Chapter 14

The next few years witnessed the expulsion of the royalists from the south of Chile, the equipment of a small fleet, placed under the command of Manuel Blanco Encalada and Lord Cochrane (earl of Dundonald), and the invasion of Peru by San Martin with the help of the fleet, ending in the proclamation of Peruvian independence in 1821; though the Spanish power was not finally broken until Bolivar's victory at Ayacucho in 1824. Relieved from all fear of Spanish attacks from the north, the new republic of Chile entered upon a period of internal confusion and dissension bordering upon anarchy. As soon as the necessity for establishing a stable government arose the lack of training in self-government among the Chileans became painfully obvious. O'Higgins as director-general, rightly perhaps, considered that firm orderly government was more important than the concession of liberal institutions, but his administration roused strong hostility, and in 1823 he was compelled to resign. From that date up to 1830 there were no less than ten governments, while three different constitutions were proclaimed. The nation was divided into small mutually hostile parties; there were ecclesiastical troubles owing to the hostility of the Church to the new republic; there were Indian risings in the south and royalist revolts in the island of Chiloé; the expenditure exceeded the revenue, and the employment of the old Spanish financial expedients naturally increased the general discontent. Up to 1830 the Liberal party, which favoured a free democratic régime, held the upper hand, but in that year the Conservatives, backed by a military rising led by General Joaquin Prieto, placed themselves in power after a sanguinary battle at Lircay. Prieto was elected president in 1831, and a new constitution was drafted and promulgated in 1833, which, with some modifications, remains the constitution of Chile at the present time. This constitution invested the executive with almost dictatorial powers, and the Conservatives entered upon a long term of office.

The aim of the Conservative policy was to secure above all a strong administration; power was concentrated in the hands of a small circle; public liberties were restricted and all opposition crushed by force. Inaugurated under General Prieto's administration (1831-1841) by his able minister Diego Portales, this policy was continued by his successors General Manuel Bulnes (1841-1851) and Manuel Montt (1851-1861), each of whom like Prieto was elected to a double term of office. In spite of the discontent of the Liberals, the Conservative ascendancy secured a long period of firm stable government, which was essential to put an end to the confusion in public life and to give time for the people to awake to a fuller realization of the duties and responsibilities of national independence. The internal peace of the country was only disturbed three times, by Liberal risings in 1835, in 1851 and in 1859, all of which were crushed, but not without severe fighting. In 1836 Chile also became involved in a war with a confederation of Peru and Bolivia, which ended in the victory of Chile and the dissolution of the confederation.

While refusing to allow the people any share in, or control over, the government, the Conservative leaders devoted themselves to improving the condition of the people and of the country, and under their firm rule Chile advanced rapidly in prosperity. The government established a department for education, a training college for teachers, and numerous schools and libraries; literary magazines were started and a school of art and an academy of music founded. By the consolidation of the foreign debt, by the regular payment of interest, by the establishment of several banks, and by the negotiation of commercial treaties, the financial position of the country was improved. Internal development was promoted by the working of the silver mines of Copiapo and the coal mines of Lota, by the building of railways and erection of telegraphs, and by the colonization of the rich Valdivia province with German settlers.

The Straits of Magellan were occupied; under an American engineer, William Wheelwright, a line of steamers was started on the coast, and, by a wise measure allowing merchandise to be landed free of duty for re-exportation, Valparaiso became a busy port and trading centre; while the demand for food-stuffs in California and Australia, following upon the rush for gold, gave a strong impetus to agriculture. A code of law was drawn up and promulgated, and the ecclesiastical system was organized under an archbishop appointed by the pope. To Montt, as minister under Bulnes and afterwards as president, must be given the main credit for the far-seeing policy which laid the foundations of the prosperity of Chile; and though the administration was in many ways harsh and narrow, firm government, rather than liberty that would have tended to anarchy, was essential for the success of the young republic.

After 1861, however, a Liberal reaction set in, aided by divisions in the Conservative party arising mainly over church questions. Montt's successors, José Joaquin Perez (1861-1871), Federico Errázuriz (1871-1876) and Anibal Pinto (1876-1881), abandoned the repressive policy of their predecessors, invited the co-operation of the Liberals, and allowed discontent to vent itself freely in popular agitation. Some democratic changes were made in the constitution, notably a law forbidding the re-election of a president, and the gradual and peaceful transition to a Liberal policy was a proof of the progress which the nation had made in political training. Outside the movement for constitutional reform, the most important internal question was the successful Liberal attack on the privileged position and narrow views of the Church, which led to the birth of a strong ultra-montane party among the clergy. The government continued to be animated by a progressive spirit: schools, railways, telegraphs were rapidly extended; a steamship mail service to Europe was subsidized, and the stability of the government enabled it to raise new foreign loans in order to extinguish the old high interest-bearing loans and to meet the expenses of public works. In 1877 a financial crisis occurred, met by the emission of paper money, but the depression was only temporary, and the country soon rallied from the effects.

