Chapter 14

ARCHITECTURE OF TUSAYAN AND CIBOLA COMPARED BY CONSTRUCTIONAL DETAILS.

INTRODUCTION.

In the two preceding chapters the more general features of form and distribution in the ruined and inhabited pueblos of Tusayan and Cibola have been described. In order to gain a full and definite idea of the architectural acquirements of the pueblo builders it will be necessary to examine closely the constructional details of their present houses, endeavoring, when practicable, to compare these details with the rather meager vestiges of similar features that have survived the destruction of the older villages, noting the extent to which these have departed from early types, and, where practicable, tracing the causes of such deviation. For convenience of comparison the various details of housebuilding for the two groups will be treated together.

The writer is indebted to Mr. A. M. Stephen, the collector of the traditionary data already given, for information concerning the rites connected with house building at Tusayan incorporated in the following pages, and also for the carefully collected and valuable nomenclature of architectural details appended hereto. Material of this class pertaining to the Cibola group of pueblos unfortunately could not be procured.

HOUSE BUILDING.

RITES AND METHODS.

The ceremonials connected with house building in Tusayan are quite meager, but the various steps in the ritual, described in their proper connection in the following paragraphs, are well defined and definitely assigned to those who participate in the construction of the buildings.

So far as could be ascertained there is no prearranged plan for an entire house of several stories, or for the arrangement of contiguous houses. Most of the ruins examined emphasize this absence of a clearly defined general plan governing the location of rooms added to the original cluster. Two notable exceptions to this want of definite plan occur among the ruins described. In Tusayan the Fire House (Fig. 7) is evidently the result of a clearly defined purpose to give a definite form to the entire cluster, just as, on a very much larger scale, does the ruin of Kin-tiel, belonging to the Cibola group (Pl. LXIII). In both these cases the fixing of the outer wall on a definite line seems to have been regarded as of more importance than the specific locations of individual rooms or dwellings within this outline. Throughout that part of Tusayan which has been examined, however, the single room seems now to be regarded as the pueblo unit, and is spoken of as a complete house. It is the construction of such a house unit that is here to be described.

A suitable site having been selected, the builder considers what the dimensions of the house should be, and these he measures by paces, placing a stone or other mark at each corner. He then goes to the woods and cuts a sufficient number of timbers for the roof of a length corresponding to the width of his house. Stones are also gathered and roughly dressed, and in all these operations he is assisted by his friends, usually of his own gens. These assistants receive no compensation except their food, but that of itself entails considerable expense on the builder, and causes him to build his house with as few helpers as possible.

The material having been accumulated, the builder goes to the village chief, who prepares for him four small eagle feathers. The chief ties a short cotton string to the stem of each, sprinkles them with votive meal, and breathes upon them his prayers for the welfare of the proposed house and its occupants. These feathers are called Nakwa kwoci, a term meaning a breathed prayer, and the prayers are addressed to Másauwu, the Sun, and to other deities concerned in house-life. These feathers are placed at the four corners of the house and a large stone is laid over each of them. The builder then decides where the door is to be located, and marks the place by setting some food on each side of it; he then passes around the site from right to left, sprinkling piki crumbs and other particles of food, mixed with native tobacco, along the lines to be occupied by the walls. As he sprinkles this offering he sings to the Sun his Kitdauwi, house song: “Si-ai, a-hai, si-ai, a-hai.” The meaning of these words the people have now forgotten.

Mr. Stephen has been informed by the Indians that the man is a mason and the woman the plasterer, the house belonging to the woman when finished; but according to my own observation this is not the universal practice in modern Tusayan. In the case of the house in Oraibi, illustrated in Pl. XL from a photograph, much, if not all, of the masonry was laid, as well as finished and plastered, by the woman of the house and her female relatives. There was but one man present at this house-building, whose grudgingly performed duty consisted of lifting the larger roof beams and lintels into place and of giving occasional assistance in the heavier work. The ground about this house was strewn with quantities of broken stone for masonry, which seemed to be all prepared and brought to the spot before building began; but often the various divisions of the work are carried on by both men and women simultaneously. While the men were dressing the stones, the women brought earth and water and mixed a mud plaster. Then the walls were laid in irregular courses, using the mortar very sparingly.

The house is always built in the form of a parallelogram, the walls being from 7 to 8 feet high, and of irregular thickness, sometimes varying from 15 to 22 inches in different parts of the same wall.

Pine, piñon, juniper, cottonwood, willow, and indeed all the available trees of the region are used in house construction. The main beams for the roof are usually of pine or cottonwood, from which the bark has been stripped. The roof is always made nearly level, and the ends of the beams are placed across the side walls at intervals of about 2 feet. Above these are laid smaller poles parallel with the side walls, and not more than a foot apart. Across these again are laid reeds or small willows, as close together as they can be placed, and above this series is crossed a layer of grass or small twigs and weeds. Over this framework a layer of mud is spread, which, after drying, is covered with earth and firmly trodden down. The making of the roof is the work of the women. When it is finished the women proceed to spread a thick coating of mud for a floor. After this follows the application of plaster to the walls. Formerly a custom prevailed of leaving a small space on the wall unplastered, a belief then existing that a certain Katchina came and finished it, and although the space remained bare it was considered to be covered with an invisible plaster.

The house being thus far completed, the builder prepares four feathers similar to those prepared by the chief, and ties them to a short piece of willow, the end of which is inserted over one of the central roof beams. These feathers are renewed every year at the feast of Soyalyina, celebrated in December, when the sun begins to return north ward. The builder also makes an offering to Másauwu (called “feeding the house”) by placing fragments of food among the rafters, beseeching him not to hasten the departure of any of the family to the under world.

A hole is left in one corner of the roof, and under this the woman builds a fireplace and chimney. The former is usually but a small cavity about a foot square in the corner of the floor. Over this a chimney hood is constructed, its lower rim being about 3 feet above the floor.

As a rule the house has no eaves, the roof being finished with a stone coping laid flush with the wall and standing a few inches higher than the roof to preserve the earth covering from being blown or washed away. Roof-drains of various materials are also commonly inserted in the copings, as will be described later.

All the natives, as far as could be ascertained, regard this single-roomed house as being complete in itself, but they also consider it the nucleus of the larger structure. When more space is desired, as when the daughters of the house marry and require room for themselves, another house is built in front of and adjoining the first one, and a second story is often added to the original house. The same ceremony is observed in building the ground story in front, but there is no ceremony for the second and additional stories.

Anawita (war-chief of Sichumovi) describes the house in Walpi in which he was born as having had five rooms on the ground floor, and as being four stories high, but it was terraced both in front and rear, his sisters and their families occupying the rear portion. The fourth story consisted of a single room and had terraces on two opposite sides. This old house is now very dilapidated, and the greater portion of the walls have been carried away. There is no prescribed position for communicating doorways, but the outer doors are usually placed in the lee walls to avoid the prevailing southwest winds.

Formerly on the approach of cold weather, and to some extent the custom still exists, people withdrew from the upper stories to the kikoli rooms, where they huddled together to keep warm. Economy in the consumption of fuel also prompted this expedient; but these ground-floor rooms forming the first terrace, as a rule having no external doorways, and entered from without by means of a roof hatchway provided with a ladder, are ordinarily used only for purposes of storage. Even their roofs are largely utilized for the temporary storage of many household articles, and in the autumn, after the harvests have been gathered, the terraces and copings are often covered with drying peaches, and the peculiar long strips into which pumpkins and squashes have been cut to facilitate their desiccation for winter use. Among other things the household supply of wood is sometimes piled up at one end of this terrace, but more commonly the natives have so many other uses for this space that the sticks of fuel are piled up on a rude projecting skeleton of poles, supported on one side by two upright forked sticks set into the ground, and on the other resting upon the stone coping of the wall, as illustrated in Fig. 19. At other times poles are laid across a re-entering angle of a house and used as a wood rack, without any support from the ground. At the autumn season not only is the available space of the first terrace fully utilized, but every projecting beam or stick is covered with strings of drying meat or squashes, and many long poles are extended between convenient points to do temporary duty as additional drying racks. There was in all cases at least one fireplace on the inside in the upper stories, but the cooking was done on the terraces, usually at the end of the first or kikoli roof. This is still a general custom, and the end of the first terrace is usually walled up and roofed, and is called tupubi. Tuma is the name of the flat baking-stone used in the houses, but the flat stone used for baking at the kisi in the field is called tupubi.

Kikoli is the name of the ground story of the house, which has no opening in the outer wall.

The term for the terraced roofs is ihpobi, and is applied to all of them; but the tupatca ihpobi, or third terrace, is the place of general resort, and is regarded as a common loitering place, no one claiming distinct ownership. This is suggestive of an early communal dwelling, but nothing definite can now be ascertained on this point. In this connection it may also be noted that the eldest sister’s house is regarded as their home by her younger brothers and her nieces and nephews.

Aside from the tupubi, there are numerous small rooms especially constructed for baking the thin, paper-like bread called piki. These are usually not more than from 5 to 7 feet high, with interior dimensions not larger than 7 feet by 10, and they are called tumcokobi, the place of the flat stone, tuma being the name of the stone itself, and tcok describing its flat position. Many of the ground-floor rooms in the dwelling houses are also devoted to this use.

