CHAPTER IV

Closing Years

And, if they be but faithful to their trust, Earth will remember them with love and joy; And oh, far better, God will not forget. For he who settles Freedom’s principles Writes the death-warrant of all tyranny; Who speaks the truth stabs falsehood to the heart; And his mere word makes despots tremble more Than ever Brutus with his dagger could.—LOWELL, _L’Envoi_.

As to the reason why I write some remarkable Passages of my Sufferings for Truth, and also the great Things which the Lord hath wrought for me, both in supporting me therein, and delivering me out of. I say these Things are wrote, that my Children and others may be encouraged to be faithful to the Lord, and valiant for the Truth upon the Earth; for for that Cause it came into my Mind, to tell unto others how good the Lord hath been unto me, for which I am deeply engaged to Praise his great Name.—JOHN GRATTON, _Journal_, 1720, p. 119.

Some time during the year 1665-6 Elizabeth Hooton must have returned to England, for again we find her writing to the King a letter bearing this endorsement, which approximately fixes the date, “This was in the abating of yᵉ Sicknes,” thus showing that it was written in the year of the Plague. An extract from it is interesting, confirming the fact that banishment, and that under terrible conditions, was a punishment to which the Quakers were subjected:[96]

O King,

... What reason is there to carry vs into other lands, and thrust many into an old vissited shipp wᶜʰ was rotten, & leaked water, whose blood will be laid to the charge of them that did it, for many of them are dead, and the rest wee know not what is become of them, Except they bee took by the Hollanders, as some of them are. And in three shipps before this was there more carryed away into other lands both old and Young from wiues & Children & other relations & their owne Natiue Country....

There are in existence letters from E. Hooton’s son Samuel, who about this time believed himself called to pay a religious visit to America, and from one of these we find that although the family had interests in Leicestershire, they still held the farm at Skegby. It is dated: “the 17ᵗʰ day of yᵉ 3ᵈ Mo:[May] 66. From Samuell Hooton, now on yᵉ sea goeing for new England” and is addressed: “To Timothy Garland[97] in Mansfeild Nottingam shʳ ffor Oliver Hooton in Skegsby, Wᵗʰ Care.”[98]

The Journal of Samuel Hooton’s visit to New England contains the following interesting allusion to his mother. He had held a large meeting in Boston and in consequence had been taken with many others to the house of the Governor.[99] In the course of his defence he said:[100]

I had an old mother was here amongst you, & bore many of your stripes, & much cruelty at your hands, & when shee came at the first, I was against her coming; & now shee is returned. Is shee returned? saith Bellingham, Yea, I said, shee is safe returned. And now yᵉ lord hath laid it vpon mee to come hither to bear witness against your cruelty & hardheartednesse against the lords innocent lambs; And before I was made willing to give vp to come, I was brought even to deaths doore, if I had not obeyed I had been dead before this day. Therefore I can say with boldnesse, before you all, the lord hath sent mee hither to bear witnesse against your cruelty.

Truly the son had inherited something of the mother’s boldness.

* * * * *

As so many of Elizabeth Hooton’s letters are undated, they are of but slight assistance in determining the order of events in her life, but in an account written by Patrick Livingstone,[101] of his service in Leicestershire, and his subsequent imprisonment in Leicester gaol, we get a glimpse of her still engaged about what she conceived to be “her Master’s business.” Here are extracts from the narrative:[102]

As I was on my Journy I came into Sison [Syston], it was ordered, that some Friends, and other sober people of the Town came into the house, and the love of God did spring in my heart to the people whom I exhorted.... There came in a Constable, with one John Lewins, who violently haled me away ... to a Justices house.

A young man present, having “passed his word,” against the prisoner’s wishes, for his appearance several days later, he was liberated, and during the time other meetings were held and more Friends imprisoned. At what period Elizabeth Hooton comes on to the scenes we are not told, but while the prisoners were detained in an alehouse she

came in to see the Prisoners, and she prayed among them; but the wicked man Lewins pulled and drew her, & used her badly, and had like to have hurt her, being an old weak woman, and yet she was not at the Meeting....

At night they had them to one called Justice Babington,[103] but no justice appeared in him. He gave order to have them the next day to Thumerstone ... and put us in an Orchard, where many people came, and the everlasting Truth was declared.... For several hours we kept the Meeting amongst the people ... and we were at the back of the house where the Justice was, but none had power to stop the declaration of Truth.

These determined and intrepid “publishers of the Truth” were called away from their meeting one after another to stand before two Justices, on the charge of illegal gathering, and after much argument with the Bench they were fined and imprisoned, E. Hooton’s share being £1 or three weeks. The narrative concludes as follows (p. 38):

Now we are fully persuaded in our own minds by the Spirit of God that we do not meet out of contempt to Authority but in obedience to Divine commands: we must not forbear our Meeting because they say they fear we will plot. God in his due time will fully clear us; but in the mean time we must do our duty as the Lord requires us ... and so long as we stand obedient to the will of our God it shall be well with us whatever comes, loss of life or any thing else, our Life in God they cannot touch....

Written in Leicester-Prison the sixth day of the fourth month, 1667.

It seems probable that Patrick Livingstone visited Elizabeth Hooton at her home at Skegby; his future wife, Sarah Hyfeild, of Nottingham, appears as one of the Friends named for “publicke service” in the Minute Book of the Women’s Quarterly Meeting for Nottinghamshire, which Meeting was “setled” in 1671. The marriage took place in 1676, and the occasion elicited from the Friends of Aberdeen Monthly Meeting a fully-signed liberating certificate, which remains a noble tribute to the bridegroom’s Christian character, and a token of the high esteem and love of his north country friends; Robert Barclay and David Barclay are amongst the signatories.[104]

* * * * *

Accustomed as we are to the easy tolerance of the present day, the echoes of the fierce controversies waged between opposing religious sects during the seventeenth century sound strangely in our ears; Elizabeth Hooton, as one would naturally expect, was not behind in engaging in this wordy war. In 1667 we find her writing:[105]

You bawling Women from yᵉ Ranters ... you have said Wee have made an Jdoll of George Fox.... You have hunted for Richard Farneworth & others formerly.... Therefore misery will come upon you.

About 1668, Elizabeth Hooton came into violent conflict with the sect of the Muggletonians. She appears to have written a letter against Lodowicke Muggleton,[106] to which he refers in a letter he sent to her in January, 1668, commencing as follows:[107]

I saw a letter of yours sent to James Brocke; it is supposed that you are the mother, or some relation to that Samuel Hooton of Nottingham, who was damned to eternity by me in the year 1662. It is no great marvel unto me that he proved such a desperate devil, seeing his mother was such an old she-serpent that brought him forth into this world.... She hath shot forth her poisonous arrows at me in blasphemy, curses, and words, thinking herself stronger than her brethren.... Therefore, in obedience to my commission ... I do pronounce Elizabeth Hooton, Quaker, ... cursed and damned, both in soul and body, from the presence of God, elect men and angels, to eternity.

It is only fair to state that if the quotations from the letter written by her to Brocke are correct, her denunciations were equally emphatic.

* * * * *

It is with relief we turn from this phase in her career to find her again pleading the cause of the oppressed, and in statesman-like manner pointing out the evils consequent upon oppression. Here is her letter to the King and both Houses of Parliament:[108]

ffreinds consider in time wᵗ you haue done Both in Citty and Countrey by this late Act how haue you ruinated hundreds of Antient housekeepers in the Countrey and yᵉ cry of yᵉ Jnnocent is entred into the eares of yᵉ Lord against you yᵗ haue done it, Consider therefore what you will doe with these poore people you haue Jmpouerished and restore them theire goods againe, for they were releiuers of the poore And paid theire Rents and Taxes duly.

But the Justices and some of the preists haue Bought theire goods for halfe that they were worth and drunkards and swearers runs away with the rest they sweare men are at the meeting when they are not & by false sweareinge the Compasse mens goods into theire hands which is theft; and soe theiues and Robbers haue entered vpon our goods And men weomen and Children are by this meanes driuen to great want; They haueing within some few months enough & to releiue others Soe if you consider not these things in time it will Bring A ruination both vpon the King and Countrey, Soe its good for you to consider it in time before it be to late And take of this Act and make better Lawes Least you ruinate all.

This is done in the Countrey besides all bodyly Abuses consider what they doe in this citty they pull downe our houses the[y] Batter and bruise men And weomen with theire Swords with theire guns with theire hallbards & with pikes & Staues runing vpon them with horses what may wee expect But yᵗ many of these are papists and outlandish men yᵗ doth it. Jf such wicked things as these bee Tollerated to destroy honest people who serues the Lord with all theire harts and great companys that follows Mountebancks play houses & other vaine pastimes that are vpheld in this Citty what may wee expect But yᵗ the hand of yᵉ Lord may fall sodainely vpon you.

Therefore in time repent and take heed and doe Justice and loue mercy And walke humbly with your god that you may find a place of repentance Least you be shutt out for ever J am a louer of yoʳ soules who would not haue you to perish,

ELISABETH HOOTON.

Elizabeth Hooton also made a point of informing the King as to what was taking place in Nottinghamshire. In one of these letters, after stating that she, an aged woman, had travelled over a hundred miles, and recounting the “greuieous havock” under the “New Act”[109] caused to Friends in London, she continues:[110] “I Brought you A Letter from Nottingham shire to the Kings hall; which sett forth how Greate oppresshon one side of the shier had suffered Amounting to a Boue three hundred pounds, beeing att one meeting....” Apparently there were only two others present besides the family at whose house the meeting was held, and £12 and £15 were taken from them in fines. “They make noe Conscience what they take,” she continues; and she also tells how one magistrate had fined a man twenty pounds for “worshipping of god” and then had ordered his officers to take three or four times as much “beecause they might Sell good peny worthes, and They Tooke Thirty pownds worth of Goods and sent to the same man for Titth wooll and Lambe After they had taken away his sheep.” She tells also of the loss of her own cows.

In another letter to the King, she writes:[111]

They have taken to Prisson both Men & Boyes in yᵉ Country & brought yᵐ to Nottingham Prisson Contrary to yᵉ Act & yᵉ Country is against itt and Jtt brings a Ruination.

And again, to King and Parliament, she writes:[112]

They took from one man for heaueing of 3 meetings in his house 150ˡⁱ pounds & Ruined him his wife and Children by penniston Whally Justice & Waker yᵉ informer And Ruined other to younge men at farnsfeild.

And we have another letter asking for an order to the Leicestershire magistrates to restore her goods “that J may haue a horse to ride on in my old age.”[113] So many of her appeals are on the same theme that it is exceedingly difficult in making selections to avoid reiteration, but the following addressed to the Lord Chamberlain[114] is so characteristic of her that, in spite of repetition, we hardly like to omit it:[115]

ffrind.

This J wright that thou maist consider the cause of the innocent, with the cause of the widdow, how it is as yit sleighted by one & another.

J labored on foot to come hither to London, aboue 100 miles being one yᵗ is aged, & weake, to lay before the King & counsell the greuiances of the innocent, who are imprisoned all ouer the Nation, who haue not wronged the King, nor his Counsell, nor haue not entertained euill in our hearts against him, to doe him any hurt, or wrong in the least, & hither haue J come time after time, for that thinge, & for equity, & Justice, who had my goods taken away contrary to yʳ owne law, my goods, for another bodies fine, though he allsoe did fulfill yʳ law in suffering the penalty of it, & what could be more required. They took from me 20ˡ worth of goods in time of harvest, namely my teame, which at that time was aboue 100ˡ losse to me, & my ffamily, both as to the losse of my cattle & corne, and putting off my ffarme. This was don at Sileby in Leicester shire by Mathew Babington of Roadby, whome they call Justice, he bearinge Sway aboue the rest to doe mischeife, by setting a Baly of the hundred on worke called William Palmer, who took away my goods, and sold them, and J would haue had a warrant time after time of the Justices to fetch him before them, but they would grant me none, But the hand of the Lord light on that man, and he died a miserable death.

Soe seing J could not be heard there in the Country, nor righted, Therefore J haue appealed and applyed my selfe to the King, who bid me goe to the Lord Chamberlane, and J should haue an answer by him, soe J applyed my selfe to thee, to know an answer from the King, how J might haue my ffrinds at liberty, or gett my goods restored, but as yit J haue had noe answer as to either of them, but when J was heare before, thou writ me a letter to carry to the Earle of Stamford,[116] and sealed it, which J did carry to him accordingly, in a sore jurney to the endangering of my life, but had J Knowne what had been in it, J should haue labored more to the King & Duke of Yorke before J went, which then might haue been serviceable to me or my ffrinds, J neuer did desire any Lords favor, for my goods againe, nor deed of Charity, for these were not my words, but onely equity & Justice.

My harts desire is, that you may doe Justice & Judgement, all of you while you haue time, least yʳ day goe ouer yʳ heads, as to others it hath don before you; and so come to yᵗ which is true honor, out of all flattering titles, for the true Nobility is to hear the cry of the Jnnocent and to doe Justice & Judgmᵗ to the widdow, the ffatherlesse, and to Keep yʳ selues vnspotted from the world, and this is the true Nobility which is vnchangeable & that man is noble in his place which will hear the cry of the Jnnocent & help them in theire distresse but he yᵗ will not doe it, comes short of the vnjust Judge, whoe though he neither feared God nor regarded man, yit did the widdow Justice, least shee should weary him, Soe ffrind, take these thinges into thy Consideration, for J haue respected thee, more then many because of thy moderation which is noble in itts place....