During this period there was desultory fighting with the Indians; there was a long boundary dispute with the Argentine, settled in 1880; and in 1865 Chilean sympathy with Peru in a quarrel with Spain led to a foolish war with Spain. The blockade of their ports and the bombardment of Valparaiso by a Spanish squadron impressed the Chileans with the necessity of possessing an adequate fleet to defend their long coast-line; and it was under President Errázuriz that the ships were obtained and the officers trained that did such good service in the great war with Peru. With a population of over two millions, a rapidly increasing revenue, ruled by a government that was firm and progressive and that enjoyed the confidence of all classes, Chile was well equipped for the struggle with Peru that began in 1879.

Close of the war with Peru.

The war of 1879-82 between Chile and Peru is the subject of a separate article (see CHILE-PERUVIAN WAR). By the beginning of 1881 the war had reached a stage when the final struggle was close at hand. On the 13th of January of that year the Chilean forces under command of General Baquedano attacked the entrenched positions of the Peruvians at daybreak in the vicinity of Chorillos, a village some few miles from Lima, and forming the outer line of defence for the capital. After a stubborn fight the day ended in victory for the attacking forces; but the losses on both sides were great, and on the following day negotiations for peace were attempted by the representatives of the foreign powers in Lima, the object being to avoid, if possible, any further bloodshed. This attempt to end the conflict proved, however, abortive, and on the 15th of January at 2 P.M. hostilities recommenced in the neighbourhood of Miraflores. After severe fighting for some four hours the Chileans again proved victorious, and drove the Peruvians from the second line of defence back upon the city of Lima. Lima was now at the mercy of the Chileans, and on the 17th of January a division of 4000 men of all arms, under the command of General Cornelio Saavedra, was sent forward to occupy the Peruvian capital and restore order within the town limits. A portion of the Chilean forces was shortly afterwards withdrawn from Peru, and the army of occupation remaining in the conquered country was in charge of Admiral Patricio Lynch, an officer who had been specially promoted for distinguished services during the war. President Anibal Pinto of Chile now set about to find means to conclude a treaty of peace with Peru, but his efforts in this direction were frustrated by the armed resistance offered in the country districts to the Chilean authorities by the remainder of the Peruvian forces under command of General Cáceres. So matters continued--the Chileans administering on the seaboard and in the principal towns, the Peruvians maintaining a guerilla warfare in the mountainous districts of the interior. In September 1881 the term of office of president Pinto expired, and he was succeeded in the post of chief executive of Chile by President Domingo Santa Maria. Ex-President Pinto died three years later in Valparaiso, leaving a memory respected and admired by all political parties in his country. The name of Pinto will always occupy a prominent place in the annals of Chilean history, not only because the war with Peru took place during his term of office, but also on account of the fact that it was largely due to the intelligent direction of all details by the president during the struggle that the Chilean arms proved so absolutely successful by land and sea.

President Santa Maria.

Señor Domingo Santa Maria, who now acceded to the presidency of Chile, was a Liberal in politics, and had previously held various important posts under the government. Under the rule of President Montt he had been an active member of the opposition and involved in various revolutionary conspiracies; for his participation in these plots he was at one time exiled from the country, but returned and received official employment under President Perez. The principal task confronting President Santa Maria on assuming the presidency was to negotiate a treaty of peace with Peru and provide for the evacuation of the Chilean army of occupation. The presence of the Peruvian general Cáceres and his forces in the interior of Peru prevented for some two years the formation of any Peruvian national administration in Lima with which the Chilean authorities could deal. In August of 1883 the Peruvians were defeated by the forces commanded by Admiral Lynch, and a government was then organized under the leadership of General Iglesias. A provisional treaty of peace was then drawn up and signed by General Iglesias and the Chilean representative, and this was finally ratified by the Chilean and Peruvian congresses respectively in April 1884. By the terms of this treaty Peru ceded to Chile unconditionally the province of Tarapacá, and the provinces of Tacna and Arica were placed under Chilean authority for the term of ten years, the inhabitants having then to decide by a general vote whether they remained a part of Chile or elected to belong once more to Peru. In the event of the decision being favourable to Peru a sum of 10,000,000 dollars was to be paid by Peru to Chile. On the ratification of this treaty the Chilean forces were immediately withdrawn from Lima and other points of occupation in Peruvian territory. The government of Bolivia also attempted to negotiate a treaty of peace with Chile in 1884, and for this purpose sent representatives to Santiago. No satisfactory terms, however, could be arranged, and the negotiations ended in only an armistice being agreed to, by which Chile remained in occupation of the Bolivian seaboard pending a definite settlement at some future period.

