gregory of Nyssa also about the same date (in Migne, _Patrolog. Graeca_, vol. 46, col. 581, oration on the Baptism) asserts a "transformation" or "transelementation" ([Greek: metastoicheiosis]) of the elements into centres of mystic force; and assimilates their consecration to that of the water of baptism, of the altar, of oil or chrism, of the priest. He compares it also to the change of Moses' rod into a snake, of the Nile into blood, to the virtue inherent in Elijah's mantle or in the wood of the cross or in the clay mixt of dust and the Lord's spittle, or in Elisha's relics which raised a corpse to life, or in the burning bush. All these, he says, "were parcels of matter destitute of life and feeling, but through miracles they became vehicles of the power of God absorbed or taken into themselves." He thus views the consecration of the elements as akin to other consecrations; and, like priestly ordination, as involving "a metamorphosis for the better," a phrase which later on became classical. John of Damascus (c. 750) believed the bread to be mysteriously changed into the Christ's body, just as when eaten it is changed into any human body; and he argued that it is wrong to say, as Irenaeus had said, that the elements are mere antitypes after as before consecration. In the West, Augustine, like Eusebius and Theodoret, calls the elements signs or symbols of the body and blood signified in them; yet he argues that Christ "took and lifted up his own body in his hands when he took the bread." At the same time he admits that "no one eats Christ's flesh, unless he has first adored" (_nisi prius adoraverit_). But he qualifies this "Receptionist" position by declaring that Judas received the sacrament, as if the unworthiness of the recipient made no difference.

Out of this mist of contradictions scholastic thought strove to emerge by means of clear-cut definitions. The drawback for the dogmatist of such a view as Serapion broaches in his prayers was this, that although it explained how the Logos comes to be immanent in the elements, as a soul in its body, nevertheless it did not guarantee the presence in or rather substitution for the natural elements of Christ's real body and blood. It only provided an [Greek: antitypon] or surrogate body. In 830-850, Paschasius Radbert taught that after the priest has uttered the words of institution, nothing remains save the body and blood under the outward form of bread and wine; the substance is changed and the accidents alone remain. The elements are miraculously recreated as body and blood. This view harmonized with the docetic view which lurked in East and West, that the manhood of Jesus was but a likeness or semblance under which the God was concealed. So Marcion argued that Christ's body was not really flesh and blood, or he could not have called it bread and wine. Paschasius shrank from the logical outcome of his view, namely, that Christ's body or part of it is turned into human excrement, but Ratramnus, another monk of Corbey, in a book afterwards ascribed to Duns Scotus, drew this inference in order to discredit his antagonists, and not because he believed it himself. The elements, he said, remain physically what they were, but are spiritually raised as symbols to a higher power. Perhaps we may illustrate his position by saying that the elements undergo a change analogous to what takes place in iron, when by being brought into an electric field it becomes magnetic. The substance of the elements remain as well as their accidents, but like baptismal water they gain by consecration a hidden virtue benefiting soul and body. Ratramnus's view thus resembled Serapion's, after whom the elements furnish a new vehicle of the Spirit's influence, a new body through which the Word operates, a fresh sojourning among us of the Word, though consecrated bread is in itself no more Christ's natural body than are we who assimilate it. Other doctors of the 9th century, e.g. Hincmar of Reims and Haimo of Halberstadt, took the side of Paschasius, and affirmed that the substance of the bread and wine is changed, and that God leaves the colour, taste and other outward properties out of mercy to the worshippers, who would be overcome with dread if the underlying real flesh and blood were nakedly revealed to their gaze!

Berengar in the 11th century assailed this view, which was really that of transubstantiation, alleging that there is no substance in matter apart from the accidents, and that therefore Christ cannot be _corporally_ present in the sacrament; because, if so, he must be _spatially_ present, and there will be two material bodies in one space; moreover his body will be in thousands of places at once. Christ, he said, is present spiritually, so that the elements, while remaining what they were, unremoved and undestroyed, are advanced to be something better: _omne cui a Deo benedicatur, non absumi, non auferri, non destrui, sed manere et in melius quam erat necessario provehi_. This was the phrase of Gregory of Nyssa.

Berengar in a weak moment in 1059 was forced by the pope to recant and assert that "the true body and blood are not only a sacrament, but in truth touched and broken by the hands of the priests and pressed by the teeth of the faithful," and this position remains in every Roman catechism. Such dilemmas as whether a mouse can devour the true body, and whether it is not involved in all the obscenities of human digestive processes, were ill met by this ruling. Each party dubbed the other _stercoranists_ (dung-feasters), and the controversy was often marred by indecencies.