The terms above are those more commonly used in referring to the houses and their leading features. A more exhaustive vocabulary of architectural terms, comprising those especially applied to the various constructional features of the kivas or ceremonial rooms, and to the “kisis,” or temporary brush shelters for field use, will be found near the end of this paper.

The only trace of a traditional village plan, or arrangement of contiguous houses, is found in a meager mention in some of the traditions, that rows of houses were built to inclose the kiva, and to form an appropriate place for the public dances and processions of masked dancers. No definite ground plan, however, is ascribed to these traditional court-inclosing houses, although at one period in the evolution of this defensive type of architecture they must have partaken somewhat of the symmetrical grouping found on the Rio Chaco and elsewhere.

LOCALIZATION OF GENTES.

In the older and more symmetrical examples there was doubtless some effort to distribute the various gentes, or at least the phratries, in definite quarters of the village, as stated traditionally. At the present day, however, there is but little trace of such localization. In the case of Oraibi, the largest of the Tusayan villages, Mr. Stephen has with great care and patience ascertained the distribution of the various gentes in the village, as recorded on the accompanying skeleton plan (Pl. XXXVII). An examination of the diagram in connection with the appended list of the families occupying Oraibi will at once show that, however clearly defined may have been the quarters of various gentes in the traditional village, the greatest confusion prevails at the present time. The families numerically most important, such as the Reed, Coyote, Lizard, and Badger, are represented in all of the larger house clusters.

_Families occupying Oraibi._

[See house plan--house numbers in blue.]

1. Kokop................winwuh...................Burrowing owl. 2. Pikyas...............nyumuh...................Young corn plant. 3. Bakab................winwuh...................Reed (_Phragmites communis_). 4. Tuwa.................winwuh...................Sand. 5. Tdap.................nyumuh...................Jack rabbit. 6. Honan................winwuh...................Badger. 7. Isn..................winwuh...................Coyote. 8. See 3.........................................Reed. 9. Kukuto...............winwuh...................Lizard. 10. Honan................nyumuh...................Bear. 11. Honau.........................................Bear. 12. See 3.........................................Reed. 13. See 7.........................................Coyote. 14. Tcuin.........................................Rattlesnake. 15. Awat..........................................Bow. 16. Kokuan........................................Spider. 17. See 9.........................................Lizard. 18. See 3.........................................Reed. 19. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl. 20. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl. 21. See 5.........................................Rabbit. 22. See 9.........................................Lizard. 23. See 9.........................................Lizard. 23½. See 9........................................Lizard. 24. See 2.........................................Young corn. 25. Gyazro...............nyumuh...................Paroquet. 26. See 2.........................................Young corn. 27. Kwah.................nyumuh...................Eagle. 28. See 7.........................................Coyote. 29. See 27........................................Eagle. 30. See 9.........................................Lizard. 31. See 9.........................................Lizard. 32. See 7.........................................Coyote. 33. See 7.........................................Coyote. 34. See 2.........................................Young corn. 35. See 6.........................................Badger. 36. See 16........................................Spider. 37. Batun................winwuh...................Squash. 38. See 15........................................Bow. 39. See 15........................................Bow. 40. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl. 41. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl. 42. See 6.........................................Badger. 43. Tdawuh...............winwuh...................Sun. 44. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl. 45. See 25........................................Paroquet. 46. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl. 47. See 1.........................................Burrowing-owl. 48. See 3.........................................Reed. 49. See 3.........................................Reed. 50. See 3.........................................Reed. 51. See 3.........................................Reed. 52. See 27........................................Eagle. 53. See 25........................................Paroquet. 54. See 1.........................................Burrowing owl. 55. See 5.........................................Rabbit. 56. See 9.........................................Lizard. 57. Pobol................winwuh...................Moth. 58. See 6.........................................Badger. 59. See 5.........................................Rabbit. 60. See 5.........................................Rabbit. 61. See 7.........................................Coyote. 62. See 7.........................................Coyote. 63. Atoko................winwuh...................Crane. 64. See 3.........................................Reed. 65. See 9.........................................Lizard. 66. Keli.................nyumuh...................Hawk. 67. See 7.........................................Coyote. 68. See 43........................................Sun. 69. Kwan.................nyumuh...................Mescal cake. 70. See 27........................................Eagle. 71. See 27........................................Eagle. 72. See 2.........................................Corn. 73. See 6.........................................Badger. 74. See 7.........................................Coyote. 75. See 7.........................................Coyote. 76. See 27........................................Eagle. 77. See 3.........................................Reed. 78. See 3.........................................Reed. 79. See 3.........................................Reed. 80. See 9.........................................Lizard. 81. See 43........................................Sun. 82. See 25........................................Paroquet. 83. See 9.........................................Lizard. 84. See 9.........................................Lizard. 85. See 43........................................Sun. 86. See 3.........................................Reed. 87. See 3.........................................Reed. 88. See 7.........................................Coyote. 89. See 3.........................................Reed. 90. Vacant. 91. See 2.........................................Corn. 92. See 25........................................Paroquet. 93. See 25........................................Paroquet. 94. See 10........................................Bear. 95. See 19........................................Bear. 96. See 4.........................................Sand. 97. See 4.........................................Sand. 98. See 4.........................................Sand. 99. See 3.........................................Reed. 100. See 2........................................Corn. 101. See 2........................................Corn. 102. See 7........................................Coyote. 103. See 7........................................Coyote. 104. See 3........................................Reed. 105. See 3........................................Reed. 106. See 3........................................Reed. 107. See 5........................................Rabbit. 108. See 7........................................Coyote. 109. See 5........................................Rabbit. 110. See 5........................................Rabbit. 111. See 3........................................Reed. 112. See 5........................................Rabbit. 113. Vacant. 114. Vacant. 115. See 3........................................Reed. 116. See 6........................................Badger. 117. See 43.......................................Sun. 118. See 7........................................Coyote. 119. See 43.......................................Sun. 120. See 5........................................Rabbit. 121. See 43.......................................Sun. 122. See 3........................................Reed. 123. See 4........................................Sand. 124. See 4........................................Sand. 125. See 3........................................Reed. 126. See 3........................................Reed. 127. See 43.......................................Sun. 128. See 2........................................Corn. 129. See 9........................................Lizard. 130. See 4........................................Sand. 131. See 4........................................Sand. 132. See 7........................................Coyote. 133. See 9........................................Lizard. 134. See 25.......................................Paroquet. 135. See 25.......................................Paroquet. 136. See 6........................................Badger. 137. See 6........................................Badger. 138. Vacant. 139. See 10.......................................Bear. 140. See 3........................................Reed. 141. See 25.......................................Paroquet. 142. See 25.......................................Paroquet. 143. See 43.......................................Sun. 144. See 5........................................Rabbit. 145. See 15.......................................Bow. 146. Vacant. 147. See 6........................................Badger. 148. Katcin..............nyumuh...................Katcina. 149. See 7........................................Coyote. 150. See 6........................................Badger. 151. See 6........................................Badger. 152. See 6........................................Badger. 153. See 6........................................Badger.

Counting No. 23½, this makes 154 houses; 149 occupied, 5 vacant.

Reed families..... 25 Paroquet families... 10 Eagle families.... 6 Coyote families... 17 Owl families........ 9 Bear families..... 5 Lizard families... 14 Corn families....... 9 Bow families...... 4 Badger families... 13 Sun families........ 9 Spider families... 2 Rabbit families... 11 Sand families....... 8

Snake, Squash, Moth, Crane, Hawk, Mescal cake, Katcina, one each.

No tradition of gentile localization was discovered in Cibola. Notwithstanding the decided difference in the general arrangements of rooms in the eastern and western portions of the village, the architectural evidence does not indicate the construction of the various portions of the present Zuñi by distinct groups of people.

INTERIOR ARRANGEMENT.

On account of the purpose for which much of the architectural data here given were originally obtained, viz, for the construction of large scale models of the pueblos, the material is much more abundant for the treatment of exterior than of interior details. Still, when the walls and roof, with all their attendant features, have been fully recorded, little remains to be described about a pueblo house; for such of its interior details as do not connect with the external features are of the simplest character. At the time of the survey of these pueblos no exhaustive study of the interior of the houses was practicable, but the illustrations present typical dwelling rooms from both Tusayan and Zuñi. As a rule the rooms are smaller in Tusayan than at Zuñi.

The illustration, Fig. 20, shows the ground plan of a second-story room of Mashongnavi. This room measures 13 by 12½ feet, and is considerably below the average size of the rooms in these villages. A projecting buttress or pier in the middle of the east wall divides that end of the room into two portions. One side is provided with facilities for storage in the construction of a bench or ledge, used as a shelf, 3 feet high from the floor; and a small inclosed triangular bin, built directly on the floor, by fixing a thin slab of stone into the masonry. The whole construction has been treated with the usual coating of mud, which has afterwards been whitewashed, with the exception of a 10-inch band that encircles the whole room at the floor line, occupying the position of a baseboard. The other side of the dividing pier forms a recess, that is wholly given up to a series of metates or mealing stones; an indispensable feature of every pueblo household. It is quite common to find a series of metates, as in the present instance, filling the entire available width of a recess or bay, and leaving only so much of its depth behind the stones as will afford floor space for the kneeling women who grind the corn. In larger open apartments undivided by buttress or pier, the metates are usually built in or near one corner. They are always so arranged that those who operate them face the middle of the room. The floor is simply a smoothly plastered dressing of clay of the same character as the usual external roof covering. It is, in fact, simply the roof of the room below smoothed and finished with special care. Such apartments, even in upper stories, are sometimes carefully paved over the entire surface with large flat slabs of stone. It is often difficult to procure rectangular slabs of sufficient size for this purpose, but the irregularities of outline of the large flat stones are very skillfully interfitted, furnishing, when finished, a smoothly paved floor easily swept and kept clean.

