Part 2

Cervantes, with many other young Spaniards, left Naples and proceeded to Messina, then the mustering place of the combined fleets. He enlisted in the corps of Diego de Urbina, which sailed in Colonna’s galleys to the Gulf of Lepanto, and he took part in the celebrated battle fought there on the 7th of October, 1571. During the voyage he had suffered from a fever, and he had not recovered when the action commenced. His commander as well as his comrades recommended him to remain quietly in his cabin; but this he refused to do, declaring his wish to die in the service of God and his King rather than to save his life by ingloriously keeping aloof from danger. He entreated that one of the most exposed posts might be assigned to him. His urgent desire was complied with; and it is stated that he fought with more resolute courage than any man on board the vessel. By the fire of that galley alone it is said more than five hundred Turks were killed. Cervantes, who exposed himself to the fiercest assault of the enemy, received three wounds from arquebus balls, two entered his breast, and the other so dreadfully shattered his left hand that he subsequently had it amputated. But so far from regretting this mutilation, he prided himself on it, and regarded it as an insignia of honour. In his preface to the second part of _Don Quixote_, he declares that he views his maimed hand as “a memorial of one of the most glorious events that past or present ages have seen, or that the future can hope to see;[12] and,” he adds, “could an impossibility be rendered practicable, and could the same opportunity be recalled, I would rather be again present in that prodigious action than whole and sound without sharing in the glory of it.”

The memorable 7th of October, 1571, was to Cervantes like a ray of light beaming through the clouds of his past recollections. Even in the _Journey to Parnassus_, which he wrote in his latter years, he says, alluding to the battle of Lepanto, “My eye wandered over the smooth surface of the sea, which recalled to my memory the heroic exploit of the heroic Don John; when aided by courage, and by a heart throbbing for military glory, I had a share (humble though it was) in the victory.”[13]

Cervantes was four and twenty years of age when the Battle of Lepanto was fought. The signal courage he displayed on that occasion obtained for him the complimentary notice of Don John of Austria. On the day after the battle that Prince reviewed the combined fleet, and visited the wounded, presenting to each soldier who had particularly distinguished himself, a sum of money over and above the amount of his pay. Cervantes received from the hand of the prince one of these honourable gratuities.

The victory of Lepanto, though for a time fatal to the Turks, was not succeeded by any permanent advantage to the coalesced powers. Sultan Selim speedily found a strong ally in the dissentient spirit which prevailed among the Christian rulers. By command of Philip II. Don John returned to Messina, where the victorious fleet was received with public rejoicings. Cervantes, not yet recovered from his wounds, was consigned to the hospital, and he remained in Messina whilst most of the troops were dispersed about in the interior of Sicily. In the following year, his military ardour being unabated, he joined another expedition fitted out by the Chiefs of the League, and sailed this time to the Archipelago. He was present at the storming of Navarino; but the expedition having failed in its object, he once more returned to Messina.

The following winter was spent in preparations for a new armament; but owing to the secession of the Republic of Venice from the league, the Spanish and Papal forces alone were found insufficient for attacking the Turks; and in consequence King Philip determined to fit out an expedition against Tunis. The object of the king was merely the dethronement of Aluch Ali in favour of Muley Mahomet; but John of Austria, to whom was entrusted the command of the expedition, hoped to found for himself an independent sovereignty in Africa; and in furtherance of this object, the pope promised his aid. No sooner did the fleet appear within sight of Goletta than the garrison retired from the fort and the inhabitants of Tunis took to flight. A single regiment then sufficed to take possession of the fortress and the city; and there is good reason to conjecture that Cervantes was in the ranks of that regiment. Don John having erected a new fort took possession of Biserta, and leaving behind him a portion of his force he returned once more to Sicily.

Cervantes, with the regiment to which he belonged, proceeded to Sardinia, where he remained during the winter of 1573 to 1574. He was afterwards sent to Genoa, which was then agitated by insurrectionary movements. To quell those outbreaks, Don John was on the point of leaving Lombardy, when he learned that the Turks were actively assembling their forces with the view of regaining possession of Tunis and Goletta. Without delay the prince embarked at Spezzia, with a division of his troops, in which was Cervantes. He proceeded first to Naples and Messina, and then sailed for the African coast. But the little armada had not advanced far on the voyage, when a violent storm which threatened destruction to the galleys drove them back to the Sicilian shore. Meanwhile Goletta and Tunis, after a gallant defence, were retaken by the Turks, an event which at once crushed the hopes of Don John of Austria.

Cervantes, with his regiment remained for a time in Sicily, under the command of the Duke de Sesa. It would appear that he was afterwards removed to Naples, for he says in the _Journey to Parnassus_, “that he paced the streets of that city for upwards of a year.”[14] There is, however, good reason for believing that his time was not spent in idly pacing the streets, but that during his stay in Naples, he employed his intervals of respite from military duty, in studying the Italian language and reading the works of the best Italian writers; for it is well known that he possessed an erudite knowledge of the literature of Italy.