As in the 3rd century the Roman church decided in respect of baptism that the sacrament carries the church and not the church the sacrament, so in the dispute over the Eucharist it ended, in spite of more spiritual views essayed by Peter Lombard, by insisting on the more materialistic view at the fourth Lateran Council in 1215, whose decree runs thus:--"The body and blood of Jesus Christ are truly contained in the sacrament of the altar under the species of bread and wine, the bread and wine respectively being transubstantiated into body and blood by divine power, so that in order to the perfecting of the mystery of unity we may ourselves receive from his (body) what he himself receives from ours." In 1264 Urban IV. instituted the Corpus Christi Feast by way of giving liturgical expression to this view.

_Communion in One Kind._--Up to about 1100 laymen in the West received the communion in both kinds, and except in a few disciplinary cases the wine was not refused. In 1099, by a decree of Pope Paschal II., children might omit the wine and invalids the bread. The communion of the laity in the bread alone was enjoined by the council of Constance in 1415, and by the council of Trent in 1562. The reformed churches of the West went back to the older rule which Eastern churches had never forsaken.

_Mass._--The term _mass_, which survives in Candlemas, Christmas, Michaelmas, is from the Latin _missa_, which was in the 3rd century a technical term for the dismissal of any lay meeting, e.g. of a law-court, and was adopted in that sense by the church as early as Ambrose (c. 350). The catechumens or unbaptized, together with the penitents, remained in church during the Litany, collect, three lections, two psalms and homily. The deacon then cried out: "Let the catechumens depart. Let all catechumens go out." This was the _missa_ of the catechumens. The rest of the rite was called _missa fidelium_, because only the initiated remained. Similarly the collect with which often the rite began is the prayer _ad collectam_, i.e. for the congregation met together or collected. The corresponding Greek word was _synaxis_.

After the catechumens were gone the priest said: "The Lord be with you, let us pray," and the service of the mass followed.

In the West, says Duchesne (_Origines_, p. 179), not only catechumens, but the baptized who did not communicate left the church before the communion of the faithful began (? after the communion of the clergy). In Anglican churches non-communicants used to leave the church after the prayer for the Church Militant. Ritualists now keep unconfirmed children in church during the entire rite, through ignorance of ancient usage, in order that they may learn to adore the consecrated elements. For this moment of homage to material elements ritually filled with divine potency may be so exaggerated as to obscure the rite's ancient significance as a communion of the faithful in mystic food.

_Ideas of Reformers._--The 16th-century reformers strove to avoid the literalism of the words "This is my body," accepted frankly by the Roman and Eastern churches, and urged a Receptionist view, viz. that Christ is in the sacrament only spiritually consumed by worthy recipients alone, the material body not being actually chewed. This is seen by a comparison of other confessions with the Profession of Catholic Faith in accordance with the council of Trent, in the bull of Pius IV., which runs thus:--

"I profess that in the Mass is offered to God a true, proper and propitiatory sacrifice, for the living and the dead, and that in the most holy sacrament of the Eucharist there is truly really and in substance the body and blood, together with the soul and divinity of our Lord Jesus Christ, and that there does take place a conversion of the entire substance of the bread into the body, and of the entire substance of the wine into the blood, which conversion the Catholic Church doth call Transubstantiation. I also admit that under one of the other species alone the entire and whole Christ and the true sacrament is received."

The 28th Article of Religion of the Church of England is as follows:--

"The Supper of the Lord ... is a Sacrament of our Redemption by Christ's death; insomuch that to such as rightly, worthily, and with faith, receive the same, the Bread which we break is a partaking of the Body of Christ, and likewise the Cup of Blessing is a partaking of the Blood of Christ.

"Transubstantiation ... cannot be proved by holy writ....

"The Body of Christ is given, taken and eaten, in the Supper, only after a heavenly and spiritual manner. And the mean whereby the Body of Christ is received and eaten in the Supper is Faith.

"The Sacrament of the Lord's Supper was not by Christ's ordinance reserved, carried about, lifted up, or worshipped."

At the end of the communion rite the prayer-book, in view of the ordinance to receive the Sacrament kneeling, adds the following:--

"It is hereby declared, that thereby no adoration is intended, or ought to be done, either unto the Sacramental Bread or Wine, there bodily received, or unto any Corporal Presence of Christ's natural Flesh and Blood. For the Sacramental Bread and Wine remain still in their very natural substances, and therefore may not be adored (for that were idolatry, to be abhorred of all faithful Christians); and the natural Body and Blood of our Saviour Christ are in Heaven, and not here; it being against the truth of Christ's natural Body to be at one time in more places than one."

These monitions and prescriptions are rapidly becoming a dead-letter, but they possess a certain historical interest.