Concerning that letter which the Earle of Stamford sent to thee by me itt being soe coldly handled between you both, noe thinge is don for my satisfaction, and whereas his letter saith, that some men are dead that bought my cattle, and that the rest are vnwilling to contribute any considerable matter, to this, J say, that the Baley of hundred is dead but the men that bought the cattle of him were aliue, when J came, for J was with them, but if any that they sold them to be dead, or noe, that J cannot tell, but he that should restore my goods is Mathew Babington if J may haue my right.

The Earle of Stamford hath been about it, to see what they will doe who had my goods, but seing he hath noe more forceable letter from hence, he could doe nothing but hath left it vnto thee, therefore if thou writest to him againe lett it be effectually that J may haue Justice, for the law is not against me but for me, (though J cannot make vse of it in a way of sute) and this J know you may doe between you, being sett in greater power then many others.

this was deliuered the 10ᵗʰ day of the 5ᵗʰ month 1667

A louer of your soules & a frind to all that are honest harted

ELIZABETH HOOTON.

Evidently this letter to the Lord Chamberlain had no effect, for there is a further appeal to the King, mainly interesting as the following names are given as witnesses to the truth of her statement: Thomas Snooden, William Snooden, Timothy Garland, Nicholas House, Nicholas Parsons, Thomas Barradell, Robert Clarke.[117]

In the same letter she writes:

The Magistrates which will doe me noe justice—Behman [Beaumont] Dixey, Justice Babington of Rodely [_sic_], Earle of Stamford and John Grey his sonne, with many others in Leicestershire, which some said they would doe me Justice, but did me none.

In the Countrey there is no Justice but Cruelty: they will not heare the Cry of the innocent.

She also appeals to the Duke of York, and in the conclusion of a letter to him, she says:[118]

Therefore I allso apply my selfe to thee, for thy asistance, in this thing, yᵗ some effectuall meanes may be used for the restoring of my goods.... The Earle of Stamford who is the Kings freind knowes how my busines is, & may dispatch it, if effectually writ to.

Here is another extract setting forth her opinion of lawyers, and others called upon to administer the law, and also demonstrating her pertinacity in her endeavours to obtain justice. She begins in the customary manner by recounting the history of her visits to the King, and continues:[119]

... The King had put it in to the [hands of the] Justices to [_paper torn_] things and J said J had beene with them and they would [_paper torn_] me no Right but bad me goe to law but the lawyars i said ar corrup as the maiestrats ar that J cannot vse them but they said go to the maiestrats againe and see if they will do Justice if they will not bring there names and som to testify the goods were mine and i should haue Justice.

And so i came to another sessions and let them know what J had done and what they said and hath waited for Justice agen J went to som of there houses and to the bench and followed them whether they went both day and at nights when they met to gether to know whether they would do me Justice or no Justice to which they hardened there harts and stifened there necks against the widows complaint and Regarded no Just law....

She did not hesitate boldly to warn the King of his errors, as the following passage shows:[120]

How oft haue J come to thee in my old age both for thy reformation and safety, for the good of thy soule And for Justice and equity. Oh that thou would not giue thy Kingdome to yᵉ papists nor thy strength to weomen....

In her efforts to obtain Justice for herself she was never unmindful of the interests of her friends, and in one of her numerous letters to the King and Council she mentions that William Dewsbury, Thomas Goodaire and Henry Jackson, three Yorkshire men, were in Warwick Prison, Francis Howgill in Kendal, and Thomas Taylor in Aylesbury.[121]

In Northampton there are fifteene under the Act of Banishment. J desire that you may set them at libertye besides all the rest that are there. These are all yᵉ Kings Prisoners.[122]

In another letter to the King and Council she mentions that there were forty Friends in Reading prison, and that some had been confined there six or seven years.[123]

In yet another letter addressed to the King she makes allusion to the national calamities, and points a lesson therefrom:[124] “If there be not A speedy repentance judgmᵗˢ will ensue, as Late hath been in England yᵉ Pestilence yᵉ Sword & yᵉ Fire.” It was probably written in the year 1667 or 1668, after the arrival of the Dutch ships in the Thames under De Ruyter. Pepys, under date 11th of June, 1667, in his _Diary_ says: “Pett writes us word that Sheerenesse is lost last night, after two or three hours’ dispute,” and he gives a graphic account of the alarm in the city, consequent on the withdrawal of the soldiers to Chatham and elsewhere: “which looks as if they had a design to ruin the City and give it up to be undone; which, I hear, makes the sober citizens to think very sadly of things.” John Evelyn, too, speaking of the Dutch incursion, says: “The alarme was so greate that it put both Country and Citty into a paniq feare and consternation such as I hope I shall never see more; every body was flying none knew why or whither.”

* * * * *

It is pleasant to turn from sufferings and controversies to events of a domestic character in the strenuous life of Elizabeth Hooton. On 21st September, 1669, her daughter Elizabeth, who had been a sufferer with her mother in New England, was married to Thomas Lambert, of Handsworth, at her mother’s house at Skegby. We have more details of this event in the following record:

Thos: Lamberd of Heansworth Woodhouse in Yorkshire & Elizabeth Hooton of Skegby in Nottinghamshire, Daughter of Elizabeth Hooton did take one another to be husband & wife according to the Church order & yᵉ practice of yᵉ holy men of God in yᵉ Scripture in yᵉ House of Elizabeth Hooton upon yᵉ 21 of yᵉ VII mo in yᵉ year 1669 unto yᵉ Truth of which we have set to our names—

WILLIAM MALSON THOMAS COCKRAM ROBERT STACY ROBERT HASSEHURST MAHLON STACY JOHN FFRETWELL THOMAS BROCKSOPP JOHN BINGHAM THOMAS FFOUKE GEORGE COCKRAM WILLIAM CLAY GODFREY NEWBOULD ABRAHAM SENOR ROBERT GRACE[125]

The names of most of the Friends who signed Thomas and Elizabeth Lambert’s wedding certificate appear again in the book recording the sufferings of Friends in the Mansfield district, and in the early Minute Book of the Women’s Quarterly Meeting for Nottinghamshire.

Fourteen months later, 30th of November, 1670, Elizabeth Hooton’s son Samuel was married to Elizabeth Smedley, of Skegby, at his mother’s house. There is a very interesting entry in the first Nottinghamshire Quarterly Meeting Minute Book in reference to this marriage. Elizabeth Hooton, in assuring the Meeting of her consent to this union, writes,[126] 26th of December, 1670:

This doe I certify concering my sonne Samuel. I spake to Geo: Fox about taking the young woman to wife, & he asked me what she was, & I told him as near as I could of her behaviour, & he bade me let him take her, & soe that makes me willing that he should take her to wife.—ELIZABETH HOOTON.

As in the case of the daughter’s marriage the names of no women appear amongst the witnesses, but as their mother was in England at this time, she was most likely present at both ceremonies.

* * * * *

In the Episcopal Returns for 1669, we find the name of Elizabeth Hooton among those of “Heads & Teachʳˢ” of the Friends’ Meeting at Harby, Lincs.[127]

About this time too we find E. Hooton intervened in the dispute between Margaret Fell and her son and daughter-in-law, George and Hannah Fell. There are two letters in existence, both evidently addressed to Hannah Fell; one is endorsed: “ffor George ffells widdow at Marsh Grainge in ffurnace,” the other: “To a Woman unnamed, who had got a judgmᵗ agᵗ her mother in law.”[128] From the latter we learn that Elizabeth Hooton must have seen George Fell on the subject of the litigation, for she writes:

Freind.

When J was wᵗʰ the & thy Husband J hadd some thing on my Spᵗ from yᵉ Lord yᵗ hee might bee warned from ꝑsecuteing yᵉ Just, or Joyneing wᵗʰ them yᵗ did, for he is gon from yᵗ Truth wᶜʰ hee once was in, & had Joyned himselfe wᵗʰ yᵉ ꝑsecuteing magistrates & preists, & had been a meanes to Cause his mother to bee ꝑsecuted, & imprisoned, & yᵐ yᵗ mett at hir howse & this (soe farr as J did heare) was thy Husbands worke, but J was moved of yᵉ Lord to goe to him, & declare to him hee was gon out from that Truth he was in before; & now hath hee Joyned him selfe wᵗʰ yᵉ ꝑsecutors, & was a lover of pleasures & did not at all love yᵉ Truth, but ꝑsecute it; & was a meanes to keep his Mother in prison, & was a meanes for ought J Could heare to premunire hir, but J was made to tell him yᵗ if hee did goe on in yᵗ ꝑsecuting way & would not turne to yᵉ Truth wᶜʰ hee once Received, yᵉ Lord would Cutt him off boath Root & branch, & though his Mother were sett at liberty againe by yᵉ King, yett did thy Husband goe to yᵉ King againe, & Gott hir premunired & put into prison againe, (for ought [J] know) & now the lords hand hath Cutt him off & shortened his dayes.

And Now it is Reported yᵗ thou hast Gotten a Judgmᵗ against thy Syce to Sweep away all yᵗ shee hath, boath goods, & Land, wᵗ a Rebellious Daughter in law art thou.

The rest of the letter consists of warnings and predictions of what will befall if such unjust conduct is persisted in. It concludes:

Soe to yᵉ light of Xᵗ in thy Conscience Returne, wᶜʰ will lett the see all thy wayes; J am a lover of thy Soule

ELIZABETH HOOTEN.

Her intervention did not end here, for we find her writing to the King and Council on behalf of Margaret Fox. In an undated letter, after calling their attention to the great distress caused by the Act “which hath ruined many hundred of famylies which cannot now pay Rents taxes nor sesments which did releiue many poore and now is not able to releiue them selues,” she continues:[129]

Shee yᵗ was Judge ffells wife had a rebellious and disobedient sonn which sought the ruination of his own mother the Lord Cutt him of by Death and now her sonnes wife seekes to ruinate her mother in Law by getting a Judgmᵗ against her att this Size at Lancaster to dispossesse her of her proper right and soe both ruinate her and her children if shee can: Lett the King and Councill Consider this and holpe the widow and the fatherlesse. That which her husband left her, her daughter in Law seekes to ruinate her of. Soe I beseech you consider it in tyme and send some thing speedily to yᵉ Judges yᵗ Justice may be administred.

I am a louer of your Soules

ELIZABETH HOOTON.

Undeterred by age, the perils and discomforts of the voyage, or the prospect of bonds and imprisonment which it was possible would be her portion, Elizabeth Hooton, in a letter written from London in conjunction with Hannah Salter[130] to Margaret Fox, a prisoner in Lancaster Castle, speaks of the call she had received to proceed with George Fox and the party of Friends who were intending to visit their brothers and sisters in the faith beyond the seas:[131]

Deare Margret who Art faithfull and in the wisdome of god and art A sufferer for god and his Truth and thy sufferings hath been many and great and thou art A Mother in Jsraele god is thy witnese thou hast suffered more then many haue Expected, yet hath yᵉ Lord deliuered thee, Euerlasting praises to his name for euer, bee thou of good Cumfort yᵉ Lord will Deliuer thee still and they that seeke to Ruinate thee will yᵉ Lord Ruinate, Jf they doe not Speedely Repent and Amend: there is no way but to trust in yᵉ Lord for hee is A true deliuerer.

Hannah Salter hath been with the King and Leighboured much in thy Cause and J haue been prety much with the parliment and haue giuen them prety many Bookes and spoken prety much to them. We haue giuen yᵉ parliment above 200 of the Reighnment of Popery[132] besids many other good Bookes, J beleiue to the worth of 20ˡⁱ and they tooke them uery well, but what they will do to us more J Know not.

J haue A great desier to see thee Jf thou could but Come to thy husband before hee goe so the Lord giue thee some Liberty that thou may see him, and it would make my hart glad. J know nothing but J may goe with him it hath been much on mee to goe a great while and to doe yᵉ best that Js Required for him. One Letter haue J written to thy Sons wife and J desire thou may see it ouer, that Jf there bee any thing in it yᵗ is Amisse thou maist mend it, for it ware much on mee to write it, and so at present J haue no more but my Loue to thee and thy daughters and friends for J am in hast to goe up againe to the parlement and so farwell my dearly beloued friend which art in the Power of Truth, god blessed for euer.

ELIZ: HOOTON.

Hannah Salter hath some hopes yᵗ the Buisinesse will bee effected shee would not leaue yᵉ King till he had Granted what was required and his Counscill with him promised her yᵗ it should be done Soe shee goes to him againe yᵉ second day to haue it written & sealed soe J hope it will be done in gods tyme, yᵗ wee may all praise his holy name for his mercy towards thee & towards vs. Soe J end farewell, deare Margrett.

From the above letter we obtain an insight into Elizabeth Hooton’s activities in the year 1670. On the 15th January, 1670, Friends in Nottinghamshire appealed to King and Parliament for the relief of their sufferings, and among the Appellants are Elizabeth Hooton and Elizabeth Hooton, Junr.[133] The latter was, probably, the wife of Samuel, become Hooton only a month or two before.

In these days, when we are constantly reminding those outside our Society of the acknowledgment by our early Friends of the spiritual equality of men and women, it is extremely interesting to note that women were frequently engaged in and actually did carry through negotiations of a very delicate and decidedly secular character. This is proved by George Fox’s account of his wife’s release from Lancaster Castle, which took place in April, 1671; he says:[134]

I was moved to speak to Martha Fisher[135] and another woman Friend, to go to the King about her liberty. They went in faith, and in the Lord’s power, who gave them favour with the King, so that he granted a discharge under the broad-seal, to clear both her and her estate, after she had been ten years a prisoner and premunired; the like wherof [of such discharge] was scarcely to be heard in England.