On the right of the doorway as one enters this house are the fireplace and chimney, built in the corner of the room. In this case the chimney hood is of semicircular form, as indicated on the plan. The entire chimney is illustrated in Fig. 62, which represents the typical curved form of hood. In the corner of the left as one enters are two ollas, or water jars, which are always kept filled. On the floor near the water jars is indicated a jug or canteen, a form of vessel used for bringing in water from the springs and wells at the foot of the mesa. At Zuñi water seems to be all brought directly in the ollas, or water jars, in which it is kept, this canteen form not being in use for the purpose.

The entrance doorway to this house, as indicated on the plan, is set back or stepped on one side, a type of opening which is quite common in Tusayan. This form is illustrated in Fig. 84.

This room has three windows, all of very small size, but it has no interior communication with any other room. In this respect it is exceptional. Ordinarily rooms communicate with others of the cluster.

Pl. LXXXV shows another typical Tusayan interior in perspective. It illustrates essentially the same arrangement as does the preceding example. The room is much larger than the one above described, and it is divided midway of its length by a similar buttress. This buttress supports a heavy girder, thus admitting of the use of two tiers of floor beams to span the whole length of the room. The fireplace and chimney are similar to those described, as is also the single compartment for mealing stones. In this case, however, this portion of the room is quite large, and the row of mealing stones is built at right angles to its back wall and not parallel with it.

The right-hand portion of the room is provided with a long, straight pole suspended from the roof beams. This is a common feature in both Tusayan and Zuñi. The pole is used for the suspension of the household stock of blankets and other garments. The windows of this house are small, and two of them, in the right-hand division of the room, have been roughly sealed up with masonry.

Pl. LXXXVI illustrates a typical Zuñi interior. In this instance the example happens to be rather larger than the average room. It will be noticed that this apartment has many features in common with that at Tusayan last described. The pole upon which blankets are suspended is here incorporated into the original construction of the house, its two ends being deeply embedded in the masonry of the wall. The entire floor is paved with slabs of much more regular form than any used at Tusayan. The Zuñi have access to building stone which is of a much better grade than is available in Tusayan.

This room is furnished with long, raised benches of masonry along the sides, a feature much more common at Zuñi than at Tusayan. Usually such benches extend along the whole length of a wall, but here the projection is interrupted on one side by the fireplace and chimney, and on the left it terminates abruptly near the beginning of a tier of mealing stones, in order to afford floor space for the women who grind. The metates are arranged in the usual manner, three in a row, but there is an additional detached section placed at right angles to the main series. The sill of the doorway by which this room communicates with an adjoining one is raised about 18 inches above the floor, and is provided with a rudely mortised door in a single panel. Alongside is a small hole through which the occupant can prop the door on the inside of the communicating room. The subsequent sealing of the small hand-hole with mud effectually closes the house against intrusion. The unusual height of this door sill from the floor has necessitated the construction of a small step, which is built of masonry and covered with a single slab of stone. All the doors of Zuñi are more or less raised above the ground or floor, though seldom to the extent shown in the present example. This room has no external door and can be directly entered only by means of the hatchway and ladder shown in the drawing. At one time this room was probably bounded by outer walls and was provided with both door and windows, though now no evidence of the door remains, and the windows have become niches in the wall utilized for the reception of the small odds and ends of a Zuñi household. The chimney of this house will be noticed as differing materially, both in form and in its position in the room, from the Tusayan examples. This form is, however, the most common type of chimney used in Zuñi at the present time, although many examples of the curved type also occur. It is built about midway of the long wall of the room. The Tusayan chimneys seldom occupy such a position, but are nearly always built in corners. The use of a pier or buttress-projection for the support of a roof girder that is characteristic of Tusayan is not practiced at Zuñi to any extent. Deer horns have been built into the wall of the room to answer the purpose of pegs, upon which various household articles are suspended.

The various features, whose positions in the pueblo dwelling house have been briefly described above, will each be made the subject of more exhaustive study in tracing the various modifications of form through which they have passed. The above outline will furnish a general idea of the place that these details occupy in the house itself.

KIVAS IN TUSAYAN.

_General use of kivas._--Wherever the remains of pueblo architecture occur among the plateaus of the southwest there appears in every important village throughout all changes of form, due to variations of environment and other causes, the evidence of chambers of exceptional character. The chambers are distinguishable from the typical dwelling rooms by their size and position, and, generally, in ancient examples, by their circular form. This feature of pueblo architecture has survived to the present time, and is prominent in all modern pueblos that have come under the writer’s notice, including the villages of Acoma and Jemez, belonging to the Rio Grande group, as well as in the pueblos under discussion. In all the pueblos that have been examined, both ancient and modern, with the exception of those of Tusayan, these special rooms, used for ceremonial purposes, occupy marginal or semidetached positions in the house clusters. The latter are wholly detached from the houses, as may be seen from the ground plans.

_Origin of the name._--Such ceremonial rooms are known usually by the Spanish term “estufa,” meaning literally a stove, and here used in the sense of “sweat house,” but the term is misleading, as it more properly describes the small sweat houses that are used ceremonially by lodge-building Indians, such as the Navajo. At the suggestion of Major Powell the Tusayan word for this everpresent feature of pueblo architecture has been adopted, as being much more appropriate. The word “kiva,” then, will be understood to designate the ceremonial chamber of the pueblo building peoples, ancient and modern.

_Antiquity of the kiva._--The widespread occurrence of this feature and its evident antiquity distinguish it as being especially worthy of exhaustive study, especially as embodied in its construction maybe found survivals of early methods of arrangement that have long ago become extinct in the constantly improving art of housebuilding, but which are preserved through the well known tendency of the survival of ancient practice in matters pertaining to the religious observances of a primitive people. Unfortunately, in the past the Zuñi have been exposed to the repressive policy of the Spanish authorities, and this has probably seriously affected the purity of the kiva type. At one time, when the ceremonial observances of the Zuñi took place in secret for fear of incurring the wrath of the Spanish priests, the original kivas must have been wholly abandoned, and though at the present time some of the kivas of Zuñi occupy marginal positions in the cell clusters, just as in many ancient examples, it is doubtful whether these rooms faithfully represent the original type of kiva. There seems to be but little structural evidence to distinguish the present kivas from ordinary large Zuñi rooms beyond the special character of the fireplace and of the entrance trap door, features which will be fully described later. At Tusayan, on the other hand, we find a distinct and characteristic structural plan of the kiva, as well as many special constructive devices. Although the position of the ceremonial room is here exceptional in its entire separation from the dwelling, this is due to clearly traceable influences in the immediate orograpic environment, and the wholly subterranean arrangement of most of the kivas in this group is also due to the same local causes.

_Excavation of the kiva._--The tendency to depress or partly excavate the ceremonial chamber existed in Zuñi, as in all the ancient pueblo buildings which have been examined; but the solid rock of the mesa tops in Tusayan did not admit of the necessary excavation, and the persistence of this requirement, which, as I shall elsewhere show, has an important connection with the early types of pueblo building, compelled the occupants of these rocky sites to locate their kivas at points where depressions already existed. Such facilities were most abundant near the margins of the mesas, where in many places large blocks of sandstone have fallen out from the edge of the surface stratum, leaving nearly rectangular spaces at the summit of the cliff wall. The construction of their villages on these rocky promontories forced the Tusayan builders to sacrifice, to a large extent, the traditional and customary arrangement of the kivas within the house-inclosed courts of the pueblo, in order to obtain properly depressed sites. This accidental effect of the immediate environment resulted in giving unusual prominence to the sinking of the ceremonial room below the ground surface, but a certain amount of excavation is found as a constant accompaniment of this feature throughout the pueblo region in both ancient and modern villages. Even at Zuñi, where the kivas appear to retain but few of the specialized features that distinguish them at Tusayan, the floors are found to be below the general level of the ground. But at Tusayan the development of this single requirement has been carried to such an extent that many of the kivas are wholly subterranean. This is particularly the case with those that occupy marginal sites on the mesas, such as have been referred to above. In such instances the broken-out recesses in the upper rocks have been walled up on the outside, roughly lined with masonry within, and roofed over in the usual manner. In many cases the depth of these rock niches is such that the kiva roof when finished does not project above the general level of the mesa summit, and its earth covering is indistinguishable from the adjoining surface, except for the presence of the box-like projection of masonry that surrounds the entrance trap door and its ladder (see Pl. LXXXVII). Frequently in such cases the surface of the ground shows no evidence of the outlines or dimensions of the underlying room. Examples of such subterranean kivas may be seen in the foreground of the general view of a court in Oraibi (Pl. XXXVIII), and in the view of the dance rock at Walpi (Pl. XXIV). But such wholly subterranean arrangement of the ceremonial chamber is by no means universal even at Tusayan. Even when the kiva was placed within the village courts or close to the houses, in conformity to the traditional plan and ancient practice as evidenced in the ruins, naturally depressed sites were still sought; but such sites as the mesa margin affords were rarely available at any distance from the rocky rim. The result is that most of the court kivas are only partly depressed. This is particularly noticeable in a court kiva in Shumopavi, an illustration of which is given in Fig. 14.