The Helvetic Confession[10] of A.D. 1566 (_caput_ xxi. _De sacra coena Domini_) runs as follows:--

"That it may be more rightly and clearly understood how the flesh and blood of Christ can be food and drink of the faithful, and be received by them unto eternal life, let us add these few remarks. Chewing is not of one kind alone. For there is a corporeal chewing, by which food is taken into the mouth by man, bruised with the teeth and swallowed down into the belly.... As the flesh of Christ cannot be corporeally chewed without wickedness and truculence, so it is not food of the belly.... There is also a spiritual chewing of the body of Christ, not such that by it we understand the very food to be changed into spirit, but such that, the body and blood of the Lord abiding in their essence and peculiarity, they are spiritually communicated to us, not in any corporeal way, but in a spiritual, through the Holy Spirit which applies and bestows on us those things which were prepared through the flesh and blood of the Lord betrayed for our sake to death, to wit, remission of sins, liberation and life eternal, so that Christ lives in us and we in him....

"In addition to the aforesaid spiritual chewing, there is also a sacramental chewing of the Lord's body, by which the faithful not only partakes spiritually and inwardly of the true body and blood of the Lord, but outwardly by approaching the Lord's table, receives the visible sacrament of his body and blood.... But he who without faith approaches the sacred table, albeit he communicate in the sacrament, yet he perceives not the matter of the sacrament, whence is life and salvation...."

The Augustan Confession presented by the German electors to Charles V. in the section on the Mass merely protests against the view that "the Lord's Supper is a work (_opus_) which being performed by a priest earns remission of sin for the doer and for others, and that in virtue of the work done (_ex opere operato_), without a good motive on the part of the user. Also that being applied for the dead, it is a satisfaction, that is to say, earns for them remission of the pains of purgatory."

The Saxon Confession of Wittenberg, June 1551, while protesting against the same errors, equally abstains from trying to define narrowly how Christ is present in the sacrament.

_Consubstantiation_.--The symbolical books of the Lutheran Church, following the teaching of Luther himself, declare the doctrine of the real presence of Christ's body and blood in the eucharist, _together with_ the bread and wine (_consubstantiation_), as well as the ubiquity of his body, as the orthodox doctrine of the church. One consequence of this view was that the unbelieving recipients are held to be as really partakers of the body of Christ in, with and under the bread as the faithful, though they receive it to their own hurt. (Hagenbach, _Hist. of Doctr_. ii. 300.)

Of all the Reformers, the teaching of Zwingli was the farthest removed from that of Luther. At an early period he asserted that the Eucharist was nothing more than food for the soul, and had been instituted by Christ only as an act of commemoration and as a visible sign of his body and blood (_Christenliche Ynleitung_, 1523, quoted by Hagenbach, _Hist. of Doctr_. ii. 296, Clark's translation). But that Zwingli did not reject the higher religious significance of the Eucharist, and was far from degrading the bread and wine into "nuda et inania symbola," as he was accused of doing, we see from his _Fidei ratio ad Carolum Imperatorem_ (ib. p. 297).

_Original Significance of the Eucharist_.--It is doubtful if the attempts of reformers to spiritualize the Eucharist bring us, except so far as they pruned ritual extravagances, nearer to its original significance; perhaps the Roman, Greek and Oriental churches have better preserved it. This significance remains to be discussed; the cognate question of how far the development of the Eucharist was influenced by the pagan mysteries is discussed in the article SACRAMENT.

That the Lord's Supper was from the first a meal symbolic of Christian unity and commemorative of Christ's death is questioned by none. But Paul, while he saw this much in it, saw much more; or he could not in the same epistle, x. 18-22 assimilate communion in the flesh and blood of Jesus, on the one hand, to the sacrificial communion with the altar which made Israel after the flesh one; and on the other to the communion with devils attained by pagans through sacrifices offered before idols. It has been justly remarked of the Pauline view, that--

"The union with the Lord Himself, to which those who partake of the Lord's Supper have, is compared with the union which those who partake of a sacrifice have with the deity to whom the altar is devoted--in the case of the Israelites with God, of the heathen with demons. This idea that to partake of sacrifice is to devote oneself to the deity, lies at the root of the ancient idea of worship, whether Jewish or heathen; and St Paul uses it as being readily understood. In this connexion the symbol is never a mere symbol, but a means of real union. 'The cup is the covenant'" (Prof. Sanday in Hastings' _Dictionary of the Bible_, 3, 149).

Paul caps his argument thus:--"Ye cannot drink the cup of the Lord and the cup of demons: ye cannot partake of the table of the Lord and of the table of demons. Or do we provoke the Lord to jealousy? Are we stronger than he?" And these words with their context prove that Paul, like the Fathers of the church, regarded the gods and goddesses as real living supernatural beings, but malignant. They were the powers and principalities with whom he was ever at war. The Lord also is jealous of them, if any one attempt to combine their cult with his, for to do so is to doubt the supremacy of his name above all names. Both in its inner nature then and outward effects the Eucharist was the Christian counterpart of these two other forms of communion of which one, the heathen, was excluded from the first, and the other, the Jewish, soon to disappear. It is their analogue, and to understand it we must understand them, not forgetting that Paul, as a Semite, and his hearers, as converted pagans, were imbued with the sacrificial ideas of the old world.