John Rous, writing to his mother-in-law, Margaret Fox, gives a more detailed account of the proceedings attendant on her release, in a letter dated 4th of April, 1671; he says:[136]

Last 6ᵗʰ day yᵉ two women tooke the grant out of the Attourney Generals office, & he gave yᵐ his fee, wᶜʰ should have been 5ˡⁱ, & his clerke tooke but 20ˢ, wheras his fee was 40ˢ. Yesterday they went with it to yᵉ King who signed it in the Counsell & Arlington[137] also signed it but would take noe fees, wheras his fees would have been 12ˡⁱ or 20ˡⁱ, neither would Williamsons[138] man take any thing saying yᵗ if any religion were true, it is ours, tomorrow it is to passe yᵉ Signet; & on 6ᵗʰ day, the privy seale, & afterwards the broad Seale wᶜʰ may be done on any day. The power of the Lord hath bowed their hearts wonderfully.

Margaret Fox, after her release from Lancaster, returned to Swarthmoor for a brief period; she then joined George Fox in London for the Yearly Meeting of 1671, and afterwards remained with him, until, three months later, 13th August, he and his little company of twelve set sail “towards America and some of the Isles thereunto belonging.” Elizabeth Hooton and Elizabeth Miers[139] were the only women included in the party.

From George Fox and others we have a very full account of the voyage of the “Catch _Industry_, Master Thomas Foster.” Margaret Fox and other Friends accompanied the travellers as far as Deal. After these had left the boat her voyage was interrupted by a visit from the “Presse Master” of one of the two men-of-war which were lying in the Downs. He took off three of their seamen which action might have postponed the voyage indefinitely had not the Captain of the other frigate, “out of Compassion and much Civillity,” spared two of his men.

Their vessel was leaky: on the 27th of August this entry appears in the diary of the voyage, kept by John Hull:[140]

Our Ship soe leaky ever since wee came to the Downes that Seamen and passengers doe for the most part day and night pumpe. this day wee observed that in two houres she suckt in sixteene Inches of water in the well, some makes it tenne Tunn a day. It is well however for it is good to keepe Seamen and passengers in health.

Travellers of to-day would probably strongly object to this particular form of health-giving exercise, except under the very sternest necessity.

Then the Journal tells of an apparent “Chace” given by a strange ship which “some conjectur’d by her sayles among the Marriners that it was likely a Sally man of warr, standing of the A sores Ilands, which caused a great feare among some of the passengers, dreading to be taken by them, but friends were well satisfyed in themselves, having no feare upon their spirrits.” George Fox assured the Master when he came “to advise with him and understand his Judgment of it in the power made answer that the life was over all, and the power was betweene them and us.” The _Industry_ escaped attack and eventually they lost sight of the “Sally man.”

Many meetings were also held, some amongst Friends only, and others with the passengers who “seemed to be very attentive.”

At length, after nearly two months, this voyage—not lacking in interest and incident—ended, and the _Industry_ anchored in Carlisle Bay, Barbados, about nine o’clock at night on the 3rd October.

During his stay, George Fox addressed a letter to the Governor of Barbados, defending the Quakers against gross slanders which had been promulgated against them. We have also two letters from Elizabeth Hooton. Whether both were written at this period is uncertain. One is addressed “To the Rulers and Magestrats of this Island that ought to Rule for god.” After general exhortations and warnings, she continues:[141]

J haue seene many ouerturnes, and the Lord will ouerturne Still. Therefore haue a Care in the feare of the Lord that hee may giue a blessing vnto you.... And soe Consider what is required for in this Jsland. There is Great need of Justice and Judgment, for if one goe vp into the Countrey, there is A great Cry of the Poore being Robbed by Rich mens Negroes, Soe that they cannot with out great Troble, keep any thing from being Stolen; And if they doe complaine they Cannot get any Sattisfaction; Now it is the Duty of Euery man to take Care and see there family haue Suffitient food and any thing else the stand in need off; as Jnstructed in that that is good, that they may bee Kept from Stealeing and doeing any thing that is Euill; Soe that yoᵘ may make good Lawes and yoʳ People be Kept in good order, according to what is made knowne to them by them that Rule ouer them. And soe yoᵘ Come ... to a true Reformation yoʳ Selues, first reforming yoʳ Selues in yoʳ familyes, and yoᵘ will see Clearly how to Rule others, for a Reformation god looks for Among yoᵘ and all People, that god may bless yoᵘ.... Therefore to the Light of Christ returne; that yoᵘ may see what yoᵘ should doe and what yoᵘ should not doe and that all yoʳ ac̄c̄ons may be guided by itt, for hee hath Jnlightened Euery one that Comes in to the World. J am a louer of yoʳ Soules and am Come to Warne yoᵘ

ELIZA: HOOTON.

The second letter[142] is probably the last she wrote, and was evidently prompted by the same reasons which had influenced George Fox in addressing the Rulers of the Island. It is endorsed: “E. Hooton to some Ruler in Barbado’s 7ᵗʰ of 10/mo 1671 To warne him not to give eare to false reports & yᵉ Priests suggestions agᵗ yᵉ innocent.”

ffrend.

Some thing J haue to thee, Jf thou wilt be noble in thy place, lend not an eare to the wicked nor to persecutors, if thee Prests come about thee aganst the Jnnocent, as they haue all wayes don, and Cry help magistrats or else our traid will goe downe. Neither giue eare to Any Sett that comes to the wᵗʰ falce Accusations.... The Lord hath somtimes Restrained such men as would haue done us mischeefe and oft haue J been wᵗʰ the Parlement & they haue been very Ciuell to me & J haue giuen them many Boockes & Letters & they haue Receᵈ them & haue not done those many bad Things against us as Sum would haue had them to haue done; but let persecution sease, and our Meetings in London ware & are still as wee are informed by yᵉ Last Shipes peaceable: and the Last Mayor that wos when J wos there never did us hurt nor broke up ouer metings....

Ther fore take heade that thou doe not Joyne with them that would percecute & wrong yᵉ Jnnocent, for Jf thou doest thou wilt wrong thy one Sole: neither harken thou to such wicked men as will bring thee Storeys & lyes against George ffox, nor anny of Gods people for J haue knone him to be An upright honest harted man as wast in England this twenty fiue years: Soe quit thy selfe well in thy Place & god will bles the but Giue not head to folce accusors nor to the preasts for thos war thay that Crusified Christ & put his Apossells to deth and thay are yᵉ men yᵗ now would doe the same thinges if thay had power. J haue knone there Cruelty aboue this twenty yeares to me & to many others, thouf J haue no Enmyty against them nor noe Revenage Jn my harte but desire that thay Repent and turne to the Lorde as sum of them haue done: Soe Returne to the Light in thy Consciene wᶜʰ will not let the doe any Wrong to any if thou be Obedient to Jt:

from one yᵗ is a louer of thy Sole

ELIZABETH HOOTON.

Barbados this 7ᵗʰ of the 10ᵗʰ monᵗʰ 1671.

After three months’ stay in that island, on the 8th January, 1671/2, George Fox, accompanied by Elizabeth Hooton and others, left for Jamaica and arrived safely on the 18th.

From the Testimony of James Lancaster[143] concerning Elizabeth Hooton we gather particulars of her illness and death. He says:[144]

Her seruise was to stay at the place called porte royall and alsoe my seruise to be there the next ffirst day and soe comeing in vpon the 7 day of the weeke found her weake in bodie at present though the day before shee had beene among friends in the towne exorting them to faithfullnes in the worke of god and J came vp the staires where shee was and the had newlie taken her out of her bed into a chaire.

She was much swelled and J said let her haue iaire and the opened the windowes and opened her bodies and then her breath came and shee looked vp and see me but could not speake. J said let vs put her into her bed least shee gett cold, and we did and shee looked vpon me and J her my life rose towards her and allsoe her life answered mine again with greate Joy betwixt vs and shee said it is well James thou art come and fastened her arms aboute me and said blessed be the lord god that has made vs partakers of those heuenly mercies and more words to the like effecte and embraced me with a kisse and laid her selfe Downe and turned her selfe on her side and soe her breath went weaker and weaker till it was gone from her and soe passed away as though shee had beene asleep and none knew of her departure but as her breath was gone....

And so, still in the thick of the fight, far from her home in the quiet Nottinghamshire village, she fell on sleep. Though her story is so far removed from our own time, something of that peace enters into our souls in the knowledge that her long and strenuous life ended in a great calm.

George Fox, writing to Friends from Rhode Island, 19th June, 1672, says:[145]

Elizabeth Hootton is deceased at Jamaicae ... James Lancaster was by her and can give an account what words she spoke and of her Testimony concerneing Truth a farther account I shall give concerneing her outward things to her Relations but let her Sonne Oliver gather up all her papers and her sufferings and send them to London that her life and death may bee printed.

To our lasting regret the latter injunction never appears to have been carried out, or at any rate the record has been lost, for no history of her, written by a contemporary, remains, and after the lapse of over two hundred and forty years there are necessarily many blanks which can never be filled. George Fox, in his Testimony concerning her, written in 1690, says:[146]

In her Life she was very much Exercised with priests outward Professours Apostates Backsliders and Profane, for she was a Godly Woman & had a Great Care Lay upon her for People to walk in yᵉ Truth that did Profess itt, and from her Receiving yᵉ Truth she never turned her Back of itt but was fervent & ffaithfull for it till Death.

This is amply confirmed by the fragments of her history which remain to us, and from these fragments she emerges a heroic figure, one who worthily played her part in the heroic age of the Society of Friends: always valiant for the truth, quick to seize any opportunity that offered to plead the cause of her fellow sufferers, even though her own sufferings made the occasion—fearless in denouncing the evils of the time—far in advance of the age in which she lived in her advocacy of prison and other reforms, and, though her methods may appear strangely uncouth in our politer days, yet her history is eloquent in its lessons for us, conscious, it may be, that, in the words of Whittier,

The spirit’s temper grows too soft in this still air.[147]

Does not the injunction of an earlier writer[148] need special emphasis to-day? “May we not now, in a time of ease and liberty, live carelessly and indifferently towards Him, but in deep reverence and fear worship him, our great Deliverer, who powerfully wrought in the King’s heart to the setting at freedom and liberty these sons and children of the morning!”

Another age, other problems, and as we consider those which confront us to-day, we ask, with Florence Nightingale, “Was there ever an age in so much need of heroism?” and we recognise too that to solve those problems aright we must approach them in the spirit in which Elizabeth Hooton approached the problems of her time, that spirit which prompted her to say:

All this and much more I have gone thorugh and suffered, and much more could I for the Seed’s sake which is Buried and Oppressed, and as a Cart is laden with Sheaves and as a Prisoner in an inward Prison-House; Yea, the Love that I bear to the Souls of all Men, making me willing to undergo whatsoever can be inflicted.[149]

Addenda

THE HUSBAND OF ELIZABETH HOOTON (pp. 2, 16)

Several writers on Elizabeth Hooton have stated that her husband was _Samuel_: James Bowden, _Hist._ i. 260; A. C. Bickley in _D.N.B._; Charlotte Fell Smith in _The British Friend_, 1893.

Mrs. Manners has come to the conclusion that Elizabeth’s husband was _Oliver_. She thus states her case:

1. Though an exhaustive search of the Nottinghamshire Parish Registers has been made, I failed to find any marriage of a _Samuel_ Hooton to Elizabeth ⸺ in any years when it would possibly have occurred.

2. At Ollerton (which village is said by Thoroton to have been partly owned by Hootons) I found that in the year 1628 _Oliver_ Hooton married Elizabeth Carrier—and on the 4th of May, 1633, Samuel, son of Oliver and Elizabeth Hooton, was baptized. (Ollerton Parish Registers.)

3. No entries in Ollerton Registers between the years 1633 and 1636.

4. At Skegby in the year 1636 a son was born to _Oliver_ and Elizabeth Hooton, and in succeeding years the children born are described as above.

5. In 1657, in the Friends’ Digest Register, the death of _Oliver_ Hooton is recorded, and under the same year the Skegby Parish Registers record _Oliver_ Hooton the elder buried.

6. We learn from a letter written by Thomas Aldam from York Castle, where he and Elizabeth Hooton were imprisoned in 1652, that E. H.’s husband was living at that time.

7. George Fox in his Testimony concerning E. H. says: “Her husband being Zealous for yᵉ Priests much opposed her, in soe much that they had like to have parted but at Last it pleased yᵉ Lord to open his understanding that hee was Convinced alsoe & was faithfull untill Death.” From this statement I should expect to find the entry of his death in the Friends’ Register. The name of _Samuel_ does not occur in either Register of deaths.

8. The late Mary Radley also arrived at the conclusion that the husband’s name was _Oliver_, and our investigations were conducted entirely independently.

NOAH BULLOCK (p. 7)

The name of Noah Bullock does _not_ appear in the list of Mayors of Derby given in William Hutton’s _History of Derby_, ed. of 1791, but the following curious allusion to Bullock occurs in the same work, page 236:

“1676—We sometimes behold that singularity of character which joyfully steps out of the beaten track for the sake of being ridiculous; thus the Barber, to excite attention, exhibited in his window green, blue and yellow wigs, and thus Noah Bullock, enraptured with his name, that of the first navigator, and the founder of the largest family upon record, having 3 sons, named them after those of his predecessor, Shem, Ham and Japhet; and to complete the farce, being a man of property, built an ark, and launched it upon the Derwent, above St. Mary’s-bridge; whether a bullock graced the stern history is silent. Here Noah and his sons enjoyed their abode and the world their laugh. But nothing is more common than for people to deceive each other. The world acts under a mask. If they publicly ridiculed him, he privately laughed at them: for it afterwards appeared he had more sense than honesty; and more craft than either; for this disguise and retreat were to be a security to coin money. He knew Justice could not easily overtake him, and if it should, the deep was ready to hide his coins and utensils. Sir Simon Degge, an active magistrate, who resided at Babington-hall, was informed of Noah’s proceedings, whom he personally knew: the Knight sent for him and told him, ‘he had taken up a new occupation, and desired to see a specimen of his work.’ Noah hesitated. The magistrate promised that no evil should ensue, provided that he relinquished the trade. He then pulled out a sixpence and told Sir Simon ‘He could make as good work as that.’ The Knight smiled; Noah withdrew, broke up his ark, and escaped the halter.”