The mungkiva or principal kiva of Shupaulovi, illustrated in Pl. XXXIII, is scarcely a foot above the ground level on the side towards the houses, but its rough walls are exposed to a height of several feet down on the declivity of the knoll. The view of the stone corrals of Mashongnavi, shown in Pl. CIX, also illustrates a kiva of the type described. This chamber is constructed on a sharp slope of the declivity where a natural depression favored the builders. On the upper side the roof is even with the ground, but on its outer or southern side the masonry is exposed to nearly the whole depth of the chamber. At the north end of Shumopavi, just outside the houses, are two kivas, one of which is of the semi-subterranean type. The other shows scarcely any masonry above the ground outside of the box-like entrance way. Pl. LXXXVIII illustrates these two kivas as seen from the northeast, and shows their relation to the adjacent houses. The following (Fig. 21) illustrates the same group from the opposite point of view.

_Access._--The last described semi-subterranean kiva and the similar one in the court of the village, show a short flight of stone steps on their eastern side. Entrance to the ceremonial chamber is prevented when necessary by the removal of the ladder from the outside, or in some instances by the withdrawal of the rungs, which are loosely inserted into holes in the side pieces. There is no means of preventing access to the exposed trap doors, which are nearly on a level with the ground. As a matter of convenience and to facilitate the entrance into the kiva of costumed and masked dancers, often encumbered with clumsy paraphernalia, steps are permanently built into the outside wall of the kiva in direct contradiction to the ancient principles of construction; that is, in having no permanent or fixed means of access from the ground to the first roof. These are the only cases in which stone steps spring directly from the ground, although they are a very important feature in Tusayan house architecture above the first story, as may be seen in any of the general views of the villages. The justification of such an arrangement in connection with the indefensible kiva roof lies obviously in the different conditions here found as compared with the dwellings.

The subterranean kiva of the Shumopavi group, above illustrated, is exceptional as occurring at some distance from the mesa rim. Probably all such exceptions to the rule are located in natural fissures or crevices of the sandstone, or where there was some unusual facility for the excavation of the site to the required depth. The most noteworthy example of such inner kiva being located with reference to favorable rock fissures has been already described in discussing the ground plan of Walpi and its southern court-inclosed kiva (p. 65).

_Masonry._--The exterior masonry of these chambers seems in all cases to be of ruder construction than that of the dwelling houses. This is particularly noticeable in the kivas of Walpi on the mesa edge, but is apparent even in some of the Zuñi examples. One of the kivas of house No. 1 in Zuñi, near the churchyard, has small openings in its wall that are rudely framed with stone slabs set in a stone wall of exceptional roughness. Apparently there has never been any attempt to smooth or reduce this wall to a finished surface with the usual coating of adobe mud.

In Tusayan also some of the kiva walls look as though they had been built of the first material that came to hand, piled up nearly dry, and with no attempt at the chinking of joints, that imparts some degree of finish to the dwelling-house masonry. The inside of these kivas, however, is usually plastered smoothly, but the interior plastering is applied on a base of masonry even in the case of the kivas that are wholly subterranean. It seems to be the Tusayan practice to line all sides of the kivas with stone masonry, regardless of the completeness and fitness of the natural cavity. It is impossible, therefore, to ascertain from the interior of a kiva how much of the work of excavation is artificial and how much has been done by nature. The lining of masonry probably holds the plastering of adobe mud much better than the naked surface of the rock, but the Tusayan builders would hardly resort to so laborious a device to gain this small advantage. The explanation of this apparent waste of labor lies in the fact that kivas had been built of masonry from time immemorial, and that the changed conditions of the present Tusayan environment have not exerted their influence for a sufficient length of time to overcome the traditional practice. As will be seen later, the building of a kiva is accompanied by certain rites and ceremonies based on the use of masonry walls, additional testimony of the comparatively recent date of the present subterranean types.

_Orientation._--In questioning the Tusayan on this subject Mr. Stephen was told that no attention to the cardinal points was observed in the plan, although the walls are spoken of according to the direction to which they most closely approximate. An examination of the village plans of the preceding chapters, however, will show a remarkable degree of uniformity in the directions of kivas which can scarcely be due to accident in rooms built on such widely differing sites. The intention seems to have been to arrange these ceremonial chambers approximately on the north and south line, though none of the examples approach the meridian very closely. Most of them face southeast, though some, particularly in Walpi, face west of south. In Walpi four of the five kivas are planned on a southwest and northeast line, following the general direction of the mesa edge, while the remaining one faces southeast. The difference in this last case may have been brought about by exigencies of the site on the mesa edge and the form of the cavity in which the kiva was built. Again at Hano and Sichumovi (Pls. XVI and XVIII) on the first mesa this uniformity of direction prevails, but, as the plans show, the kivas in these two villages are few in number. The two kivas of Shupaulovi will be seen (Pl. XXX) to have the same direction, viz, facing southeast. In Shumopavi (Pl. XXXIV) there are four kivas all facing southeast. In Mashongnavi, however (Pl. XXVI), the same uniformity does not prevail. Three of the kivas face south of east, and two others built in the edge of the rocky bench on the south side of the village face west of south. In the large village of Oraibi there is remarkable uniformity in the direction of the many kivas, there being a variation of only a few degrees in direction in the whole number of thirteen shown on the plan (Pl. XXXVI). But in the case of the large kiva partly above ground designated as the Coyote kiva, the direction from which it is entered is the reverse of that of the other kivas. No explanation is offered that will account for this curious single exception to the rule. The intention of the builders has evidently been to make the altar and its attendant structural features conform to a definite direction, fixed, perhaps, by certain requirements of the ceremonial, but the irregularity of the general village plan in many cases resulting from its adaptation to restricted sites, has given rise to the variations that are seen.

In Zuñi there was an evident purpose to preserve a certain uniformity of direction in the kiva entrances. In house No. 1 (Pls. LXXVI and LXXVII) there are two kivas, distinguishable on the plan by the large divided trap door. The entrance of these both face southeast, and it can readily be seen that this conformity has been provided intentionally, since the rooms themselves do not correspond in arrangement. The roof opening is in one case across the room and in the other it is placed longitudinally. As has been pointed out above, the general plan of arranging the kivas is not so readily distinguished in Zuñi as in Tusayan. Uniformity, so far as it is traceable, is all the more striking as occurring where there is so much more variation in the directions of the walls of the houses. Still another confirmation is furnished by the pueblo of Acoma, situated about 60 miles eastward from Zuñi. Here the kivas are six in number and the directions of all the examples are found to vary but a few degrees. These also face east of south.

There are reasons for believing that the use of rectangular kivas is of later origin in the pueblo system of building than the use of the circular form of ceremonial chamber that is of such frequent occurrence among the older ruins. Had strict orientation of the rectangular kiva prevailed for long periods of time it would undoubtedly have exerted a strong influence towards the orientation of the entire pueblo clusters in which the kivas were incorporated; but in the earlier circular form, the constructional ceremonial devices could occupy definite positions in relation to the cardinal points at any part of the inner curve of the wall without necessarily exerting any influence on the directions of adjoining dwellings.

_The ancient form of kiva._--In none of the ruins examined in the province of Tusayan have distinct traces of ancient kivas been found, nor do any of them afford evidence as to the character of the ceremonial rooms. It is not likely, however, that the present custom of building these chambers wholly under ground prevailed generally among the earlier Tusayan villages, as some of the remains do not occupy sites that would suggest such arrangement. The typical circular kiva characteristic of most of the ancient pueblos has not been seen within the limits of Tusayan, although it occurs constantly in the ruins of Canyon de Chelly which are occasionally referred to in Tusayan tradition as having been occupied by related peoples. Mr. Stephen, however, found vestiges of such ancient forms among the debris of fallen walls occupying two small knolls on the edge of the first mesa, at a point that overlooks the broken-down ruin of Sikyatki. On the southeast shoulder of one of the knolls is a fragment of a circular wall which was originally 12 feet in diameter. It is built of flat stones, from 2 to 4 inches thick, 6 to 8 inches wide, and a foot or more in length, nearly all of which have been pecked and dressed. Mud mortar has been sparingly used, and the masonry shows considerable care and skill in execution; the curve of the wall is fairly true, and the interstices of the masonry are neatly filled in with smaller fragments, in the manner of some of the best work of the Canyon de Chelly ruins.

The knoll farther south shows similar traces, and on the southeast slope is the complete ground plan of a round structure 16½ feet in diameter. At one point of the curved wall, which is about 22 inches thick, occurs the characteristic recessed katchinkihu (described later in discussing the interior of kivas) indicating the use of this chamber for ceremonial purposes.

Although these remains probably antedate any of the Tusayan ruins discussed above (Chapter II), they suggest a connection and relationship between the typical kiva of the older ruins and the radically different form in use at the present time.