"A kin," remarks W. Robertson Smith (_Religion of the Semites_, 1894), "was a group of persons whose lives were so bound up together, in what must be called a physical unity, that they could be treated as parts of one common life. The members of one kindred looked on themselves as one living whole, a single animated mass of blood, flesh and bones, of which no member could be touched without all the members suffering." "In later times," observes the same writer (_op. cit._ p. 313), "we find the conception current that any food which two men partake of together, so that the same substance enters into their flesh and blood, is enough to establish some sacred unity of life between them; but in ancient times this significance seems to be always attached to participation in the flesh of a sacrosanct victim, and the solemn mystery of its death is justified by the consideration that only in this way can the sacred cement be procured, which creates or keeps alive a living bond of union between the worshippers and their god. This cement is nothing else than the actual life of the sacred and kindred animal, which is conceived as residing in its flesh, but specially in its blood, and so, in the sacred meal, is actually distributed among all the participants, each of whom incorporates a particle of it with his own individual life."

The above conveys the cycle of ideas within which Paul's reflection worked. Christ who knew no sin (2 Cor. v. 21) had been made sin, and sacrificed for us, becoming as it were a new Passover (1 Cor. v. 7). By a mysterious sympathy the bread and wine over which the words, "This is my body which is for you," and "This cup is the new covenant in my blood," had been uttered, became Christ's body and blood; so that by partaking of these the faithful were united with each other and with Christ into one kinship. They became the body of Christ, and his blood or life was in them, and they were members of him. Participation in the Eucharist gave actual life, and it was due to their irregular attendance at it that many members of the Corinthian church "were weak and sickly and not a few slept" (i.e. had died). As the author already cited adds (p. 313): "The notion that by eating the flesh, or particularly by drinking the blood, of another living being, a man absorbs its nature or life into his own, is one which appears among primitive peoples in many forms."

But this effect of participation in the bread and cup was not in Paul's opinion automatic, was no mere _opus operatum_; it depended on the ethical co-operation of the believer, who must not eat and drink _unworthily_, that is, after refusing to share his meats with the poorer brethren, or with any other guilt in his soul. The phrases "discern the body" and "discern ourselves" in 1 Cor. xi. 29, 31 are obscure. Paul evidently plays on the verb, _krino, diakrino, katakrino_ ([Greek: krino], [Greek: diakrino], [Greek: katakrino]). The general sense is clear, that those who consume the holy food without a clear conscience, like those who handle sacred objects with impure hands, will suffer physical harm from its contact, as if they were undergoing the ordeal of touching a holy thing. The idea, therefore, seems to be that as we must distinguish the holy food over which the words "This is my body" have been uttered from common food, so we must separate ourselves before eating it from all that is guilty and impure. The food that is _taboo_ must only be consumed by persons who are equally _taboo_ or pure. If they are not pure, it condemns them.

The "one" loaf has many parallels in ancient sacrifices, e.g. the Latin tribes when they met annually at their common temple partook of a "single" bull. And in Greek _Panegureis_ or festivals the sacrificial wine had to be dispensed from one common bowl: "Unto a common cup they come together, and from it pour libations as well as sacrifice," says Aristides Rhetor in his _Isthmica in Neptunum_, p. 45. To ensure the continued unity of the bread, the Roman church ever leaves over from a preceding consecration half a holy wafer, called _fermentum_, which is added in the next celebration.

With what awe Paul regarded the elements mystically identified with Christ's body and life is clear from his declaration in 1 Cor. xi. 27, that he who consumes them unworthily is guilty or holden of the Lord's body and blood. This is the language of the ancient ordeal which as a test of innocence required the accused to touch or still better to eat a holy element. A wife who drank the holy water in which the dust of the Sanctuary was mingled (Num. v. 17 foll.) offended so deeply against it, if unfaithful, that she was punished with dropsy and wasting. The very point is paralleled in the _Acts of Thomas_, ch. xlviii. A youth who has murdered his mistress takes the bread of the Eucharist in his mouth, and his two hands are at once withered up. The apostle immediately invites him to confess the crime he must have committed, "for, he says, the Eucharist of the Lord hath convicted thee."

It has been necessary to consider at such length St Paul's account of the Eucharist, both because it antedates nearly by half a century that of the gospels, and because it explains the significance which the rite had no less for the Gnostics than for the great church. The synoptists' account is to be understood thus: Jesus, conscious that he now for the last time lies down to eat with his disciples a meal which, if not the Paschal, was anyhow anticipatory of the Millennial Regeneration (Matt.