The family is an ancient one; there are monumental inscriptions in St. Alkmund’s church to Bullocks of Darley Abbey. The name is still represented in the town.

Information supplied by Edward Watkins, of Fritchley, Derby.

COMMITMENT TO LINCOLN CASTLE (p. 14)

Lyncolnshere.

J was gon out of becingham, & was gone to barnbe in Nottingham shire, & as J was warneing some to repent in yᵉ towne, there come a wicked man forth whose name was Atkingson, a proud man, he stroake me unreasonably, then pul’d he me out of my way over a bridge & when J was over he sent to the Preist of becingham to serve his warrant upon me, & wᵗʰ his warrant he sent me to the Justice, & the Justice being a wicked man he sent me to prison to Lincoln goal. The same Preist put another Man friend into prison for tithes, & hee dyed, & his house keeper came through the chamber where the Preist lay, & he sᵈ good morrow Valentine in a vain light condition, & tooke her in his armes to salute her & suddainly the Lord stroak him wᵗʰ death, though he cryed for his bottle of strong waters but it would not save him, thus the hand of the Lord is agᵗ wicked men, both old & young, [they] shall perish if they transgress. Atkingson came to nought alsoe & was taken away suddainly, yet the Lord was with me in prison though J endured a very cold winter, it was God’s mercy in preserving me that winter from being starved to death, & this widdow woman that kept yᵉ goal was full of cruelty towards me & all yᵉ prisoners.

[Endorsement]

An imperfect paper, yet expressing the Manner of her being sent to Lyncolne Prison: and Gods hand upon yᵉ Priest & Atkinson that were yᵉ cause of her Jmprisonmᵗ there.

MS. in =D.= (Portfolio i. 136)

UNKETTY (page 43)

An enquiry addressed to Augustine Jones, LL.B., of Newton Highlands, Mass., has brought the following information:

Unquity, or Unquity-quisset was the Indian name for Dorchester, which, in 1662, was incorporated as Milton. It is across the Neponset River from Boston, on the somewhat indirect way from Cambridge to Scituate.

Unquity means “a place at the end of the small tidal stream or creek.”

A YOUNG MAN OUT OF THE NORTH OF ENGLAND (p. 43)

This was probably Thomas Newhouse, whose name is included in a list of English Friends visiting N.E., 1661 to 1671 (in the possession of William C. Braithwaite, Banbury, Oxon). The incident is associated with the name of Thomas Newhouse in the histories of Bishop, Besse and Bowden. In Newhouse’s own account of the event and its results, given by Bishop (_op. cit._ p. 472), we read:

“Upon a Lecture-day at Boston in New-England, I was much pressed in Spirit to go into their Worship-house amongst them.... They cryed, Away with him; and some took me by the Throat, and would not suffer me to answer to it, but hurried me down Stairs, to the Carriage of a great Gun, which stood in the Market place, where I was stripp’d, and tyed to the wheel, and whipp’d with ten Stripes ... and then ... whipp’d ... at Roxbury ... and at Dedham ... and then sent into the Woods.”

In Bishop’s fuller account of this scene, he tells us (_op. cit._ p. 432) that Newhouse, “having two Glass Bottles in his Hands, dash’d them to pieces, saying to this effect, That so they should be dash’d in Pieces”—a very close parallel with the account given by E. Hooton.

William Edmondson states in his _Journal_, under date 1672, that the Friends of Virginia were “stumbled and scatter’d by his [Newhouse’s] evil Example ... who went from Truth into the Filth and Uncleanness of the World.” See Jones, _Quakers in American Colonies_.

It must have been a sorry spectacle—an old woman and a young man, both half naked, tied side by side to the back of a cart, and lashed with a whip of three knotted cords till blood ran.

HOOTON DESCENDANTS

The materials with which to re-erect the house of Hooton are scattered and difficult to identify; the frequent use of the same fore-name is a source of danger; but we venture to place before our readers such facts as at present see the light, in the hope that later research will be aided thereby.

SAMUEL HOOTON

Samuel, son of Oliver and Elizabeth Hooton, was baptized at Ollerton in 1633.

The hand of persecution rested upon him in early life; we find him in prison in Nottingham in 1660 for refusing to take the Oath of Allegiance,[150] and in Leicester in 1662 he was in prison with George Fox and others,[151] being “cast into yᵉ Dungeon amongst yᵉ felons. There was hardeley roome to lye downe they [the prisoners] were soe thronge.”[152] Before reaching the age of thirty he was the objective of Muggletonian curses,[153] as was his mother later; and eight years after, in 1670, as recorded by Besse,[154] restraints were laid upon his goods “for the Cause of religiously Assembling to worship God.”

On the 30th of November, 1670, Samuel Hooton married Elizabeth Smedley, both of Skegby, at the home of the bridegroom’s mother. There were two children born at Skegby, Oliver[155] in 1671 and Elizabeth in 1673.

Of his religious service we have found nothing before his departure for New England early in 1666, as related _ante_, and the next reference is dated two years later, May, 1668: “one Samuel, son of old Elizabeth Hooten,” is mentioned among “those that labour in the work of the ministry.”[156]

Towards the close of 1670, among signatories to An Appeal from Nottinghamshire, occurs the name Samuel Hooton.

In the Minute Book of Nottinghamshire Quarterly Meeting, at the date, 26 x. (Dec.) 1670, the same date on which his mother wrote the letter given _ante_, the word “backslider” is written beside the name of Samuel Hooton (see photo. facsimile, p. 75). This was probably done a few years later in connection with the passing of the following minutes by the Nottinghamshire Q.M.:

Nine & Twentith Meeting

At the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild the 29ᵗʰ day of first month 1675.

Exhortation the 1ˢᵗ time

Robert Grace & Thomas ffarnsworth Exhorted Sammuell Hooten for paing of Tyths, as to that he would giue noe Answer but was found very scornefull.

Exhortation the 2ⁿᵈ time.

Georg Cockram, & Mathias Brackney Exhorted Sammuell Hooten for paing of Tyths, his answer was, he was neuer conuienced in his conscience but that they ought to be payed, it was spoken to him as that he did beare his testimoney against them and suffered the spoyling of his goods for his Testimony he said that he did it out of the strength of his owne will.

Agreed that a Testimonie be drawne up Against the Spirit that Leads Sammuell Hooten To pay tythes (& justifie his paying of them) and to be giuen him by Robert Grace and William Malson, a Coppy as followeth:

“A Testimonie from the people of god (in scorne called Quakers) Against Tythes & Tithe takers & all that pay them in Generall (whoe denie Christ Jesus come in the flesh—who hath Ended the Law & the Changable preisthood, and is becom the unchangable high preist over the house of god for Euer) But more Especialy against the Spirit that now acts in & by Sammuell Hooten.

“Whereas Sammuell Hooten hath Long beene a professor of gods blessed truth and hath borne a Larg verball Testimony thereunto & not onely soe but hath suffered much thereby, by all which according to outward Apearance he was Looked upon by many to be a faithfull wittness for god, but Alass as a flourishing tree which brings forth noe good fruite, soe is a profession without the possession of the truth, & as Euery Tree is knowne by his fruite soe is Euery spirit knowne by its Action, and though the said Sammuell hath walked Long in apearance as aboue said, yet hath he Lately brought forth bad fruit to the dishoner of god in paing Tiths to an Jmpropriator and though he hath beene tenderly dealt withall yet he still persists to manetaine the thing as Lawfull, soe that wee are constrained for the truth sake to giue forth this testimony against that Spirit that Led him to pay tiths (and plead for them) and doe foreuer judg it, & Condemne it in him or in whome-soeuer it is found, being the same Spirit with them that takes Tithes by whome many of our deare friends haue suffered Jmprisonment unto death & sealed there testimoney with there Bloud, and this is to goe forth into the world that truth may be cleared, & all false Reports stopped & Judged, who now say we alow what we formerly declared against, noe more but in true Loue to all people we Reste.”

ffrom the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild, the 29ᵗʰ day of the 1ˢᵗ month 1675.

It is possible that the family emigrated to the Western World. Mrs. Amelia Mott Gummere, of Haverford, Pa., contributes the following, which may refer to the above Samuel:

“Elizabeth Hooton, wife of Samuel Hooton, of Shrewsbury, New Jersey, with her daughter Elizabeth, wife of Thomas Hillborne, were appointed guardians of Samuel Hooton, when the latter became insane in 1694. Thomas Hillborne and Elizabeth Hooton, both of Shrewsbury, N.J., were married 12th December, 1688, at the house of her mother, Elizabeth Hooton. The original marriage certificate was in the possession of Thomas Darlington, of Birmingham, Pa., in 1863.”

Of the Hootons of N.J., Mrs. Kate B. Stillé wrote in the _Jnl. F.H.S._ iv. 50: “Their descendants hold the land near Burlington and Evesham, which was bought from the Indians.”

ELIZABETH HOOTON, JR., AFTERWARDS LAMBERT.

The marriage of the younger Elizabeth with Thomas Lambert, of Tickhill, 21st of September, 1669, is recorded in the Registers of Nottinghamshire, but there is no entry therein of any children or of the deaths of Thomas and Elizabeth Lambert.

We may hazard the suggestion that emigration to the New World removed their names from the Registers of the Old. In the published _New Jersey Archives_, first series, vol. xxiii., p. 236, we read:

“1692-3, Feb. 20. Hooton John. Letters of administration on the estate of, formerly granted to Thomas Lambert in behalf of his wife, confirmed, notwithstanding application of Richard & Thomas Hilbourne on behalf of Samuel Hooton for it, based on the order of Gov. Hamilton making Elizabeth, the wife of the said Samuel, Thos. Hilbourne and wife Elizabeth, daughter of Samuel, his guardians during his lunacy (_N.J. Arch._, vol. xxi., p. 193). John White, attorney for Thos. Lambert, submits the affidavit of John Snowden, to whom John Hooton had said, shortly before his death, he did not intend his brother Samuel should have his plantation, while William Black and John Birch attest that deceased had expressed his intention that John, the son of his brother, Thomas Lambert, should have it. (Burlington Records, p. 18.)”

OLIVER HOOTON

1. Oliver, son of Elizabeth, is mentioned by Fox in his _Journal_, under date 1672, and he was apparently at home in England at the time (Camb. _Jnl._ ii. 213).

His “hystry” is referred to on page 4, also his Certificate concerning George Fox.

He was at Skegby in May, 1666 (page 54).

2. Oliver Hooton, living in Barbados, is referred to in sundry places.

He wrote a Testimony concerning William Sympson (dropping into verse at the close), on the 16th of February, 1670, printed in _A Short Relation ... of William Simpson_, 1671.

In 1674, he was fined 1,592 lbs. of sugar for “not appearing in Arms.”[157]

Thomas and Alice Curwen visited him, and wrote a letter from his house, dated the 12th February, 1676.[158]

In 1677, with other Friends, he signed an Appeal to Governor Atkins on behalf of sufferers for the Truth.[159]

There is a letter in =D.=[160] from O. Hooton to George Fox, dated “Barbados yᵉ 8: 2ᵈ mᵒ 1682.” References to the writer’s personal history are wanting, but he writes as one who knew Fox, “from the begining of yᵉ apearance of yᵗ Glorious Day, yᵉ dawnings wherof (in our dayes) first made knowne its Splendor through thee.... I have both loved and honored thee from yᵉ first.” The writer is on the eve of a visit “to see yᵉ new Countreys of new Jarsey and Pensilvania,” but he “cannot say to Setle there.”

There does not appear to be sufficient evidence to state that 1 and 2 are the same persons.

3. The Registers of Mansfield Monthly Meeting record the death of Oliver Hooton, son of Samuel and Elizabeth Hooton, 14 xi. 1671, who died at his parents’ house at “Seckby” and was buried at “Skegby.” See page 81, note 1.

MARTHA HOOTON

The name, Martha Hooton, also appears in the records of Barbados—in 1689 she was fined £4 19s. 0d. “for Default of sending a Man and a Horse armed in to the Troop,”[161] and there is in =D.= a curious manuscript, being a petition from a slave girl named Mama to obtain the freedom granted by her mistress, Martha Hooton, widow, in her will dated “the third day of the fifth Month ... 1704,” she having died on the 8th September of that year.

THOMAS HOOTON

1. Thomas, son of Oliver and Elizabeth Hooton, was baptized 1636. Of this son, Mrs. Manners writes: “The late Mary Radley thought that Thomas was an older son of Oliver and Elizabeth Hooton, but I think she must have read this name as ‘Timothy.’ Mrs. Dodsley, who searched the Skegby Parish Registers for me, thinks the name given is ‘Thomas,’ and as I have found no mention of ‘Timothy’ in any of the documents I have searched, I am inclined to think Mrs. Dodsley’s surmise is correct.”

2. According to the Friends’ Registers for the County of Lincoln, Thomas Hooton, of Sibsey [? Sibson], Leicestershire, married Mary Sharp of Barnby at the house of John Pidd, at Barnby, Notts, 1662 xii. 15. The Hooton home in Leicestershire was Sileby, and the home of the bride, Barnby, is not far distant from Ollerton, the Notts Hooton home.