Urged by an irresistible desire to revisit his native country, and probably dissatisfied with the scanty recompense awarded to his military services, Cervantes solicited leave to return to Spain. His request was granted in a manner highly gratifying to him, in the year 1575, when Don John and the Duke de Sesa furnished him with letters, recommending him to the notice of King Phillip, as a man whose courage had gained the respect of his officers as well as of his comrades.

With a joyful heart Cervantes embarked in the galley _El Sol_, accompanied by his brother, Rodrigo, who had joined him in Naples. From that port they both sailed on their return to Spain. But the wished for happiness of revisiting his native land was more remote than was anticipated. On the 26th of September, 1575, the Sol was attacked by an Algerine Corsair. After a brave resistance the galley was captured, and all on board were conveyed to Algiers. In the distribution of the prisoners Cervantes fell to the share of Dali-Mami, a Greek renegade, who, by reason of his lameness, was surnamed “the cripple.” The letters addressed to Phillip II., which Cervantes carried with him, led Dali-Mami to believe that his slave was a Christian knight of distinguished rank; and he treated him with the utmost rigour in the hope of extorting a large sum of money for his ransom. But with the fortitude which marked his character Cervantes patiently endured his misery, whilst his thoughts were occupied by schemes for effecting his own liberation and that of his companions. Having devised a plan of escape to Oran, he prevailed on his friends to join him in carrying it into effect. The fugitives succeeded so far as actually to get away from Algiers, when they were betrayed by a Moor who had undertaken to be their guide. They were conveyed back to their prison and confined with more rigour than before. Cervantes as the ringleader was treated with so much severity, that as he afterwards observed, “he learned in that school of suffering to have patience under misfortune.”[15]

Two descriptions of labour were assigned to the Christian captives in Algiers. Some were employed in rowing the galleys and chebeques, others, and these shared the hardest lot, were kept within the city, in places called the bagnios or baths, which were in reality prisons, and which received their names from the numerous baths they contained. Most of the captives in the bagnios were the slaves of the dey or king, but private persons were occasionally permitted to send their slaves thither, especially those who were expected to be ransomed; the bagnios being considered the most secure places of confinement. The slaves whose ransoms were looked for, were not sent out to labour like the rest: but they wore a chain and, moreover, were wretchedly fed and clothed. Of this number was Cervantes, whose condition as a Spanish Hidalgo, gave his master reason to hope that a large sum would be offered for his liberation.[16]

A Spaniard who had passed some years of slavery in Algiers, and who was ransomed in the year 1639, by the monks of the Order of the Santissima Trinidad, drew up, after his return to Spain a narrative of his captivity. He gives a curious description of the treatment of the Christian slaves in Algiers, together with details respecting the manners and customs of the Moors. This narrative has never been printed; but from a manuscript copy of it in the Biblioteca Real at Madrid, the following extracts have been obtained.

“The Christians in Algiers,” says the writer, “have four churches, in which mass is performed. In my time there were twelve priests who officiated daily. In the principal church, which is situated within the King’s Bagnio, and dedicated to the Santissima Trinidad, there are five priests and a Provisor, appointed by his Holiness. There are seven brotherhoods (cofradías), and in each mass is performed daily. Every day alms are begged from the captives for the purchase of wax tapers and altar decorations. Each priest receives out of these alms one real and a half; this with the money paid for masses is all the priests have to subsist on. In the churches the religious service is very properly performed, and sermons are always preached. The Christians are very ill-treated, especially the priests, who are frequently pelted with stones and dirt by the boys as they pass through the streets. At this present time, 10th of March, 1639, Algiers contains 20,000 Christian slaves, 10,000 soldiers, and 1000 counsellors-of-war. These counsellors act as judges in all trials relating to matters connected with the army or navy; and they never take longer than two days to deliberate on any question. The inhabitants of Algiers, both men and women, live very miserably. Their principal food consists of rice and wheat boiled, with a very small portion of salted meat. Even the richest individuals do not live much better. The daily food of the captives consists only of a small loaf of bread. They are treated very cruelly, especially by the Tagarinos, the descendants of the Moors, expelled from Spain. To force them to press their friends for ransom, their daily tasks of labour are augmented, and they are put in chains--the strongest being sent to the galleys. In every part of the city there are mosques, which the women are not suffered to enter: some of these mosques have a tower or minaret, on which a flag is hoisted at noon, lowered at one o’clock, and then hoisted again at dusk. From these minarets the Moors call the people to prayers. The most profound silence prevails during worship in the mosques; no one dares to speak or even to cough. The prayers are short; and whilst they are repeated, the people are squatted cross-legged on the ground, at intervals rising up and then bowing down to the earth. The mosques are hung with great numbers of glass lamps; but they have no other ornaments. The floors are covered with mats, and the walls and ceilings are arched. Within the mosques there are orange trees, and alcoves for the Morabites, who are held in high veneration; they receive presents from the women, whose husbands, strange to say, do not disapprove of this practice. There is a religious festival on Friday in every week. At their meals the Moors place their food on the ground, without spreading any cloth under the dishes, which are of copper, tinned over; even the richer class do not use utensils of silver. The out-door dress of the women consists of long trousers, reaching to the feet, and fastened round the ankles by rings of gold or silver; their outward garment consists of a large cloak enveloping them from head to foot, and leaving only their eyes uncovered. Their dress is decorous, though their manners are not so. Within doors they wear a long tunic, reaching to the ankle, and made of rich damask, satin or silk; they wear many rich jewels, consisting of bracelets, necklaces, and earrings. Many of these Moorish women are very beautiful; but they indulge much in the habit of smoking.”