_Native explanations of position._--Notwithstanding the present practice in the location of kivas, illustrated in the plans, the ideal village plan is still acknowledged to have had its house-clusters so distributed as to form inclosed and protected courts, the kivas being located within these courts or occupying marginal positions in the house-clusters on the edge of the inclosed areas. But the native explanations of the traditional plan are vague and contradictory.

In the floor of the typical kiva is a sacred cavity called the sipapuh, through which comes the beneficent influence of the deities or powers invoked. According to the accounts of some of the old men the kiva was constructed to inclose this sacred object, and houses were built on every side to surround the kiva and form its outer wall. In earlier times, too, so the priests relate, people were more devout, and the houses were planned with their terraces fronting upon the court, so that the women and children and all the people, could be close to the masked dancers (katchinas) as they issued from the kiva. The spectators filled the terraces, and sitting there they watched the katchinas dance in the court, and the women sprinkled meal upon them, while they listened to their songs. Other old men say the kiva was excavated in imitation of the original house in the interior of the earth, where the human family were created, and from which they climbed to the surface of the ground by means of a ladder, and through just such an opening as the hatchway of the kiva. Another explanation commonly offered is that they are made underground because they are thus cooler in summer, and more easily warmed in winter.

All these factors may have had some influence in the design, but we have already seen that excavation to the extent here practiced is wholly exceptional in pueblo building and the unusual development of this requirement of kiva construction has been due to purely local causes. In the habitual practice of such an ancient and traditional device, the Indians have lost all record of the real causes of the perpetuation of this requirement. At Zuñi, too, a curious explanation is offered for the partial depression of the kiva floor below the general surrounding level. Here it is naively explained that the floor is excavated in order to attain a liberal height for the ceiling within the kiva, this being a room of great importance. Apparently it does not occur to the Zuñi architect that the result could be achieved in a more direct and much less laborious manner by making the walls a foot or so higher at the time of building the kiva, after the manner in which the same problem is solved when it is encountered in their ordinary dwelling house construction. Such explanations, of course, originated long after the practice became established.

METHODS OF KIVA BUILDING AND RITES.

The external appearance of the kivas of Tusayan has been described and illustrated; it now remains to examine the general form and method of construction of these subterranean rooms, and to notice the attendant rites and ceremonies.

_Typical plans._--All the Tusayan kivas are in the form of a parallelogram, usually about 25 feet long and half as wide, the ceiling, which is from 5½ to 8 feet high, being slightly higher in the middle than at either end. There is no prescribed rule for kiva dimensions, and seemingly the size of the chamber is determined according to the number who are to use it, and who assume the labor of its construction. A list of typical measurements obtained by Mr. Stephen is appended (p. 136).

An excavation of the desired dimensions having been made, or an existing one having been discovered, the person who is to be chief of the kiva performs the same ceremony as that prescribed for the male head of a family when the building of a dwelling house is undertaken. He takes a handful of meal, mixed with piki crumbs, and a little of the crumbled herb they use as tobacco, and these he sprinkles upon the ground, beginning on the west side, passing southward, and so around, the sprinkled line he describes marking the position to be occupied by the walls. As he thus marks the compass of the kiva, he sings in a droning tone “Si-ai, a-hai, a-hai, si-ai, a-hai”--no other words but these. The meaning of these words seems to be unknown, but all the priests agree in saying that the archaic chant is addressed to the sun, and it is called Kitdauwi--the House Song. The chief then selects four good-sized stones of hard texture for corner stones, and at each corner he lays a baho, previously prepared, sprinkles it with the mixture with which he has described the line of the walls, and then lays the corner stone upon it. As he does this, he expresses his hope that the walls “will take good root hold,” and stand firm and secure.

The men have already quarried or collected a sufficient quantity of stone, and a wall is built in tolerably regular courses along each side of the excavation. The stones used are roughly dressed by fracture; they are irregular in shape, and of a size convenient for one man to handle. They are laid with only a very little mud mortar, and carried up, if the ground be level, to within 18 inches of the surface. If the kiva is built on the edge of the cliff, as at Walpi, the outside wall connects the sides of the gap, conforming to the line of the cliff. If the surface is sloping, the level of the roof is obtained by building up one side of the kiva above the ground to the requisite height as illustrated in Fig. 21. One end of the “Goat” kiva at Walpi is 5 feet above ground, the other end being level with the sloping surface. When the ledge on the precipitous face of the mesa is uneven it is filled in with rough masonry to obtain a level for the floor, and thus the outside wall of some of the Walpi kivas is more than 12 feet high, although in the interior the measurement from floor to ceiling is much less.

Both cottonwood and pine are used for the roof timbers; they are roughly dressed, and some of them show that an attempt has been made to hew them with four sides, but none are square. In the roof of the “Goat” kiva, at Walpi, are four well hewn pine timbers, measuring exactly 6 by 10 inches, which are said to have been taken from the mission house built near Walpi by the Spanish priests some three centuries ago. The ceiling plan of the mungkiva of Shupaulovi (Fig. 23) shows that four of these old Spanish squared beams have been utilized in its construction. One of these is covered with a rude decoration of gouged grooves and bored holes, forming a curious line-and-dot ornament. The other kiva of this village contains a single undecorated square Spanish roof beam. This beam contrasts very noticeably with the rude round poles of the native work, one of which, in the case of the kiva last mentioned, is a forked trunk of a small tree. Some of the Indians say that the timbers were brought by them from the Shumopavi spring, where the early Spanish priests had established a mission. According to these accounts, the home mission was established at Walpi, with another chapel at Shumopavi, and a third and important one at Awatubi.

One man, Sikapiki by name, stated that the squared and carved beams were brought from the San Francisco Mountains, more than a hundred miles away, under the direction of the priests, and that they were carved and finished prior to transportation. They were intended for the chapel and cloister, but the latter building was never finished. The roof timbers were finally distributed among the people of Shumopavi and Shupaulovi. At Shumopavi one of the kivas, known, as the Nuvwatikyuobi (The-high-place-of-snow--San Francisco Mountains) kiva, was built only 8 years ago. The main roof timbers are seven in number. Four of them are hewn with flat sides, 8 by 12 inches to 9 by 13 inches; the other three are round, the under sides slightly hewn, and they are 12 inches in diameter. These timbers were brought from the San Francisco Mountains while the Spaniards were here. The Shumopavi account states that the people were compelled to drag most of the timbers with ropes, although oxen were also used in some cases, and that the Spaniards used them to roof their mission buildings. After the destruction of the mission these timbers were used in the construction of a dwelling house, which, falling into ruin, was abandoned and pulled down. Subsequently they were utilized as described above. In the Teosobi, Jay, the main timbers were taken out of it many years ago and used in another kiva. The timbers now in the roof are quite small and are laid in pairs, but they are old and much decayed. In the Gyarzobi, Paroquet, are six squared timbers from the Spanish mission buildings, measuring 9 by 13 inches, 8 by 12 inches, etc. These have the same curious grooved and dotted ornamentation that occurs on the square beam of Shupaulovi, above described. At the other end of the kiva are also two unusually perfect round timbers that may have come from the mission ruin. All of these show marks of fire, and are in places deeply charred.

In continuation of the kiva building process, the tops of the walls are brought to an approximate level. The main roof timbers are then laid parallel with the end walls, at irregular distances, but less than 3 feet apart, except near the middle, where a space of about 7 feet is left between two beams, as there the hatchway is to be built. The ends of the timbers rest upon the side walls, and as they are placed in position a small feather, to which a bit of cotton string is tied (nakwakwoci) is also placed under each. Stout poles, from which the bark has been stripped, are laid at right angles upon the timbers, with slight spaces between them. Near the center of the kiva two short timbers are laid across the two main beams about 5 feet apart; this is done to preserve a space of 5 by 7 feet for the hatchway, which is made with walls of stone laid in mud plaster, resting upon the two central beams and upon the two side pieces. This wall or combing is carried up so as to be at least 18 inches above the level of the finished roof. Across the poles, covering the rest of the roof, willows and straight twigs of any kind are laid close together, and over these is placed a layer of dry grass arranged in regular rows. Mud is then carefully spread over the grass to a depth of about 3 inches, and after it has nearly dried it is again gone over so as to fill up all the cracks. A layer of dry earth is then spread over all and firmly trodden down, to render the roof water-tight and bring its surface level with the surrounding ground, following the same method and order of construction that prevails in dwelling-house buildings.

Short timbers are placed across the top of the hatchway wall, one end of which is raised higher than the other, so as to form a slope, and upon these timbers stone slabs are closely laid for a cover. (See Pl. LXXXVII.) An open space, usually about 2 by 4½ feet, is preserved, and this is the only outlet in the structure, serving at once as doorway, window, and chimney.

The roof being finished, a floor of stone flags is laid; but this is never in a continuous level, for at one end it is raised as a platform some 10 or 12 inches high, extending for about a third of the length of the kiva and terminating in an abrupt step just before coming under the hatchway, as illustrated in the ground plan of the mungkiva of Shupaulovi (Fig. 22, and also in Figs. 25 and 27). On the edge of the platform rests the foot of a long ladder, which leans against the higher side of the hatchway, and its tapering ends project 10 or 12 feet in the air. Upon this platform the women and other visitors sit when admitted to witness any of the ceremonies observed in the kiva. The main floor in a few of the kivas is composed of roughly hewn planks, but this is a comparatively recent innovation, and is not generally deemed desirable, as the movement of the dancers on the wooden floor shakes the fetiches out of position.