The administration of President Santa Maria met with violent opposition from the Conservatives, who included the Clerical party in their ranks, and also from a certain section of the Liberals. The dislike of the Conservatives to President Santa Maria was occasioned by his introduction of the law of civil marriage, the civil registration of births and deaths, and the freeing of the cemeteries. Hitherto no marriage was legal unless celebrated according to the rites of the Roman Catholic religion, and all registers of births and deaths were kept by the parish priests. Civil employees were now appointed under the new laws to attend to this work. Formerly the cemeteries were entirely under the control of the Church, and, with the exception of a few places specially created for the purpose, were reserved solely for the burial of Roman Catholics. Under the new regime these cemeteries were made common to the dead of all religions. Under President Perez, in 1865, a clause in the law of constitution had been introduced permitting the exercise of all creeds of religion, and this was now put into practice, all restrictions being removed. On several occasions, notably in 1882 and 1885, President Santa Maria used his influence in the elections of senators and deputies to congress for the purpose of creating a substantial majority in his favour. He was induced to take this course in consequence of the violent opposition raised in the chambers by the liberal policy he pursued in connexion with Church matters. This intervention caused great irritation amongst the Conservatives and dissentient Liberals, and the political situation on more than one occasion became so strained as to bring the country to the verge of armed revolution. No outbreak, however, took place, and in 1886 the five years of office for which President Santa Maria had been elected came to an end, and another Liberal, Señor José Manuel Balmaceda, then succeeded to power.

Balmaceda elected president.

Revolution of 1891.

The election of Balmaceda was bitterly opposed by the Conservatives and dissentient Liberals, but was finally successfully carried by the official influence exercised by President Santa Maria. On assuming office President Balmaceda endeavoured to bring about a reconciliation of all sections of the Liberal party in congress and so form a solid majority to support the administration, and to this end he nominated as ministers representatives of the different political groups. Six months later the cabinet was reorganized, and two most bitter opponents to the recent election of President Balmaceda were accorded portfolios. Believing that he had now secured the support of the majority in congress on behalf of any measures he decided to put forward, the new president initiated a policy of heavy expenditure on public works, the building of schools, and the strengthening of the naval and military forces of the republic. Contracts were given out to the value of £6,000,000 for the construction of railways in the southern districts; some 10,000,000 dollars were expended in the erection of schools and colleges; three cruisers and two sea-going torpedo boats were added to the squadron; the construction of the naval port at Talcahuano was actively pushed forward; new armament was purchased for the infantry and artillery branches of the army, and heavy guns were acquired for the purpose of permanently and strongly fortifying the neighbourhoods of Valparaiso, Talcahuano and Iquique. In itself this policy was not unreasonable, and in many ways extremely beneficial for the country. Unfortunately corruption crept into the expenditure of the large sums necessary to carry out this programme. Contracts were given by favour and not by merit, and the progress made in the construction of the new public works was far from satisfactory. The opposition in congress to President Balmaceda began to increase rapidly towards the close of 1887, and further gained ground in 1888. In order to ensure a majority favourable to his views, the president threw the whole weight of his official influence into the elections for senators and deputies in 1888; but many of the members returned to the chambers through this official influence joined the opposition shortly after taking their seats. In 1889 congress became distinctly hostile to the administration of President Balmaceda, and the political situation became grave, and at times threatened to involve the country in civil war. According to usage and custom in Chile, a ministry does not remain in office unless supported by a majority in the chambers. Balmaceda now found himself in the impossible position of being unable to appoint any ministry that could control a majority in the senate and chamber of deputies and at the same time be in accordance with his own views of the administration of public affairs. At this juncture the president assumed that the constitution gave him the power of nominating and maintaining in office any ministers he might consider fitting persons for the purpose, and that congress had no right of interference in the matter. The chambers were now only waiting for a suitable opportunity to assert their authority. In 1890 it was stated that President Balmaceda had determined to nominate and cause to be elected as his successor at the expiration of his term of office in 1891 one of his own personal friends. This question of the election of another president brought matters to a head, and congress refused to vote supplies to carry on the government. To avoid trouble Balmaceda entered into a compromise with congress, and agreed to nominate a ministry to their liking on condition that the supplies for 1890 were voted. This cabinet, however, was of short duration, and resigned when the ministers understood the full amount of friction between the president and congress. Balmaceda then nominated a ministry not in accord with the views of congress under Señor Claudio Vicuña, whom it was no secret that Balmaceda intended to be his successor in the presidential chair, and, to prevent any expression of opinion upon his conduct in the matter, he refrained from summoning an extraordinary session of the legislature for the discussion of the estimates of revenue and expenditure for 1891. When the 1st of January 1891 arrived, the president published a decree in the _Diario Oficial_ to the effect that the budget of 1890 would be considered the official budget for 1891. This act was illegal and beyond the attributes of the executive power. As a protest against the action of President Balmaceda, the vice-president of the senate, Señor Waldo Silva, and the president of the chamber of deputies, Señor Ramon Barros Luco, issued a proclamation appointing Captain Jorje Montt in command of the squadron, and stating that the navy could not recognize the authority of Balmaceda so long as he did not administer public affairs in accordance with the constitutional law of Chile. The majority of the members of the chambers sided with this movement, and on the 7th of January Señores Waldo Silva, Barros Luco and a number of senators and deputies embarked on board the Chilean warship "Blanco Encalada," accompanied by the "Esmeralda" and "O'Higgins" and other vessels, sailing out of Valparaiso harbour and proceeding northwards to Tarapaca to organize armed resistance against the president (see CHILEAN CIVIL WAR). It was not alone this action of Balmaceda in connexion with congress that brought about the revolution. He had alienated the sympathy of the aristocratic classes of Chile by his personal vanity and ambition. The oligarchy composed of the great landowners have always been an important factor in the political life of the republic; when President Balmaceda found that he was not a _persona grata_ to this circle he determined to endeavour to govern without their support, and to bring into the administration a set of men who had no traditions and with whom his personality would be all-powerful. The Clerical influence was also thrown against him in consequence of his radical ideas in respect of Church matters.