It happened that a Spaniard, who had been for some time one of the fellow-captives of Cervantes, having been ransomed, was suffered to return to his native country. On his arrival in Spain, he lost no time in conveying to the father of Cervantes intelligence of the unhappy condition of his two sons Rodrigo and Miguel. The old man, without hesitation mortgaged his little property, though by so doing he reduced himself and the other members of his family to a condition bordering on want, and having raised a considerable sum of money he transmitted it to Algiers. The two brothers were thus placed in a condition to treat for their liberation. But Dali-Mami demanded so high a ransom for Miguel de Cervantes, that the latter generously resigned his share of the money sent from Spain, in favour of his brother Rodrigo, who obtained his deliverance in August, 1577. On his departure, Rodrigo promised to spare no exertions for making known the condition of the captives to persons of influence in Spain, so that some effectual measure might be adopted for their liberation. It was proposed that a ship, despatched from Valencia or from the Balearic Islands, should cruise along the African coast, keeping watch so as to be in readiness to receive the captives whenever they might have an opportunity of effecting their escape. Rodrigo Cervantes carried with him, on his departure from Algiers, a letter from one of the prisoners, a Spanish nobleman, related to the house of Alba;--this letter, it was hoped, would have great weight in furthering the execution of the enterprise. Cervantes had concocted the scheme for the escape of himself and his friends, and every preparation had been made for enabling them to carry it into effect.

A little to the west of Algiers, there was a garden, close to the sea shore. It was attached to a villa belonging to Aga Hassan, then Dey of Algiers. Hassan, who was a Venetian by birth, had originally been the slave of the celebrated Uchali. He turned Mahometan, and his apostacy helped him to rise to wealth and distinction in the Ottoman Empire. At the time of the Battle of Lepanto, Aga Hassan filled the high post of Captain-General of the Turkish fleet, and he was afterwards elected Dey of Algiers. This turbulent and cruel man ruled his temporary sovereignty with a rod of iron. His tyranny and barbarity were exercised alike on Moors and Christians; for, as Cervantes makes the captive in _Don Quixote_ remark, “he was the homicide of the whole human race.” _Era homocida de todo el género humano._

Aga Hassan’s garden was under the care and superintendence of a gardener, who was a Christian slave and a native of Navarre. Cervantes having made himself acquainted with this man, induced him to make an excavation under the garden in the form of a cave. As early as February, 1577, some months prior to the departure of Rodrigo Cervantes, this excavation was in progress, and several Christian slaves, who had escaped from bondage had taken refuge in it. The number of the fugitives gradually augmented, and in September of the same year Cervantes himself succeeded in eluding the watchful eye of his master, and joining his friends in their subterraneous retreat. He had accurately calculated the time when the expected ship would near the African coast. It did so on the 28th of September; but stood off during the day, so as to keep out of sight, and at night standing close in shore, the vessel gave the signal to the captives. This being unluckily observed by some Moorish slaves, who happened to be on the spot, they gave the alarm. The vessel immediately put back, but shortly afterwards made a second attempt to near the shore, which ended in failure, and she was captured.

But this disaster, discouraging as it was, did not subdue the hopes of Cervantes and his companions, who determined to remain in their hiding place to await another opportunity for attempting their escape. But their schemes were frustrated by the treachery of a slave, who had been a renegade from Islamism to Christianity, and whom the fugitives had incautiously admitted to their confidence. This slave, who was surnamed _El Dorador_, again turned renegade, and by renouncing Christianity entitled himself to the reward of his twofold apostacy and treachery. The Dey, who claimed all runaway slaves as his own, dispatched a troop of soldiers to the garden. The cave was searched and the fugitives captured.