On the lower or main floor a shallow pit of varying dimensions, but usually about a foot square, is made for a fireplace, and is located immediately under the opening in the hatchway. The intention in raising the hatchway above the level of the roof and in elevating the ceiling in the middle is to prevent the fire from igniting them. The ordinary fuel used in the kiva is greasewood, and there are always several bundles of the shrub in its green state suspended on pegs driven in the wall of the hatchway directly over the fire. This shrub, when green, smolders and emits a dense, pungent smoke, but when perfectly dry, burns with a bright, sparkling flame.

Across the end of the kiva on the main floor a ledge of masonry is built, usually about 2 feet high and 1 foot wide, which serves as a shelf for the display of fetiches and other paraphernalia during stated observances (see Fig. 22). A small, niche-like aperture is made in the middle of this ledge, and is called the katchin kihu (katchina house). During a festival certain masks are placed in it when not in use by the dancers. Some of the kivas have low ledges built along one or both sides for use as seats, and some have none, but all except two or three have the ledge at the end containing the katchina house.

In the main floor of the kiva there is a cavity about a foot deep and 8 or 10 inches across, which is usually covered with a short, thick slab of cottonwood, whose upper surface is level with the floor. Through the middle of this short plank and immediately over the cavity a hole of 2 or 2½ inches in diameter is bored. This hole is tapered, and is accurately fitted with a movable wooden plug, the top of which is flush with the surface of the plank. The plank and cavity usually occupy a position in the main floor near the end of the kiva. This feature is the sipapuh, the place of the gods, and the most sacred portion of the ceremonial chamber. Around this spot the fetiches are set during a festival; it typifies also the first world of the Tusayan genesis and the opening through which the people first emerged. It is frequently so spoken of at the present time.

Other little apertures or niches are constructed in the side walls; they usually open over the main floor of the kiva near the edge of the dais that forms the second level, that upon which the foot of the ladder rests. These are now dedicated to any special purpose, but are used as receptacles for small tools and other ordinary articles. In early days, however, these niches were used exclusively as receptacles for the sacred pipes and tobacco and other smaller paraphernalia.

In order to make clearer the relative positions of the various features of kiva construction that have been described several typical examples are here illustrated. The three ground plans given are drawn to scale and represent kivas of average dimensions. Mr. Stephen has made a series of typical kiva measurements, which is appended to this section, and comparison of these with the plans will show the relation of the examples selected to the usual dimensions of these rooms. Fig. 22 is the ground plan of the mungkiva, or chief kiva, of Shupaulovi. It will be observed that the second level of the kiva floor, forming the dais before referred to, is about 15 inches narrower on each side than the main floor. The narrowing of this portion of the kiva floor is not universal and does not seem to be regulated by any rule. Sometimes the narrowing is carried out on one side only, as in the mungkiva of Mashongnavi (Fig. 27), sometimes on both, as in the present example, and in other cases it is absent. In the second kiva of Shupaulovi, illustrated in Fig. 25, there is only one small jog that has been built midway along the wall of the upper level and it bears no relation to the point at which the change of floor level occurs. The ledge, or dais, is free for the use of spectators, the Indians say, just as the women stand on the house terraces to witness a dance, and do not step into the court. The ledge in this case is about a foot above the main floor. Benches of masonry are built along each side, though, as the plan shows, they are not of the same length. The bench on the eastern side is about 4 feet shorter than the other, which is cut off by a continuation of the high bench that contains the katchinkihu beyond the corner of the room. These side benches are for the use of participants in the ceremonies. When young men are initiated into the various societies during the feasts in the fall of the year they occupy the floor of the sacred division of the kiva, while the old members of the order occupy the benches along the wall. The higher bench at the end of the room is used as a shelf for paraphernalia. The hole, or recess, in this bench, whose position is indicated by the dotted lines on the plan, is the sacred orifice from which the katchina is said to come, and is called the katchinkihu. In the floor of the kiva, near the katchinkihu, is the sipapuh, the cottonwood plug set into a cottonwood slab over a cavity in the floor. The plan shows how this plank, about 18 inches wide and 6½ feet long, has been incorporated into the paving of the main floor. The paving is composed of some quite large slabs of sandstone whose irregular edges have been skillfully fitted to form a smooth and well finished pavement. The position of the niches that form pipe receptacles is shown on the plan opposite the fireplace in each side wall. The position of the foot of the ladder is indicated, the side poles resting upon the paved surface of the second level about 15 inches from the edge of the step. Fig. 23 gives a ceiling plan of the same kiva, illustrating the arrangement of such of the roof beams and sticks as are visible from inside. The plan shows the position of the four Spanish beams before referred to, the northernmost being the one that has the line and dot decoration. The next two beams, laid in contact, are also square and of Spanish make. The fourth Spanish beam is on the northern edge of the hatchway dome and supports its wall. The adjoining beam is round and of native workmanship. The position and dimensions of the large hatchway projection are here indicated in plan, but the general appearance of this curious feature of the Tusayan kiva can be better seen from the interior view (Fig. 24). Various uses are attributed to this domelike structure, aside from the explanation that it is built at a greater height in order to lessen the danger of ignition of the roof beams. The old men say that formerly they smoked and preserved meat in it. Others say it was used for drying bundles of wood by suspension over the fire preparatory to use in the fireplace. It is also said to constitute an upper chamber to facilitate the egress of smoke, and doubtless it aids in the performance of this good office.

The mud plaster that has been applied directly to the stone work of the interior of this kiva is very much blackened by smoke. From about half of the wall space the plaster has fallen or scaled off, and the exposed stonework is much blackened as though the kiva had long been used with the wall in this uncovered condition.

The fireplace is simply a shallow pit about 18 inches square that is placed directly under the opening of the combined hatchway and smoke hole. It is usually situated from 2 to 3 feet from the edge of the second level of the kiva floor. The paving stones are usually finished quite neatly and smoothly where their edges enframe the firepit.

Figs. 25 and 26 illustrate the ground and ceiling plans of the second kiva of the same village. In all essential principles of arrangement it is identical with the preceding example, but minor modifications will be noticed in several of the features. The bench at the katchina, or “altar” end of the kiva, has not the height that was seen in the mungkiva, but is on the same level as the benches of the sides. Here the sipapuh is at much greater distance than usual from the katchina recess. It is also quite exceptional in that the plug is let into an orifice in one of the paving stones, as shown on the plan, instead of into a cottonwood plank. Some of the paving stones forming the floor of this kiva are quite regular in shape and of unusual dimensions, one of them being nearly 5 feet long and 2 feet wide. The gray polish of long continued use imparts to these stones an appearance of great hardness. The ceiling plan of this kiva (Fig. 26) shows a single specimen of Spanish beam at the extreme north end of the roof. It also shows a forked “viga” or ceiling beam, which is quite unusual.

This kiva is better plastered than the mungkiva and shows in places evidences of many successive coats. The general rule of applying the interior plastering of the kiva on a base of masonry has been violated in this example. The north end and part of the adjoining sides have been brought to an even face by filling in the inequalities of the excavation with reeds which are applied in a vertical position and are held in place by long, slender, horizontal rods, forming a rude matting or wattling. The rods are fastened to the rocky wall at favorable points by means of small prongs of some hard wood, and the whole of the primitive lathing is then thickly plastered with adobe mud. Mr. Stephen found the Ponobi kiva of Oraibi treated in the same manner. The walls are lined with a reed lathing over which mud is plastered. The reed used is the Bakabi (_Phragmites communis_) whose stalks vary from a quarter of an inch to three-quarters of an inch in diameter. In this instance the reeds are also laid vertically, but they are applied to the ordinary mud-laid kiva wall and not directly to the sides of the natural excavation. The vertical laths are bound in place by horizontal reeds laid upon them 1 or 2 feet apart. The horizontal reeds are held in place by pegs of greasewood driven into the wall at intervals of 1 or 2 feet and are tied to the pegs with split yucca. These specimens are very interesting examples of aboriginal lathing and plastering applied to stone work.

The ground plan of the mungkiva of Mashongnavi is illustrated in Fig. 27. In this example the narrowing of the room at the second level of the floor is on one side. The step by which the upper level is reached from the main floor is 8 inches high at the east end, rising to 10 inches at the west end. The south end of the kiva is provided with a small opening like a loop-hole, furnishing an outlook to the south. The east side of the main portion of the kiva is not provided with the usual bench. The portion of the bench at the katchina end of the kiva is on a level with the west bench and continuous for a couple of feet beyond the northeast corner along the east wall. The small wall niches are on the west side and nearer the north end than usual. The arrangement of the katchinkihu is quite different from that described in the Shupaulovi kivas. The orifice occurs in the north wall at a height of 3½ feet above the floor, and 2 feet 3 inches above the top of the bench that extends across this end of the room. The firepit is somewhat smaller than in the other examples illustrated. Fig. 28 illustrates the appearance of the kiva hatchway from within as seen from the north end of the kiva, but the ladder has been omitted from the drawing to avoid confusion. The ladder rests against the edge of the coping that caps the dwarf wall on the near side of the hatchway, its top leaning toward the spectator. The small smoke-blackened sticks that are used for the suspension of bundles of greasewood and other fuel in the hatchway are clearly shown. At the far end of the trapdoor, on the outside, is indicated the mat of reeds or rushes that is used for closing the openings when necessary. It is here shown rolled up at the foot of the slope of the hatchway top, its customary position when not in use. When this mat is used for closing the kiva opening it is usually held in place by several large stone slabs laid over it. Fig. 29 illustrates a specimen of the Tusayan kiva mat.