3. The following extracts have been taken from the Minutes of Nottinghamshire Q.M.:

Thirteth Meeting

At the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild the 28ᵗʰ day of the 4ᵗʰ month 1675.

Agreed that William Malson Robert Grace Francis Clay, & Mathias Brackney, doe consider with Thomas Hooton about the Repairing of Joseph Roberts house.

One and Thirteth Meeting

At the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild the 27ᵗʰ day of the 7ᵗʰ month 1675.

It is Agreed that friends at the monthly meeting belonging to Maunsfeild put an End to the buseniss betwixt Thomas Hooton and friends, About Joseph Roberts house & ground.

Six & Thirteth Meeting

At the Quarterly Meeting at Nottingham the 28ᵗʰ day of the 10ᵗʰ month 1676.

Paid out of the publique Stocke for the Reparing of Joseph Roberts house the sume of £2: 10: 6.

4. At a Quarterly Meeting held at Lincoln, 27 x. 1693, the following minute was made: “At this meeting Thomas Hooton sent Twenty Shillings to be disposed of this Meeting received and disposed of at this accordingly.”

5. There was a Thomas Hooton of London, of whom more is known. He and his family emigrated to New Jersey. See Besse’s _Sufferings_; Clement’s _Settlers in West New Jersey_, 1877, p. 301; _The Friend_ (Phila.), lxxvii. (1903), p. 52; _New Jersey Archives_.

JOHN HOOTON

The following is from the Minutes of the Nottinghamshire Q.M.:

Seauen Twentith Meeting

At the Quarterly meeting at Maunsfeild, the 28ᵗʰ day of the 7ᵗʰ moᵗʰ 1674.

Exhortation the first time—

Georg Corkram & Mathias Brackney exhorted John Hooton for paying of Tyths, his answer was that if they take it he would not hinder them and that he had as good pay tythes as pay Rente for them.

Eight and Twentith Meeting

At the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild, the 28ᵗʰ day of the 10ᵗʰ month 1674.

Exhortation the Second time

Robert Grace & Thomas ffarnsworth Exhorted John Hooton for paing of Tythes, & his Answer was, he was not fully conuinced, but that it was the Jmpropriators Right or due after they had set there marke in it and he said if he found anything in himselfe that did oppose it for the time to come he hoped he should be faithfull to it, And he was Lowe & tender.

One and Thirteth Meeting

At the Quarterly Meeting at Maunsfeild the 27ᵗʰ day of the 7ᵗʰ month 1675.

Exhortation the 3ʳᵈ time.

Francis Clay, and Robert Grace Exhorted John Hooton for paing of tyths, his Answer was that he found that it was not right to be paied, neither did he jntend to pay any more but he said his seruants did Leaue some contrary to his order, and he was found very tender.

For John Hooton, of N.J., see under Elizabeth Hooton, _aft._ Lambert.

JOSIAH HOOTON

Of Josiah Hooton, mentioned on page 3, nothing further appears.

JUDGE ENDICOTT (p. 50)

“It was not the people of Massachusetts—it was Endicott and the Clergy”—who persecuted the Quakers.—JOHN FISKE, _Beginnings of New England_, 1895.

FOOTNOTES

[1] _The General History of the Quakers_, by Gerard Crœse, 1696, pt. 1, p. 37.

[2] Dr. Robert Thoroton, J.P. (1623-1678), published his _Antiquities of Nottinghamshire_ in 1677. He appears in Besse’s _Sufferings_ as a persecutor of Friends in Notts.

_D.N.B._; Cropper, _Sufferings_, 1892, quoting Brown’s _Worthies of Nottinghamshire_.

[3] John Throsby (1740-1803) republished Thoroton’s _Nottinghamshire_, with additions, in 1790. He wrote also on Leicestershire.

[4] See _Original Records of Early Nonconformity under Persecution and Indulgence_, compiled by G. Lyon Turner, 1911, iii. 13. See other references to E. Hooton, i. 155, ii. 725, iii. 744. Chapman was Vicar of Mansfield Woodhouse.

[5] MS. in =D.= This piece is endorsed: “Oliver Huttons Certificate Concerning G: ff:”; and is among other similar certificates which were read at the Second Day’s Meeting, 16 xii. 1686/7. “Oliver Hutton’s hystry” does not appear to have survived. See Braithwaite, _Beginnings of Quakerism_, 1912, pp. 43, 44.

[6] MS. in =D.= entitled: “A Testimony Concerning our Dear ffriend and Sister in yᵉ Lord Elizabeth Hutton,” dated 1690, but not in Fox’s writing.

[7] For an illustrated article on Elizabeth Heath (d. 1693) and her charity see _Journal F.H.S._ x.

[8] MS. in =D.= endorsed by Fox: “a short jornall of gff never wer printd,” and by another writer: “of Some Short things from abᵗ yᵉ year 1648 to King Charles yᵉ 2ᵈ Dayes.” The MS. is much worn at the edges, but some words have been inserted from a contemporary copy.

[9] Besse, _Sufferings of the Quakers_, 1753, i. 137.

[10] =D.= (Swarth. MSS. ii. 43)

[11] The home of Thomas Aldam (c. 1616-1660) was Warmsworth, near Doncaster. His detention in York Castle followed a _contretemps_ with the clergyman of this village, Thomas Rookby; he was two and a half years in the Castle. _Short Testimony_ by his son, Thomas, 1690; _Piety Promoted_; _D.N.B._; Camb. _Jnl._

[12] =D.= (Swarth. MSS. i. 373)

[13] Mary Fisher (c. 1623-1698), afterwards Bayly and Cross, became a prominent preacher and traveller. She visited Cambridge and preached to the students, travelled in the West Indies and Eastern Europe, and died in Charlestown, South Carolina. Camb. _Jnl._; _Quaker Women_, 1915.

[14] =D.= (Swarth. MSS. iii. 36)

[15] According to a MS. in =D.= (Swarth. MSS. iii. 91), William Peares died in York Castle. Fox endorses this scrap of paper: “W peres died in presen at York abought 1654.” In the MS. we read: “The cause of his Jmprisonment was, because he was moued to stripe himselfe naked. A ffigure off all the nakedness of the world.... Jt was the naked that suffered for the naked truth.”

In _A Declaration of present Sufferings_, printed 1659, recounting six years of persecution, we have a confirmation of G. F.’s statement: under Yorkshire, “William Peers imprisoned till death for Tithes.” (p. 20.)

[16] Prior to her incarceration in York Castle, Jane Holmes was one of the Friends whose preaching made such an impression on the town of Malton that “some was caused to burne a great deale of riboning of silkes and braueries and such things” (=D.= Swarth. MSS. i. 373). While in the Castle her health suffered, and this may partly account for the low spiritual condition into which she fell. The MSS. tell us that the “wilde nature was exalted in her, aboue the seede of god” and “the wilde Eyrie spirit was exalted aboue the Crosse” (Swarth. MSS. iii. 40), resulting in her “going out” from her quondam friends into darkness and obscurity. See Braithwaite, _Beginnings of Quakerism_, 1912, pp. 72, 73.

[17] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 35a)

[18] Amor Stoddard (d. 1670), frequently styled Captain, was one of Fox’s companions on various missionary journeys. He lived in London. His wife died in 1665.

Beck and Ball, _London Friends’ Meeting_, 1869; Camb. _Jnl._

[19] James Halliday was a weaver of Allartown, in Northumberland. He travelled frequently with Patrick Livingstone. The date of his detention in York is not found.

[20] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 15) endorsed: “El: Hooton to yᵉ Bench, to set James Holydah free & to call others to yᵉ Bar & set yᵐ at liberty.”

[21] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 3) Although this letter is signed “Elizabeth Hooton,” there are evidences that it is in the handwriting of Thomas Aldam, so it is possible that it may have been partly composed or edited by him.

[22] As with William Peares, so with Benjamin Nicholson, the rigours of York Castle, though unable to reduce the spirit, proved too strong for the enfeebled body. Benjamin Nicholson died there in 1660. His home was Tickhill near Doncaster.

[23] Two copies are in =D.= An interesting and curious production, and badly printed. On page 3 we read: “You do not read in all the Holy Scriptures, that any of the Holy men of God were Cambridge or Oxford Scollers, or Universitie men, or called Masters; but (on the contrary), they were plain men, and laboured with their hands, and taught freely, as they had received it freely from the Lord.”

[24] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 5)

[25] See photo reproduction of this letter. Fox has endorsed it: 1655, but we think 1653 must be the date; the Author’s unit figure is not very clear.

[26] Margaret Killam was wife of John Killam, of Balby, Yorks. She was a great traveller and sufferer for the Truth.

[27] =D.= Swarth. MSS. i. 2. Margaret Killam, writing to George Fox, in 1654, mentions holding a meeting at “Oliuer Hoottens,” also one at “Thomas Brockshows att Mansfild side,” and continues: “And soe as the lord directs to send ouer sum̄ frends it may bee of greate seruice there abouts; and to Mansfild side, for there is much deadnes ther awaies” (Swarth. MSS. i. 374). There is mention of another meeting at Oliver Hooton’s, at Skegby, in 1653 (=D.= Swarthmore MSS. iii. 52).

[28] _Journal of George Fox_, bi-cent. ed. i. 197.

[29] This MS. is the property of Broughton, Gainsborough and Spalding Monthly Meeting. See _F.P.T._ 152.

[30] John Whitehead (1630-1696) was a Yorkshireman in early life and afterwards resided at Fiskerton, near Lincoln. See Camb. _Jnl._

[31] _Suff._ i. 346.

[32] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 37)

[33] _Journal_, bi-cent. ed. i. 198.

[34] _F.P.T._ 219.

[35] It must be remembered that according to the Old Style, the year began with March, which the Quakers designated First Month. Hence Fourth Month was June.

[36] _Suff._ i. 553.

[37] CALLENDER, _Historical Discourse_, Boston, 1739. Both these quotations are taken from _The Quakers in the American Colonies_, by RUFUS M. JONES, London, 1911, p. xxi.

[38] _Quakers in American Colonies_, p. 8.

[39] Mary Dyer (????-1660) was the wife of William Dyer, then of Newport, Rhode Island. She was described by George Bishop as “A Comely Grave Woman, and of a goodly Personage, and one of a good Report, having an Husband of an Estate, fearing the Lord, and a Mother of [six] Children” (_New England Judged_, 1703, p. 157). Her husband and she emigrated from London to Boston in 1635. See ROGERS, _Mary Dyer_, 1896.

[40] CALAMY, _Account of the Ejected Ministers_, i. 481, calls Mansfield, Nottinghamshire, England, a “little Zoar.” In the chapel known as the Old Meeting House, in Mansfield, which was built in the year 1702, by the descendants of the congregation which had formerly received the Ejected Ministers, there are two commemorative brasses above the altar, placed there by the late Rev. A. W. Worthington, a former minister, which bear the following inscription: “In memory of the conscientious sacrifice and Christianity of the Rev. Robert Porter, Vicar of Pentrich, the Rev. John Whitlock, M.A., Vicar of St. Mary’s, Nottingham, the Rev. William Reynolds, M.A., lecturer at the same church, the Rev. John Billingsley, M.A., Vicar of Chesterfield, Joseph Truman, B.D., Rector of Cromwell, the Rev. Robert Smalley, Vicar of Greasley, and others, who resigned their livings when the Act of Uniformity was passed in 1662.

“Driven from their homes by the Oxford Act, in 1666, they found in Mansfield a little Zoar, a shelter and a sanctuary; and united in hearty love and concord, they worshipped together till the Act of Toleration was passed in 1688, when all who survived the day of persecution returned to their ministry, save the Rev. R. Porter, who remained in charge of this congregation till his death, January 22nd, 1690.”

[41] In 1641, the assembled citizens made the following declaration: “This Body Politick is a Democracie; that is to say, it is in the Power of the Body of Freemen, orderly assembled, or the major part of them, to make Just Lawes by which they will be regulated.” Under the same date the following act was passed: “It is ordered that none bee accounted a delinquent for doctrine,” and later in the same year this was re-affirmed in these words: the “Law of the last Court made concerning Libertie of Conscience in Point of Doctrine be perpetuated.” Quoted from _Rhode Island Colony Records_, by JONES, _op. cit._, p. 23.

[42] _Calendar of State Papers Colonial._

[43] Katharine Scott, wife of Richard Scott, was the daughter of (Rev.) Francis Marbury, of London, and her mother was of the family of John Dryden, the poet. Her daughter, Mary, married Christopher Holder, and another daughter, Hannah, married Walter Clarke, once Governor of Rhode Island. Her daughter, Patience (1648-????), was specially noted for her early suffering for conscience sake. ROGERS, _Mary Dyer_; SCULL, _Dorothea Scott_, 1882; _Holders of Holderness_, 1902.

[44] BISHOP, _New England Judged_, 1703, p. 94.

[45] _Ibid._ p. 95.

[46] Of Anne Austin (d. 1665, in London) little is known. She was advanced in years at the time of her American visit. See BOWDEN, _Hist._ i. 30-37, etc.

[47] Upsall endeavoured to supply Quaker prisoners with food, but only succeeded by a weekly payment to the gaoler of five shillings (BISHOP, _op. cit._ p. 8). Bishop tells us that he was “a long-liver in Boston, an Ancient Man, and full of Years.”

[48] BISHOP, _op. cit._ p. 54.

[49] The Southwicks lived at Salem. Other children were Daniel and Provided. Bishop has many notices of the family.

[50] BISHOP, _op. cit._ p. 55.

[51] BISHOP, _op. cit._ p. 60, in the case of Horred Gardner, of Newport.

[52] Nicholas Davis was of Plymouth Colony.

[53] Printed in _New England Judged_, p. 299.

[54] _New England Judged_, p. 333.