Immediately on the outbreak of the revolution President Balmaceda published a decree declaring Montt and his companions to be traitors, and without delay organized an army of some 40,000 men for the suppression of the insurrectionary movement. While both sides were preparing for extremities, Balmaceda administered the government under dictatorial powers with a congress of his own nomination. In June 1891 he ordered the presidential election to be held, and Señor Claudio Vicuña was duly declared chosen as president of the republic for the term commencing in September 1891. The resources of Balmaceda were running short on account of the heavy military expenses, and he determined to dispose of the reserve of silver bullion accumulated in the vaults of the Casa de Moneda in accordance with the terms of the law for the conversion of the note issue. The silver was conveyed abroad in a British man-of-war, and disposed of partly for the purchase of a fast steamer to be fitted as an auxiliary cruiser and partly in payment for other kinds of war material.

The organization of the revolutionary forces went on slowly. Much difficulty was experienced in obtaining the necessary arms and ammunition. A supply of rifles was bought in the United States, and embarked on board the "Itata," a Chilean vessel in the service of the rebels. The United States authorities refused to allow this steamer to leave San Diego, and a guard was stationed on the ship. The "Itata," however, slipped away and made for the Chilean coast, carrying with her the representatives of the United States. A fast cruiser was immediately sent in pursuit, but only succeeded in overhauling the rebel ship after she was at her destination. The "Itata" was then forced to return to San Diego without landing her cargo for the insurgents. The necessary arms and ammunition were arranged for in Europe; they were shipped in a British vessel, and transferred to a Chilean steamer at Fortune Bay, in Tierra del Fuego, close to the Straits of Magellan and the Falkland Islands, and thence carried to Iquique, where they were safely disembarked early in July 1891. A force of 10,000 men was now raised by the _junta_ of the revolution, and preparations were rapidly pushed forward for a move to the south with the object of attacking Valparaiso and Santiago. Early in April a portion of the revolutionary squadron, comprising the "Blanco Encalada" and other ships, was sent to the southward for reconnoitring purposes and put into the port of Caldera. During the night of the 23rd of April, and whilst the "Blanco Encalada" was lying quietly at anchor, a torpedo boat called the "Almirante Lynch," belonging to the Balmaceda faction, steamed into the bay of Caldera and discharged a torpedo at the rebel ship. The "Blanco Encalada" sank in a few minutes and 300 of her crew perished.

Defeat and suicide of Balmaceda.