The above kiva plans show that each of the illustrated examples is provided with four long narrow planks, set in the kiva floor close to the wall and provided with orifices for the attachment of looms. This feature is a common accompaniment of kiva construction and pertains to the use of the ceremonial room as a workshop by the male blanket weavers of Tusayan. It will be more fully described in the discussion of the various uses of the kiva.

The essential structural features of the kivas above described are remarkably similar, though the illustrations of types have been selected at random. Minor modifications are seen in the positions of many of the features, but a certain general relation between the various constructional requirements of the ceremonial room is found to prevail throughout all the villages.

_Work by women._--After all the above described details have been provided for, following the completion of the roofs and floors, the women belonging to the people who are to occupy the kiva continue the labor of its construction. They go over the interior surface of the walls, breaking off projections and filling up the interstices with small stones, and then they smoothly plaster the walls and the inside of the hatchway with mud, and sometimes whitewash them with a gypsiferous clay found in the neighborhood. Once every year, at the feast of Powuma (the fructifying moon), the women give the kiva this same attention.

_Consecration._--When all the work is finished the kiva chief prepares a baho and “feeds the house,” as it is termed; that is, he thrusts a little meal, with piki crumbs, over one of the roof timbers, and in the same place inserts the end of the baho. As he does this he expresses his hope that the roof may never fall and that sickness and other evils may never enter the kiva.

It is difficult to elicit intelligent explanation of the theory of the baho and the prayer ceremonies in either kiva or house construction. The baho is a prayer token; the petitioner is not satisfied by merely speaking or singing his prayer, he must have some tangible thing upon which to transmit it. He regards his prayer as a mysterious, impalpable portion of his own substance, and hence he seeks to embody it in some object, which thus becomes consecrated. The baho, which is inserted in the roof of the kiva, is a piece of willow twig about six inches long, stripped of its bark and painted. From it hang four small feathers suspended by short cotton strings tied at equal distances along the twig. In order to obtain recognition from the powers especially addressed, different colored feathers and distinct methods of attaching them to bits of wood and string are resorted to. In the present case these are addressed to the “chiefs” who control the paths taken by the people after coming up from the interior of the earth. They are thus designated:

To the west: Siky´ak oma´uwu Yellow Cloud. south: Sa´kwa oma´uwu Blue Cloud. east: Pal´a oma´uwu Red Cloud. north: Kwetsh oma´uwu White Cloud.

Two separate feathers are also attached to the roof. These are addressed to the zenith, héyap omáuwu--the invisible space of the above--and to the nadir, Myuingwa--god of the interior of the earth and maker of the germ of life. To the four first mentioned the bahos under the corner stones are also addressed. These feathers are prepared by the kiva chief in another kiva. He smokes devoutly over them, and as he exhales the smoke upon them he formulates the prayers to the chiefs or powers, who not only control the paths or lives of all the people, but also preside over the six regions of space whence come all the necessaries of life. The ancients also occupy his thoughts during these devotions; he desires that all the pleasures they enjoyed while here may come to his people, and he reciprocally wishes the ancients to partake of all the enjoyments of the living.

All the labor and ceremonies being completed the women prepare food for a feast. Friends are invited, and the men dance all night in the kiva to the accompaniment of their own songs and the beating of a primitive drum, rejoicing over their new home. The kiva chief then proclaims the name by which the kiva will be known. This is often merely a term of his choosing, often without reference to its appropriateness.

_Various uses of kivas._--Allusions occur in some of the traditions, suggesting that in earlier times one class of kiva was devoted wholly to the purposes of a ceremonial chamber, and was constantly occupied by a priest. An altar and fetiches were permanently maintained, and appropriate groups of these fetiches were displayed from month to month, as the different priests of the sacred feasts succeeded each other, each new moon bringing its prescribed feast.

Many of the kivas were built by religious societies, which still hold their stated observances in them, and in Oraibi several still bear the names of the societies using them. A society always celebrates in a particular kiva, but none of these kivas are now preserved exclusively for religious purposes; they are all places of social resort for the men, especially during the winter, when they occupy themselves with the arts common among them. The same kiva thus serves as a temple during a sacred feast, at other times as a council house for the discussion of public affairs. It is also used as a workshop by the industrious and as a lounging place by the idle.

There are still traces of two classes of kiva, marked by the distinction that only certain ones contain the sipapuh, and in these the more important ceremonies are held. It is said that no sipapuh has been made recently. The prescribed operation is performed by the chief and the assistant priests or fetich keepers of the society owning the kiva. Some say the mystic lore pertaining to its preparation is lost and none can now be made. It is also said that a stone sipapuh was formerly used instead of the cottonwood plank now commonly seen. The use of stone for this purpose, however, is nearly obsolete, though the second kiva of Shupaulovi, illustrated in plan in Fig. 25, contains an example of this ancient form. In one of the newest kivas of Mashongnavi the plank of the sipapuh is pierced with a square hole, which is cut with a shoulder, the shoulder supporting the plug with which the orifice is closed (see Fig. 30). This is a decided innovation on the traditional form, as the orifice from which the people emerged, which is symbolized in the sipapuh, is described as being of circular form in all the versions of the Tusayan genesis myth. The presence of the sipapuh possibly at one time distinguished such kivas as were considered strictly consecrated to religious observances from those that were of more general use. At Tusayan, at the present time, certain societies do not meet in the ordinary kiva but in an apartment of a dwelling house, each society having its own exclusive place of meeting. The house so used is called the house of the “Sister of the eldest brother,” meaning, probably, that she is the descendant of the founder of the society. This woman’s house is also called the “house of grandmother,” and in it is preserved the tiponi and other fetiches of the society. The tiponi is a ceremonial object about 18 inches long, consisting of feathers set upright around a small disk of silicified wood, which serves as its base when set upon the altar. This fetich is also called iso (grandmother), hence the name given to the house where it is kept. In the house, where the order of warriors (Kuleataka) meets, the eldest son of the woman who owns it is the chief of the order. The apartment in which they meet is a low room on the ground floor, and is entered only by a hatchway and ladder. There is no sipapuh in this chamber, for the warriors appeal directly to Cótukinungwa, the heart of the zenith, the sky god. Large figures of animal fetiches are painted in different colors upon the walls. On the west wall is the Mountain Lion; on the south, the Bear; on the east, the Wild Cat, surmounted with a shield inclosing a star; on the north, the White Wolf; and on the east side of this figure is painted a large disk, representing the sun. The walls of the chambers of the other societies are not decorated permanently. Here is, then, really another class of kiva, although it is not so called by the people on the Walpi mesa. The ordinary term for the ground story rooms is used, “kikoli,” the house without any opening in its walls. But on the second mesa, and at Oraibi, although they sometimes use this term kikoli, they commonly apply the term “kiva” to the ground story of the dwelling house used as well as to the underground chambers.

It is probable that a class of kivas, not specially consecrated, has existed from a very early period. The rooms in the dwelling houses have always been small and dark, and in early times without chimneys. Within such cramped limits it was inconvenient for the men to practice any of the arts they knew, especially weaving, which could have been carried on out of doors, as is done still occasionally, but subject to many interruptions. It is possible that a class of kivas was designed for such ordinary purposes, though now one type of room seems to answer all these various uses. In most of the existing kivas there are planks, in which stout loops are secured, fixed in the floor close to the wall, for attaching the lower beam of a primitive vertical loom, and projecting vigas or beams are inserted into the walls at the time of their construction as a provision for the attachment of the upper loom poles. The planks or logs to which is attached the lower part of the loom appear in some cases to be quite carefully worked. They are often partly buried in the ground and under the edges of adjacent paving stones in such a manner as to be held in place very securely against the strain of the tightly stretched warp while the blanket is being made. The holes pierced in the upper surface of these logs are very neatly executed in the manner illustrated in Fig. 31, which shows one of the orifices in section, together with the adjoining paving stones. The outward appearance of the device, as seen at short intervals along the length of the log, is also shown. Strips of buckskin or bits of rope are passed through these U-shaped cavities, and then over the lower pole of the loom at the bottom of the extended series of warp threads. The latter can thus be tightened preparatory to the operation of filling in with the woof. The kiva looms seem to be used mainly for weaving the dark-blue and black blankets of diagonal and diamond pattern, which form a staple article of trade with the Zuni and the Rio Grande Pueblos. As an additional convenience for the practice of weaving, one of the kivas of Mashongnavi is provided with movable seats. These consist simply of single stones of suitable size and form. Usually they are 8 or 10 inches thick, a foot wide, and perhaps 15 or 18 inches long. Besides their use as seats, these stones are used in connection with the edges of the stone slabs that cap the permanent benches of the kiva to support temporarily the upper and lower poles of the blanket loom while the warp is gradually wound around them. The large stones that are incorporated into the side of the benches of some of the Mashongnavi kivas have occasionally round, cup-shaped cavities, of about an inch in diameter, drilled into them. These holes receive one end of a warp stick, the other end, being supported in a corresponding hole of the heavy, movable stone seat. The other warp stick is supported in a similar manner, while the thread is passed around both in a horizontal direction preparatory to placing and stretching it in a vertical position for the final working of the blanket. A number of these cup-shaped pits are formed along the side of the stone bench, to provide for various lengths of warp that may be required. On the opposite side of this same kiva a number of similar holes or depressions are turned into the mud plastering of the wall. All these devices are of common occurrence at other of the Tusayan kivas, and indicate the antiquity of the practice of using the kivas for such industrial purposes. There is a suggestion of similar use of the ancient circular kivas in an example in Canyon de Chelly. At a small cluster of rooms, built partly on a rocky ledge and partly on adjoining loose earth and rocky debris, a land slide had carried away half of a circular kiva, exposing a well-defined section of its floor and the debris within the room. Here the writer found a number of partly finished sandals of yucca fiber, with the long, unwoven fiber carefully wrapped about the finished portion of the work, as though the sandals had been temporarily laid aside until the maker could again work on them. A number of coils of yucca fiber, similar to that used in the sandals, and several balls of brown fiber, formed from the inner bark of the cedar, were found on the floor of the room. The condition of the ruin and the debris that filled the kiva clearly suggested that these specimens were in use just where they were found at the time of the abandonment or destruction of the houses. No traces were seen, however, of any structural devices like those of Tusayan that would serve as aids to the weavers, though the weaving of the particular articles comprised in the collection from this spot would probably not require any cumbrous apparatus.