[55] One of the young and vigorous preachers of early Quakerism (1634-1662). He died in Newgate Jail, London. See Camb. _Jnl._

[56] It was spread abroad in N.E. that the Quakers had forged the King’s letter and counterfeited his seal (=D.= Spence MSS. iii. 116).

[57] The furious attack on the Quaker travellers, Christopher Holder and John Copeland, in 1657, made by the civil and Church authorities of Salem, so affected Samuel Shattuck (c. 1620-1689), a man of good reputation, that he interfered on behalf of the sufferers and as a consequence was imprisoned at Boston, and whipped; and finally, in May, 1659, he was banished the Colony. Some trouble which arose in the early part of 1665 is referred to later (see p. 50), and it may be that Shattuck, as a consequence, dissociated himself from Friends. His remains were buried in the Charter Street Burying Ground in Salem; on the tombstone the date is given in non-Quaker style—“ye sixth day of June.” His intervention on behalf of Christopher Holder is recorded in full. There is a picture of the stone in _The Holders of Holderness_, 1902. A son of Shattuck appears in one of the Salem witch trials (_Witchcraft and Quakerism_, 1908, p. 8). His descendants are still living in Salem (_Holders_, p. 104).

[58] In a letter from John Philly to George Fox, in 1661 (Swarth. MSS. iv. 158), there is this mention of Ralph Goldsmith: “There is one Ralph Goldsmith, A friend & master of A ship, his house is in Jacobs street Nere Sauorys Dock, Nere Redrife, whoe hath taken A viag for Venus [Venice].” Little is known of this Quaker shipmaster. Besse notes one of the name among sufferers in Barbados (_Suff._ ii. 279).

[59] Captain James Oliver is frequently mentioned in the history of these troublous times. He led forth Robinson and Stevenson to execution, causing drums to beat when they attempted to speak (there is a striking illustration of this scene in _McClures Magazine_, Nov. 1906, from a painting by Howard Pyle); and when Edward Wharton intervened in the trial of Leddra, Oliver cried out; “Knock him on the pate” (BISHOP, _op. cit._ p. 318).

[60] BISHOP, _op. cit._ p. 345. There is in =D.= a MS. account of the voyage of the King’s messenger.

[61] Joan Brocksopp (d. 1681) was the wife of Thomas Brocksopp, of Little Normanton, near Chesterfield, Derbyshire.

[62] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 27) This may be the “E. Hootons Manscr” of the margin of Whiting’s _Truth and Innocency Defended_, 1702, see pp. 95, 109, etc.

[63] Mary G. Swift, of Millbrook, N.Y., who has made considerable study of Hooton printed literature, suggests that Elizabeth Hooton and Jane Brocksopp were the “two Friends,” mentioned in a letter from George Rofe to Richard Hubberthorne (quoted in Bowden’s _Hist._ i. 230), and that they accompanied him a part of the journey from Va. to N. E. in his “small boat,” and on arrival united with him in appointing the first General Meeting in America, at Newport, R.I., in 1661. He writes: “_We_ appointed a general meeting,” etc., the antecedent to _we_ being the writer and his two Friends. In her own account of this visit to New England (see p. 32), E. Hooton states: “We did come to Rhod Jland where was appointed by freinds a generall meeting for New England.” Bishop tells us of the two women that “the Lord afforded them an opportunity by a Catch, which carried them part of the way” (_New England Judged_, p. 404). Whiting relates that they “got to Rhode Island, where was a General Meeting” (_Truth and Innocency_, p. 109). It would be very interesting if it could be stated with certainty that E. Hooton was concerned in the calling of the first Y.M. in America. See p. 32, n. 2.

[64] Margin gives the name—Wenlock Christison.

[65] This may have been the first General Meeting in America. See p. 31, n. 1, and the account of the 250th Anniversary of the Beginning of New England Yearly Meeting, 1911.

[66] Margaret Fell (1614-1702) was the wife and widow of Judge Thomas Fell (1598-1658). In 1669 she married George Fox (1624-1691). She was the nursing mother of the early Quaker Church.

[67] Swarth. MSS. i. 75.

[68] Ann Clayton held some position of trust in the Swarthmoor household, but she also travelled in the ministry at home and abroad. It was she, or another of the same name, who became the wife of Nicholas Easton of R.I., prior to 1672. See Camb. _Jnl._

[69] Swarth. MSS. i. 76.

[70] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 27), close of first portion.

[71] At the end of her _Invitation of Love_.

[72] In the voluminous records of the cost of many religious journeys taken by the early Friends, there is no record of any money paid to Elizabeth Hooton. It may be that she met the cost of these extensive travels out of her own pocket. Bowden states that “she was in very sufficient circumstances” (_Hist._ i. 256).

[73] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 34).

[74] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 10).

[75] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 27), second portion.

[76] Seaborne Cotton was a son of John Cotton (1584-1652), the noted Puritan minister, of Boston. His wife was a daughter of Simon Bradstreet, sometime Governor of Massachusetts Colony. Cotton was minister of Hampton, and as such came into frequent conflict with Quakerism.

[77] The words within parentheses were added to the MS. by another hand.

[78] This was Eliakim Wardell, mentioned two lines below. His home was at Hampton. He was one of those who suffered for entertaining the Quaker travellers. His wife, Lydia, “being a young and tender and chaste Woman ... as a Sign to them, went in naked among them,” on which action Bishop comments: “This might be permitted as a stumbling-block, rather for their Hardening than Conversion, after they had rejected better Examples and Warnings” (_New England Judged_, p. 376).

[79] John Hussey and Rebecca his wife, _née_ Perkins, lived near the Wardells at Hampton.

[80] Captain William Hathorne was a Salem magistrate. His descendant, Nathaniel Hawthorne, the author (1804-1864), writes of him: “He was a bitter persecutor, as witness the Quakers, who have remembered him in their histories” (_The Custom House_, quoted in _Jnl. F.H.S._ xii). See BISHOP, _op. cit._; FELT, _Annals of Salem_, 1842.

[81] Benanuel Bower, of Cambridge, Mass., was originally a Baptist, but later his family and he became Friends. A correspondent quoted in _Friends’ Intelligencer_, 1887, p. 243 (copied into _The Friend_ (Phila.) for the same year), writes: “Thomas Danforth, who was the county treasurer and magistrate, whenever short of business, was in the habit of persecuting B. Bowers, and then he would enter it at full length upon the records” in the Court House in Cambridge.

[82] The correspondent referred to in the previous note copied the wording of the warrant as found in the public records of the Cambridge Court House, and it appears in the periodicals named in note [81]. He writes further: “There is this much to be said in the favor of the old Puritans, that they did not treat the Quakers any worse than they did their own members whom they accused of heresy, and in most cases they gave the victim the choice of paying a fine or taking a whipping. I found one case in which they gave a man a second whipping because he invited his friends to come and see him whipped the first time.”

[83] This phrase—“a Cage of uncleane birds”—quoted originally from the Bible—“Babylon is become ... a cage of every unclean and hateful bird,” Rev. xviii. 2, was frequently used by early Friends to describe their opponents. Francis Bugg (apostate Quaker) states that George Fox used it “about the year 1662” in reference to “the Church of England” (_Pilgrim’s Progress from Quakerism to Christianity_, 1698, p. 130).

[84] This is doubtless a reference to an early, undated quarto pamphlet, issued by Friends, entitled _Something concerning Agbarus, Prince of the Edesseans.... Also Paul’s Epistle to the Laodiceans.... As also how several scriptures are corrupted by the Translators_. Other editions, in octavo, were printed later in the century.

[85] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 59)

[86] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 43)

[87] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 62) The following is taken from the _Calendar of State Papers Colonial_, 1665, i. 292:

April 10, 1665.

From Captain Breedon’s House at Boston.

Col. George Cartwright to Col. Nicholls:

“This day, a Quaker (my country-woman) told me before Captain Breedon, that she had heard several say yᵗ I was a Papist ... and that Sir Robᵗ. Carr kept a naughty woman; I examined her if I had not kept one too, or if she knew me not to be a Papist.” E. Hooton writes: “They said that Cartwright, that was one of the Comissionʳˢ, was a papist, or a Jesuit, but hee being my Country man, J did vindicate him, and told them that J knew noe such thinge” (MS. in =D.= Portfolio iii. 43).

[88] Ann Richardson was, by her first marriage, Ann Burden. After some years of married life in Mass., Thomas and Ann Burden returned to England, their native land, and settled at Bristol, where the husband died. His widow crossed the Atlantic again about 1657, and, with Mary Dyer, visited Mass., whence they were both banished. About 1665, as Ann Richardson, she again visited New England.

[89] Swarth. MSS. iii. 104.

[90] Swarth. MSS. iii. 101. Fox adds to the endorsement: “shee died in the trouth.”

[91] Jane Nicholson (d. 1712) was the wife of Joseph Nicholson, of Bootle, Lancs. They visited the New World in 1659, and again, for several years, they were in New England. See Camb. _Jnl._; _Household Account Book of Sarah Fell of Swarthmoor Hall_, 1915.

[92] John Endicott (c. 1588-1665), first Governor of New England, will go down to the end of time as the arch-opponent of New England Quakerism. See _Annals of Salem_, 1845, where there is a portrait; _Chronicle of the Pilgrim Fathers_; _Jnl. F.H.S._ xii.; etc.

[93] _Hist._ i. 259.

[94] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 36)

[95] _Hist._ under date 1662.

[96] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii, 63)

[97] The Nottingham and Mansfield Quarterly Meeting was long held at the house of Timothy Garland. Letters for Friends were at times addressed: “To be left at Timothy Garlands at the Green Dragon in Mansfeild.” (LOCKER-LAMPSON, _A Quaker Post-bag_, 1910, pp. 48, 51. See also THE JOURNAL, iv., v.)

[98] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 81) The difficulties and delays of travel on land and sea at this period are illustrated by another letter of Samuel Hooton, dated 4th of June, 1666, in which he tells us that the ship on which he sailed—“the royall exchang”—was “staying in the harbar at the Kows for the wind, how long i may staye I know not.” MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 82)

[99] Richard Bellingham (1592?-1672) was Deputy-Governor of Massachusetts from 1635, and Governor from 1665 to his death.

[100] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 80). The Journal appears in full in _The Friend_ (Phila.), lxxvii. (1904), 204.

[101] Patrick Livingstone (????-1694) was born at Angus in Scotland, and was convinced in the North of England in 1658. He travelled in the ministry with James Halliday (_F.P.T._ 201). In later years he lived in Nottingham and London. See _Jnl. F.H.S._ vii. 184.

[102] Given in his _Truth Owned_, 1667, pp. 6ff.

[103] Justice Matthew Babington lived at Rotherby, Leics. He was an ancestor of Lord Macaulay. Mary Radley states that he was the “Some Justice” addressed by E. Hooton (=D.= Portfolio iii. 6). He appears in Besse’s book of _Sufferings_ as a persecutor (i. 335).

[104] See _Jnl. F.H.S._ v. 140.

[105] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 33), dated “13ᵗʰ day of 6ᵗʰ Month 1667,” and endorsed: “El. Hooton to some Spirits who were gone out from yᵉ trueth.” At the close of the paper occur the names: “Eliza: Barnes & Rose Atkinson” (see Camb. _Jnl._).

[106] Lodowicke Muggleton (1609-1697/8) and John Reeve (1608-1658) announced themselves the “two witnesses” of Rev. xi. 3. The sect of the Muggletonians was never very numerous, but it still exists, sharing with the Quakers the distinction of being the only survivals of those numerous religious bodies which sprang into existence during Commonwealth times.

[107] _A Volume of Spiritual Epistles written by John Reeve and Lodowicke Muggleton_, printed 1755, reprinted 1820, p. 227.

[108] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 67) This is printed at the end of addresses to the King, and to the King and both Houses of Parliament, by Thomas Taylor. The first is dated 1st of December, 1670.

[109] The Conventicle Act of 1664. For particulars of its working see _F.P.T._ 357.

[110] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 53)

[111] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 52)

[112] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 69)

[113] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 73)

[114] Edward Montagu, second Earl of Manchester (1602-1671), was Lord Chamberlain at this time, having been appointed in 1660 (_D.N.B._).

[115] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii, 11) It is endorsed: “To yᵉ Lᵈ Chamberlane for Release of Prisonᵉʳˢ & justice to her selfe.”

[116] Henry Grey (1599?-1673), created Earl of Stamford in 1628. (_D.N.B._) He was a Leicestershire nobleman. His son, John Grey, is mentioned later.

[117] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 47)

[118] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 17), endorsed: “To yᵉ Duke of York desiring an Answer to her former papers, & pressing for justice to her selfe.”

[119] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 44)

[120] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 57)

[121] William Dewsbury (1621-1688), Thomas Goodaire (????-1693), and Henry Jackson (????-1727), were prominent Friends of the early day. Dewsbury spent nigh twenty years of his life within prison walls.

Francis Howgill (1618-1668/9) was of Westmorland. He died in Appleby Jail. Thomas Taylor (c. 1617-1681/2), a Yorkshireman, spent long years in prison for conscience sake.

[122] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 56)

[123] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 55)

[124] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 60)

[125] The copy of this record is amongst the late Mary Radley’s notes, but the authority is not stated. The names of witnesses correspond with those given on the certificate obtained from Somerset House.

[126] It will be noticed that this letter is dated a month after the marriage had taken place. Possibly Elizabeth Hooton was travelling when the intention of marriage came before the Meeting, and it was thought well to record her letter of approval when it was obtained.

[127] See Turner, _Original Records_, 1911, i. 76, ii. 771, iii. 745.