The details of this event are related by Father Diego de Haedo, a Spanish ecclesiastic, who was contemporary with Cervantes, and who wrote a history of Algiers. Alluding to the seizure of the fugitives in the cave, Haedo says, “The Dey’s emissaries took especial care to secure Miguel de Cervantes, a Hidalgo of Alcalá de Henares, who was the contriver of the whole scheme.”[17] He then adds, “It was a most marvellous thing that these Christians remained hidden in the cave, without seeing the light of day, some for five or six, and others for so long as seven months;--sustained all that time by Miguel de Cervantes; and this too at the peril of his own life, for several times he was on the point of being hanged, empaled, or burnt alive, for the bold adventures by which he attempted to restore his comrades to freedom. Had his good fortune been equal to his courage, enterprise and skill, Algiers would at this day have been under Christian rule; for to no less an object did his designs aspire. The gardener, who was a native of Navarre, was hanged by the feet. He was a very good Christian. Of the incidents which occurred in that cave, during the seven months that those Christians remained within it--and of the bold enterprises hazarded by Miguel de Cervantes--a particular history might be composed.”[18]

Finding that himself and his friends were in the power of their captors, and that it was fruitless to attempt resistance, Cervantes at once declared himself the sole contriver of the scheme, and begged that, as he alone was guilty, the whole punishment might devolve on him. This avowal caused him to be put in chains, and amidst the scoffs and insults of the populace, he was conducted to the presence of Aga Hassan. With fearful threats the tyrant sought to intimidate him into a confession that he had accomplices, and to denounce them; for his object was to make it appear that Father Jorge Olivar, the _Redentor_, or Slave Ransomer, of the crown of Aragón, was implicated in the affair. But Cervantes persisted in affirming that no one could be accused but himself.

Nevertheless, the barbarous Hassan forthwith condemned all the fugitives to death. The unfortunate gardener was hanged, and Cervantes and his friends would doubtless have shared the same fate, but that, luckily for them, Hassan’s cupidity triumphed over his cruelty. The prospect of ransom money saved the lives of the prisoners; but they were thrown into one of the most loathsome prisons in Algiers, and subjected to all sorts of privation and misery.

But in spite of their bitter sufferings, the captives, most of whom were Spaniards, did not yield to despondency. Each one cheered himself and his companions, by pleasant stories and recollections of their dear native land. The song and the dance, diversions ardently loved by every Spaniard, were not wanting to enliven the gloom of their prison-house. By turns they recited or sang their old national romances, and the heroic deeds of their ancestors inspired them with courage. Their religious festivals, too, were celebrated with all the ceremony which circumstances admitted of, and the prisoners even succeeded in getting up some dramatic representations.[19]

In those palmy days of the Spanish drama, the passion for histrionic performance had taken firm root in the public mind. So popular and universally admired were the comedies of Lope de Rueda, that Spaniards, who had been for years out of their native country, could recollect and repeat by heart favourite passages and scenes from them.

It is well known that Cervantes drew from his captivity in Algiers the subjects of two plays which he wrote at a subsequent period of his life, and in which he depicts the sufferings of the Christian slaves. In one, _Los Baños de Argel_, a pastoral dialogue, (Coloquio Pastoril) is introduced. It is stated to be from one of Lope de Rueda’s comedies, and is curious from the fact of its being in verse, whilst all the dramas, or as they are called, _comedias_, of Lope de Rueda, now extant, are in prose. The other play by Cervantes, founded on the subject of Algerine captivity, is entitled _La Gran Sultana_. The heroine is a Spanish lady, Doña Catalina de Oviedo, supposed to have been captured by corsairs.

Undaunted by failure, Cervantes determined on the first favourable opportunity to renew his efforts to obtain his own deliverance and that of his companions. Increasing difficulties had no other effect than that of strengthening his resolution to surmount them. He felt an irresistible longing for that freedom, which, to quote his own words, is “the dearest gift which Heaven has bestowed on man. For freedom,” he adds, “as well as for honour, it is our duty to sacrifice life. Captivity, on the other hand, is the greatest misfortune which man can be doomed to bear.” He gained over to his interests a Moorish slave, whom he persuaded to convey a letter from him to the Spanish governor of Oran. The object of this communication was to facilitate a plan for the liberation of himself and three of his fellow-prisoners. The letter was however intercepted, and the messenger, by order of Hassan, was immediately shot. Cervantes, as the writer of the missive, was sentenced to receive two thousand stripes; and only by the urgent and repeated intercession of the Christians in Algiers, was the noble slave saved from the infliction of that barbarous punishment. The three Spaniards who were comprehended in the projected plan of escape were put to death; and the extension of Hassan’s mercy to Cervantes may be attributed in a great measure to the influence which an exalted character exercises even on the most uncivilized of mankind.