[128] MSS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 1, 29)

[129] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 75), endorsed: “El. Hooton To yᵉ King & Councell on behalf of yᵉ innocent & Judge Fells Widdow.” Further mention of this dispute may be found in Maria Webb’s _Fells of Swarthmoor Hall_, 1865, pp. 255 ff. See also _Jnl. F.H.S._ xi. 181.

[130] Hannah Salter, as Hannah _Stringer_, the wife of John Stringer, of London, participated in the troubles associated with James Nayler in 1656, but repented thereof, and returned to the Quaker fold. In 1666 she married Henry Salter, of London.

[131] Swarth. MSS. i. 152, addressed: “Leaue this with Sarah ffell at Swarthmore ffor to be sent to her mother In Lancashire.” Endorsed by Fox.

[132] _The Arraignment of Popery_; being a short Collection, taken out of the Chronicles, and other Books, of the State of the Church in the Primitive Times; also the State of the Papists ... by George Fox and Ellis Hookes, 1667, a learned treatise of 140 pages.

[133] _Extracts from State Papers_, 1913, p. 341.

[134] _The Journal of George Fox_, bi-cent. ed. ii. 140. The other woman friend was Hannah Salter; see note to this name in Fox’s _Journal_, Camb. ed.

[135] Martha Fisher (c. 1631-1687) was a member of the valuable band of London women Friends active in work for the cause of Truth.

[136] Swarth. MSS. i. 83. The letter is addressed: “ffor Sarah ffell this at Swarthmore To be left wᵗʰ Thomas Green grocer in Lancaster,” and endorsed by Fox: “j rous to mff 1671 of patin of releas.”

[137] Henry Bennet, first Earl of Arlington (1618-1685), was Secretary of State 1662-1674, and Lord Chamberlain 1674 (_D.N.B._).

[138] Sir Joseph Williamson (1633-1701) was Clerk of the Council 1672, and afterwards, 1674, Secretary of State to Charles II. (_D.N.B._)

[139] Of the previous life of Elizabeth Miers we are yet in ignorance. Apparently she did not proceed further than Barbados, and returned home about 1672 (see WEBB, _Fells_, p. 278).

[140] The account of the voyage is given in detail in the _Journal of George Fox_, Camb. ed.

[141] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 25) The copyist of this address endorses it: “El. Hooton to yᵉ Rulers (J suppose) of Barbado’s.”

[142] MS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii. 32)

[143] James Lancaster (????-1699) was of Walney Island, Lancashire. He was one of Fox’s fellow-travellers to the Western World.

[144] MS. in =D.= The endorsement is in three hands—Fox writes: “a testemony of elesebeth hoton,” another adds: “before she dyed,” and a third: “by Ja: Lancaster.”

[145] _Journal_, Camb. ed. ii. 213.

[146] MS. in =D.= Not autograph.

[147] _My Birthday_, 1871.

[148] Joseph Oxley, _Journal_, under date 1771.

[149] Bishop, _op. cit._ p. 420.

[150] Besse, _Suff._ i. 553.

[151] _Ibid._ i. 333, 334.

[152] Camb. _Jnl._ ii, 15.

[153] Muggleton, _Spiritual Epistles_, pp. 78, 227.

[154] _Suff._ i. 555.

[155] This may be the same as Oliver 3, see page 84.

[156] T. Salthouse to M. Fell (Swarth. MSS. i. 103), and _Letters of Early Friends_, p. 165.

[157] Besse, _Suff._ ii. 290.

[158] _Relation of ... Alice Curwen_, 1680.

[159] Besse, _Suff._ ii. 313.

[160] A.R.B. MSS. 45.

[161] Besse, ii, 339.

Bibliography

WRITINGS BY ELIZABETH HOOTON

I.—In print:—

_False Prophets and False Teachers described_ [1652].

_To the King and both Houses of Parliament_ [1670].

_A Short Relation concerning William Simpson_, 1671.

II.—In manuscript:—

Hooton MSS. in =D.= (Portfolio iii.) 1653-1671.

This is a collection of seventy-nine MSS., one only, or at most two, in the handwriting of the Author, but all of contemporary date. They are, in the main, addresses to persons in authority or position—Cromwell, the Mayor of London, the Lord Chamberlain, the Bishops of London and Canterbury, the King and the Duke of York, Lieutenant Robinson of the Tower, various “priests” and magistrates, and others.

There is another MS. in =D.= (Portfolio i. 135), being an address respecting persecution in New England, unsigned, but doubtless by E. Hooton, though not in her handwriting.

Letter to the Mayor of Derby. 1650. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. ii. 43.)

Letter to George Fox, 1651. In =D.= (A.R.B. MSS. 16.)

Letter to George Fox, 1653. In =D.= (A.R.B. MSS. 14.) See photo. reproduction, page 12.

Letter to George Fox, n.d. In =D.= (A.R.B. MSS. 153.)

Letter to Margaret Fox, 1670. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. i. 152.)

References to Elizabeth Hooton

I.—In print:—

GERARD CRŒSE, _The General History of the Quakers_, 1696, pt. I, p. 37.

JOHN WHITING, _Truth and Innocency Defended_, 1702.

GEORGE BISHOP, _New England Judged_, 1703.

J. H. FEUSTKING, _Gynaeceum Haeretico Fanaticum_, 1704.

WILLIAM EDMONDSON, _Journal_, 1715.

WILLIAM SEWEL, _The History of the Rise, Increase, and Progress of the Christian People called Quakers_, 1722.

[WILLIAM GIBSON] _Saul’s Errand to Damascus_, 1728, p. 34.

JOSEPH BESSE, _Sufferings of the Quakers_, 2 vols., 1753.

JOHN GOUGH, _A History of the People called Quakers_, 4 vols., 1789-1790, iii. 56.

WILLIAM HOGDSON, _Select Historical Memoirs of Friends_, 1844, ch. xvii.

JAMES BOWDEN, _The History of the Society of Friends in America_, 2 vols., 1850-1854, i. 225, 226, 255, 262.

BACKHOUSE, EDWARD & THOMAS J., and THOMAS MOUNSEY, _Biographical Memoirs_, 1854.

_Calendar of State Papers Colonial._

SAMUEL M. JANNEY, _History of the Religious Society of Friends_, 4 vols., 1859.

[JAMES BOURNE] _The “Friend” in his Family_, 1865, p. 7.

CHARLES EVANS, _Friends in the Seventeenth Century_, 1876.

ROBERT BARCLAY, _The Inner Life of the Religious Societies of the Commonwealth_, 1876.

RICHARD P. HALLOWELL, _The Quaker Invasion of Massachusetts_, 1887.

_Friends’ Almanac for 1887_ (Philadelphia).

_Friends’ Intelligencer and Journal_, xliv. (1887), 243.

BROOKS ADAMS, _The Emancipation of Massachusetts_, 1887.

_The Friend_ (Philadelphia), lx. (1887), 374.

GEORGE FOX, _Journal_, bicentenary edition, 2 vols., 1891.

AUGUSTUS CHARLES BICKLEY, _Elizabeth Hooten_, in _Dictionary of National Biography_, 1891, xxvii. 308.

_The British Friend_, 1893, pp. 118, 196.

JOSEPH J. GREEN, _Souvenir of the Address to King Edward_, 1901, p. 28.

_The Journal of the Friends Historical Society_, from 1903, iv. 154; v. 12; vi. 17, 185; vii. 62.

_The Friend_ (Philadelphia), lxxvii. (1904), 205.

“_The First Publishers of Truth_,” edited by NORMAN PENNEY, 1907.

SUSAN WILLIAMS, _Elizabeth Hooton_, in _Quaker Biographies_, ii. 1909.

GEORGE FOX, _Journal_, Cambridge edition, edited by NORMAN PENNEY, 2 vols., 1911.

G. LYON TURNER, _Original Records of Early Nonconformity under Persecution and Indulgence_, 3 vols., 1911-1914.

RUFUS M. JONES, _The Quakers in the American Colonies_, 1911.

WILLIAM C. BRAITHWAITE, _The Beginnings of Quakerism_, 1912.

_Extracts from State Papers relating to Friends_, edited by NORMAN PENNEY, 1913.

MABEL R. BRAILSFORD, _Elizabeth Hooton, a Seventeenth Century Elizabeth Fry_, in _Quaker Women_, 1915.

II.—In manuscript:—

THOMAS ALDAM to George Fox, 1652. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. iii. 36.)

THOMAS ALDAM, from York Castle, n.d. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. i. 373.)

MARGARET KILLAM to George Fox, 1653. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. i. 2.)

THOMAS SALTHOUSE to Margaret Fell, 1657. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. iii. 164.)

GEORGE FOX, Short Journal. In =D.=

JOAN BROCKSOPP to Margaret Fell, 1661. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. i. 75.)

ANN CLAYTON to Margaret Fell, 1661. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. i. 76.)

MARGARET FELL and others to the King and Council, 166-. In =D.= (Spence MSS. iii. 116.)

ANN RICHARDSON to George Fox, 1664/5. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. iii. 101.)

LEONARD FELL to Margaret Fell, 1666. In =D.= (Gibson MSS. v. 247.)

THOMAS SALTHOUSE to Margaret Fell, 1668. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. i. 103.)

JOHN STUBBS to Elizabeth Hooton, 1670. In =D.= (A.R.B. MSS. 97.)

Sundry Ancient Manuscripts, 1671, p. 40. In =D.=

JAMES LANCASTER, Testimony concerning E. Hooton, 1672. In =D.=

EDWARD MAN to Margaret Fox, 1672. In =D.= (Swarth. MSS. i. 133.)

OLIVER HOOTON, Certificate concerning George Fox, 1686/7[?] In =D.=

GEORGE FOX, Testimony concerning E. Hooton, 1690. In =D.= (Portfolio xvi. 74.)

RADLEY MSS. In the possession of Francis E. Radley, of Gospel End, Staffs.

Index

Aberdeen, 56.

Agbarus, 43n.

Aldam, Thomas, 7, n, 8, 10n, 12, 15, 77.

Allartown, 9n.

_America_, ship, 25.

Anabaptists, 4.

Angus, 55n.

Appleby, 63n.

Aquidneck, see Rhode Island.

Arlington, Lord, 69, n.

Askham, 3.

Atkins, Governor, 83.

Atkinson, ⸺, 78, 79.

Atkinson, Rose, 57n.

Austin, Anne, 21, n.

Aylesbury, 63.

Azores Islands, 70.

Babbington, Matthew, justice, 56, n, 60-62.

Balby, 13, n.

banishment, 21, 22, 24, 25, 29, 32, 44, 50n, 51, 53, 54, 63.

Baptists, 4, 41n.

Barbados, 21, 24, 26, 29n, 32, 33, 48, 49, 69n, 70-72, 83, 84.

Barclay, David, 57.

Barclay, Robert, 57.

Barke, Samuel, 75.

Barnby, 78, 84.

Barnes, Elizabeth, 57n.

Barradell, Thomas, 62.

Bayly, Mary, _form._ Fisher, _aft._ Cross, 7n.

Beckingham, 14, 78, 79.

Bellingham, Richard, governor, 43-45, 47, 54, n.

Bennet, Henry, see Arlington, Lord.

Bible, The, 43.

Billingsley, John, minister, 20n.

Bingham, John, 64.

Bingham, Robert, 3.

Birch, John, 83.

Black, William, 83.

Bootle, 50n.

Boston, Mass., 19, n, 21-26, 28-34, 36, 39, 40n, 42-44, 46, 49-51, 54, 79.

Bower, Benanuel, 41, n.

Brackney, Matthias, 81, 85.

Bradstreet, Simon, magistrate, 40n.

Breedon, Capt. Thomas, 27, 49n.

Bristol, 50n.

Brocke, James, 57, 58.

Brockshaw, Thomas, 13n.

Brocksopp, Joan, 30-34.

Brocksopp, Thomas, 30n, 64.

Brownley, Richard, 75.

Bugg, Francis, 42n.

Bullock, Noah, 7, 78.

Burden, Ann, _aft._ Richardson, 50n.

Burden, Thomas, 50n.

Burlington, N.J., 82, 83.

Burrough, Edward, 28, n.

“cage of unclean birds,” 42, n.

Callender, John, 19, n.

Cambridge, 11n, 13.

Cambridge, Mass., 26, 30, 40-42, 51, 79.

Carr, Sir Robert, commissioner, 46, 49n.

Carrier, Elizabeth, _aft._ Hooton, 2, 77.

Cartwright, George, commissioner, 46, 47, 49, n, 50.

Chapman, Rev. Francis, 3, n.

Charlestown, Mass., 41.

Charlestown, S.C., 7n.

Chatham, 64.

Chesterfield, 20n, 30n.

“Children of the Light,” 4.

chimney-money, 48.

Christison, Wenlock, 32n.

church, non-attendance at, 24, 40, 80.

churches, speaking in, 7, 13, 14, 49, 44, 79.

Clarke, Hannah, _form._ Scott, 21n.

Clarke, Robert, 62.

Clarke, Walter, governor, 21n.

Clay, Francis, 85, 86.

Clay, William, 64, 75.

Clayton, Ann, 33, n.

Cockram, George, 64, 81, 85.

Cockram, Thomas, 64.

Coleman, Sarah, 41-43.

Conventicle Act, 58, 59, n, 66.

conventicles, 3, 58.

Copeland, John, 29n.

Cornwall, 25.

Cotton, John, minister, 40n.

Cotton, Seaborne, priest, 40, n.

Cowes, I.W., 54n.

Cowland, Alice, 25.

Cowper, James, 3.

Craven, Robert, 15.

Cromwell, Notts, 20n.

Cromwell, Oliver, 10-12, 87.

Cross, Mary, _form._ Fisher and Bayly, 7n.

Curwen, Thomas and Alice, 83.

Danford, Thomas, magistrate, 40, 41, n.

Dartmouth, N.E., 25.

Davis, Nicholas, 24, n.

Deal, 69.

death sentence passed or proposed, 24-26, 31, 32, 34, 44, 49, 51.

Dedham, 41, 43, 44, 80.

Degge, Sir Simon, 78.

Derby, 6, 7, 78.

Derbyshire, 15.

Dewsbury, William, 63, n.

disownments, 8, 80-82.

Dixie, Beaumont, justice, 62.

Doncaster, 7n, 11n.

Dorchester, Mass., 79.

Dover, N.E., 40.

drink, 14, 15.

Dryden, John, 21n.

Dyer, Mary, 19, n, 24, 25, 50n.

Dyer, William, 19n.

Easton, Nicholas, 33n.

Edmondson, William, 80.

Ejected Ministers, 20n.

emigration, 19n, 50n, 82, 83, 85.

Endicott, John, governor, 28-31, 34, 43, 50, n, 86.

Evelyn, J., _Diary_, 64.

Evesham, N.J., 82.

_False Prophets_, 11, 17.

Farnsfield, 59.

Farnsworth, Richard, 57.

Farnsworth, Thomas, 81, 86.

Fell, George, 65, 66.

Fell, Hannah, 65-68.

Fell, Margaret, _aft._ Fox, 33, n, 65, 66n, 81n.

Fell, Sarah, 67n, 69n.

Fell, Thomas, judge, 33n, 66n.

Fifth Monarchists, 4.

Fisher, Martha, 68, n.

Fisher, Mary, _aft._ Bayly and Cross, 7, n, 8, 11, 21.

Fiskerton, 13n.

Foster, Thomas, 69.

Fowke, Thomas, 64.

Fox, George, 4-8n, 12, 13, 15, 29n, 33n, 42n, 50, 57, 65, 67-74, 77, 80, 83.

Fox, Margaret, _form._ Fell, 66, 68, 69.

Fretwell, John, 64.

Fry, Elizabeth, 14.

Furness, 65.

Gardner, Horred, 24n.

Garland, Timothy, 54, n, 62.

Generalists, 20.

Goggins, Daniel, magistrate, 40, 42, 43.

Goldsmith, Ralph, 29, n.

Goodaire, Thomas, 63, n.

Grace, Robert, 64, 81, 85, 86.

Greaseley, 20n.

Green, Thomas, 69n.

Grey, Henry (Earl of Stamford), 61, n, 62.

Grey, John, 61n, 62.

Halliday, James, 9, n, 10, 55n.

Hamilton, Governor, 83.

Hampton, Mass., 40n, 51.

Handsworth Woodhouse, 64.

Harby, 65.

Hassehurst, Robert, 64.

hat honour, 12, 24.

Hathorne, Capt. William, 40, n.

Hatter, Richard, 9.

Hawthorne, Nathaniel, 40n.

Heath, Elizabeth, 5, 16.

Hillborne, Elizabeth, _form._ Hooton, 82, 83.

Hillborne, Richard, 83.

Hillborne, Thomas, 82, 83.

Holder, Christopher, 21n, 29n.

Holder, Mary, _form._ Scott, 21n.

Holland, 54, 63, 64.

Holmes, Jane, 8, n, 11.

Hookes, Ellis, 67n.

Hooton, Elizabeth: family name, 1. birth (_c._ 1600), 1. marriage, 2. early religious associations, 4. home at Ollerton (1633), 1. removal to and residence at Skegby (_c._ 1636), 3, 16. meeting with George Fox and convincement (1647), 4, 72. in Derby prison (1651), 6. in York Castle (1652-????), 7. opposition and convincement of her husband, 4, 5. meetings at her house, 5, 6. imprisoned in Lincoln Castle (1654-5), 14. assaulted by Priest Jackson, 17. death of her husband (1657), 16. enters New England (1661), 30. return to England (1662), 33. sets out again for New England, 39. return again to England (1665-6), 53, 54. marriage of son and daughter, 64, 80. visits prisons, 35, 55. correspondence _re_ Fell family, 65. third visit to the New World (1671), 67. illness and death (1672), 72, 73. descendants, 80-86. her printed writings, 11, 87. financial condition, 34n. numerous epistles, 35, 55, 60, 87.

Hooton, Elizabeth, _form._ Carrier, 2, 77.

Hooton, Elizabeth, _aft._ Lambert (daughter), 3, 39, 41-43, 64, 68, 82.

Hooton, Elizabeth, _aft._ Hillborne (granddaughter), 81, 82.

Hooton, Elizabeth, _form._ Smedley, 65, 80, 82-84.

Hooton, John (son), 3, 83, 85.

Hooton, Josiah (son), 3, 86.

Hooton, Martha, 84.

Hooton, Mary, _form._ Sharp, 84.

Hooton, Oliver, 2.

Hooton, Oliver (husband), 4, 5, 7, 8, 13n, 16, 77, 80.

Hooton, Oliver (son), 3, 4, n, 54, 73, 83.

Hooton, Oliver (grandson), 81, 84.

Hooton, Robert, 2.

Hooton, Samuel (son), 2, 35, 54, n, 57, 65, 75, 77, 80-84.

Hooton, Thomas (son), 3, 84.

Hopkinson, George, 75.

House, Nicholas, 62.

Howgill, Francis, 63, n.

Hubberthorne, Richard, 31n.

Hull, John, 70.

Hussey, John, 40, n.

Hussey, Rebecca, _form._ Perkins, 40n.

Hutchinson, Anne, 19-21.

Hyfield, Sarah, _aft._ Livingstone, 56.

Indians, 21, 45, 79, 82.

_Industry_, ship, 69.

Ipswich, Mass., 18.

Jackson, ⸺, priest, 17.

Jackson, Henry, 63, n.

Jackson, Thomas, 3.

Jamaica, 1, 72.

judgments, 32, 38, 51, 66, 79.

Kendal, 63.

Killam, John, 13n.

Killam, Margaret, 13, n.

King’s Commissioners, 20, 27, 44-50.

Ladd, George, 25.

Lambert, Elizabeth, _form._ Hooton, 64, 82, 83.

Lambert, Thomas, 64, 68, 82, 83.

Lancaster, 66-69n.

Lancaster, James, 72, n, 73.

_Laodiceans, Epistle to the_, 43, n.

Leddra, William, 25, 26, 29n, 32.

Leicester, 35, 55, 56, 80.

Leicestershire, 4, 35, 39, 54-56n, 60-62, 84.

Leverett, Capt. John, 28, 30.

Lewins, John, 55.

Lincoln, 13-16, 78, 79, 85.

Lincolnshire, 13-16, 65, 78, 84.

literature distributed, 21, 22, 67, n, 72.

Livingstone, Patrick, 9n, 55, n, 56.

Livingstone, Sarah, _form._ Hyfield, 56.

Lord Chamberlain, see Manchester, Earl of, 35, 49, 50, 60, n.

Lyndley, Mrs., 4.

Lyndley, Thomas, 3.

Lyndley, William, 3.

Macaulay, Lord, 56n.

Malson, William, 64, 75, 81, 85.

Malton, 8n.

Manchester, Earl of, 28, 60n, see Lord Chamberlain.

Mansfield, 2, 3, 5, 6, 13n, 16, 20n, 47, 54, n, 81, 82, 84-86.

Mansfield Woodhouse, 3.

Marbury, Francis, minister, 21n.

Marsh Grange, 65.

Maryland, 34.

Mavericke, Samuel, 46.

Medfield, 44.

Miers, Elizabeth, 69, n.

Milton, Mass., 79.

miracles, 5, 6.

Molson, see Malson.

Montagu, Edward, see Manchester, Earl of.

More, Robert, 75.

Muggleton, Lodowicke, 57, n, 80.

Nayler, James, 67n.

New England, 1, 18-34, 38-52, 54, 64, 79, 81.

Newhouse, Thomas, 79.

New Jersey, 82, 84-86.

New York, 48.

Newark, 13.

Newbould, Godfrey, 64.

Newport, R.I., 19n, 24n, 31n.

Nicholls, Richard, commissioner, 46, 49n.

Nicholson, Benjamin, 11, n.

Nicholson, Jane, 50, n.

Nicholson, Joseph, 50n.

Northampton, 63.

Northumberland, 9, n.

Nottingham, 1, 6, 16, 20n, 55n-57, 59, 80, 85.

Nottinghamshire, 4, 15, 17, 56, 59, 68, 73, 78, 81, 82, 84, 85.

oaths, 80.

Oliver, Capt. James, 26, 29, n, 39.

Ollerton, 2, 3, 77, 80, 84.

Osborne, William, 3.

Oxford, 11n.

Oxfordshire, 16.

Oxley, Joseph, 74, n.

Palmer, William, 60, 61.

Papists, 49n, 58, 63.

Parsons, Nicholas, 62.

peace, 83, 84.

Peares, William, 8, n, 11, n.

Pennsylvania, 84.

Pentrich, 20n.

Pepys, S., _Diary_, 63.

Perkins, Rebecca, _aft._ Hussey, 40n.

Pett, Peter, 64.

Philly, John, 29n.

Pidd, John, 84.

Pilgrim Fathers, 18, 30, 41n, 47, 86.

Piscataway, 25.

Piscatua, 39, 40, 46.

plotting, 56.

Plymouth, N.E., 24n.

Port Royal, Jamaica, 73.

Porter, Robert, minister, 20n.

prison fees, 10, 14, 80.

Providence, R.I., 23, 32.

Puritans, see Pilgrim Fathers.

Radley, Mary, 56n, 64n, 77, 84.

Rayner, ⸺, priest, 40.

Reading, 63.

Reeve, John, 57n.

Reynolds, William, minister, 20n.

Rhode Island, 19n-21n, 24, 31n, 32, 41, 44, 48, 73.

Richardson, Ann, _form._ Burden, 50, n.

Roadby, see Rotherby.

Roberts, Joseph, 85.

Robinson, William, 24, 25, 29n.

Rofe, George, 31n.

Rookby, Thomas, priest, 7n.

Rotherby, 56n, 60, 62.

Rotherham, 7.

Rous, John, 69, n.

Roxbury, Mass., 43, 80.

_Royal Exchange_, ship, 54n.

Rufford, 2.

Ruyter, Admiral de, 63.

Salem, Mass., 23, n, 25, 29, n, 40, n, 50n.

Salter, Hannah, _form._ Stringer, 67, n, 68, n.

Salter, Henry, 67n.

Salthouse, Thomas, 81n.

Savile, Hon. Lumley, 2.

Say and Sele, Lord, 28.

Scituate, 41, 43, 79.

Scotland, 55n.

Scott family, of N.E., 21n.

Scott, Katharine, 21, n.

Selby, 7.

Selston, 17.

Senior, Abraham, 64.

Sharp, Mary, _aft._ Hooton, 84.

Shattuck, Samuel, 29, n, 50.

Sheerness, 64.

Shrewsbury, N.J., 82.

Sibson, 84.

signs, 8n, 37, 40n, 43, 80.

Sileby, 35, 60, 84.

Skegby, 3, 4, 6, 15, 16, 54, 56, 64, 65, 77, 80, 81, 83, 84.

slavery, 24, 40, 84.

Smedley, Elizabeth, _aft._ Hooton, 65, 80.

Snooden, Thomas, 62.

Snooden, William, 62.

Snowden, John, 83.

Southwick family, of N.E., 23, n.

sports and pastimes, 58.

Stacy, Mahlon, 64.

Stacy, Robert, 64.

Stamford, Earl of, see Grey, Henry.

Stevenson, Marmaduke, 24, 25, 29n.

Stoddard, Amor, 8, n, 11.

Stringer, Hannah, _aft._ Salter, 67n.

Stringer, John, 67n.

sufferings, 10, 58, 60, see whipping.

Swarthmoor Hall, 33n, 67n, 69, n.

Swinstone, Francis, 3.

Sympson, William, 83.

Syston, 55, see Sileby.

taxes, etc., 48, 58, 66.

Taylor, Thomas, 58n, 63, n.

Thoroton, Robert, 2, 3, 77.

Throsby, John, 2, n.

Thumerstone, 56.

Thurston, Joseph, priest, 14.

Tibshelf, 3.

Tickhill, 11n, 82.

tithes, 8n, 48, 79, 81, 82, 85, 86.

Tomlinson, Richard, 7.

Tomlinson, William, 9.

Truman, Joseph, minister, 20n.

Unketty, 43, 79.

Upsall, Nicholas, 22, n.

Virginia, 24, 31, n, 34, 80.

Waker, ⸺, informer, 59.

Walcott, Humphrey, justice, 14.

Walden, Richard, magistrate, 40.

Walney Island, 72n.

Ward, ⸺, minister, 18.

Wardell, Eliakim, 40, n.

Wardell, Lydia, 40n.

Warmsworth, 7n.

Warwick, 63.

Watertown, 41.

West Indies, 7n, 69-73.

Westmorland, 63n.

Whalley, Penistone, justice, 59.

Wharton, Edward, 29n.

whipping, 21-23, 29n, 32, 40-45, 47, 48, 51, 80, see sufferings.

Whitehead, John, 13, n.

Whitlock, John, minister, 20n.

Wilkie, Thomas, 25.

Williamson, Sir Joseph, 69, n.

Windlocks [?], 44.

Worthington, A. W., minister, 20n.

York, 7-12, 77.

York, Duke of, 61, 62, n, 87.

Yorkshire, 24, 63, n, 64.

HEADLEY BROTHERS, PRINTERS, BISHOPSGATE, E.C.; AND ASHFORD, KENT.