_Kiva ownership._--The kiva is usually spoken of as being the home of the organization which maintains it. Different kivas are not used in common by all the inhabitants. Every man has a membership in some particular one and he frequents that one only. The same person is often a member of different societies, which takes him to different kivas, but that is only on set occasions. There is also much informal visiting among them, but a man presumes to make a loitering place only of the kiva in which he holds membership.

In each kiva there is a kiva mungwi (kiva chief), and he controls to a great extent all matters pertaining to the kiva and its membership. This office or trust is hereditary and passes from uncle to nephew through the female line--that is, on the death of a kiva chief the eldest son of his eldest sister succeeds him.

A kiva may belong either to a society, a group of gentes, or an individual. If belonging to a society or order, the kiva chief commonly has inherited his office in the manner indicated from the “eldest brother” of the society who assumed its construction. But the kiva chief is not necessarily chief of the society; in fact, usually he is but an ordinary member. A similar custom of inheritance prevails where the kiva belongs to a group of gentes, only in that case the kiva chief is usually chief of the gentile group.

As for those held by individuals, a couple of examples will illustrate the Tusayan practice. In Hano the chief kiva was originally built by a group of “Sun” gentes, but about 45 years ago, during an epidemic of smallpox, all the people who belonged to the kiva died except one man. The room fell into ruin, its roof timbers were carried off, and it became filled up with dust and rubbish. The title to it, however, rested with the old survivor, as all the more direct heirs had died, and he, when about to die, gave the kiva to Kotshve, a “Snake” man from Walpi, who married a Tewa (Hano) woman and still lives in Hano. This man repaired it and renamed it Tokónabi (said to be a Pah-Ute term, meaning black mountain, but it is the only name the Tusayan have for Navajo Mountain) because his people (the “Snake”) came from that place. He in turn gave it to his eldest son, who is therefore kiva mungwi, but the son says his successor will be the eldest son of his eldest sister. The membership is composed of men from all the Hano gentes, but not all of any one gens. In fact, it is not now customary for all the members of a gens to be members of the same kiva.

Another somewhat similar instance occurs in Sichumovi. A kiva, abandoned for a long time after the smallpox plague, was taken possession of by an individual, who repaired it and renamed it Kevinyáp tshómo--Oak Mound. He made his friends its members, but he called the kiva his own. He also says that his eldest sister’s son will succeed him as chief.

In each village one of the kivas, usually the largest one, is called (aside from its own special name) mungkiva--chief kiva. It is frequented by the kimungwi--house or village chief--and the tshaakmungwi--chief talker, councillor--and in it also the more elaborate ceremonies are observed.

No women frequent any of the kivas; in fact they never enter them except to plaster the walls at customary periods, or during the occasion of certain ceremonies. Yet one at least of the Oraibi kivas was built for the observances of a society of women, the Mamzrántiki. This and another female society--Lalénkobáki--exist in all the other villages, and on the occasion of their festivals the women are given the exclusive use of one of the kivas.

_Motives for building a kiva._--Only two causes are mentioned for building a new kiva. Quarrels giving rise to serious dissensions among the occupants of a kiva are one cause. An instance of this occurred quite recently at Hano. The conduct of the kiva chief gave rise to dissensions, and the members opposed to him prepared to build a separate room of their own. They chose a gap on the side of the mesa cliff, close to Hano, collected stones for the walls, and brought the roof timbers from the distant wooded mesas; but when all was ready to lay the foundation their differences were adjusted and a complete reconciliation was effected.

The other cause assigned is the necessity for additional room when a gens has outgrown its kiva. When a gens has increased in numbers sufficiently to warrant its having a second kiva, the chief of the gentile group, who in this case is also chief of the order, proposes to his kin to build a separate kiva, and that being agreed to, he assumes the direction of the construction and all the dedicatory and other ceremonies connected with the undertaking. An instance of this kind occurred within the last year or two at Oraibi, where the members of the “Katchina” gentes, who are also members of the religious order of Katchina, built a spacious kiva for themselves.

The construction of a new kiva is said to be of rare occurrence. On the other hand, it is common to hear the kiva chief lament the decadence of its membership. In the “Oak Mound” kiva at Sichumovi there are now but four members. The young men have married and moved to their wives’ houses in more thriving villages, and the older men have died. The chief in this case also says that some 2 years ago the agent gave him a stove and pipe, which he set up in the room to add to its comfort. He now has grave fears that the stove is an evil innovation, and has exercised a deleterious influence upon the fortune of his kiva and its members; but the stove is still retained.

_Significance of structural plan._--The designation of the curious orifice of the sipapuh as “the place from which the people emerged” in connection with the peculiar arrangement of the kiva interior with its change of floor level, suggested to the author that these features might be regarded as typifying the four worlds of the genesis myth that has exercised such an influence on Tusayan customs; but no clear data on this subject were obtained by the writer, nor has Mr. Stephen, who is specially well equipped for such investigations, discovered that a definite conception exists concerning the significance of the structural plan of the kiva. Still, from many suggestive allusions made by the various kiva chiefs and others, he also has been led to infer that it typifies the four “houses,” or stages, described in their creation myths. The sipapuh, with its cavity beneath the floor, is certainly regarded as indicating the place of beginning, the lowest house under the earth, the abode of Myuingwa, the Creator; the main or lower floor represents the second stage; and the elevated section of the floor is made to denote the third stage, where animals were created. Mr. Stephen observed, at the New Year festivals, that animal fetiches were set in groups upon this platform. It is also to be noted that the ladder leading to the surface is invariably made of pine, and always rests upon the platform, never upon the lower floor, and in their traditional genesis it is stated that the people climbed up from the third house (stage) by a ladder of pine, and through such an opening as the kiva hatchway; only most of the stories indicate that the opening was round. The outer air is the fourth world, or that now occupied.

There are occasional references in the Tusayan traditions to circular kivas, but these are so confused with fantastic accounts of early mythic structures that their literal rendition would serve no useful purpose in the present discussion.

_Typical measurements._--The following list is a record of a number of measurements of Tusayan kivas collected by Mr. Stephen. The wide difference between the end measurements of the same kiva are usually due to the interior offsets that have been noticed on the plans, but the differences in the lengths of the sides are due to irregularities of the site. The latter differences are not so marked as the former.

+-----------------+------------------+---------+---------------+ | Width at ends. | Length of sides. |Height at| Height | | | | center. | at ends. | +-----------------+------------------+---------+---------------+ | 13 6 -- -- | 24 0 -- -- | 8 6 | -- -- -- -- | | 12 0 -- -- | 21 9 -- -- | 7 6 | 6 6 -- -- | | 14 6 14 6 | 24 6 23 3 | 8 0 | 6 6 6 6 | | 12 2 12 11 | 23 9 23 9 | 7 10 | 6 1 6 0 | | 12 6 12 6 | 26 0 25 3 | 7 6 | 6 6 6 6 | | 13 4 12 10 | 26 8 26 7 | 7 10 | 7 0 7 0 | | 15 0 13 6 | 26 6 24 11 | 7 4 | 6 3 6 2 | | 12 6 11 5 | 23 7 21 9 | 8 0 | 7 0 7 0 | | 12 5 13 5 | 22 8 24 1 | 7 3 | 6 1 6 9 | | 10 6 13 6 | 27 0 27 0 | 8 3 | 6 3 6 2 | | 13 6 11 6 | 29 9 29 0 | 11 0 | 5 11 -- -- | | 14 6 -- -- | 28 6 28 6 | 9 8 | 6 0 -- -- | | 13 2 14 0 | 28 9 29 9 | 8 6 | 7 0 6 4 | | 15 1 14 0 | 28 6 -- -- | 9 6 | 7 3 6 6 | | 13 0 12 6 | 28 7 29 6 | -- -- | 7 4 6 3 | +-----------------+------------------+---------+---------------+

_List of Tusayan kivas._--The following list gives the present names of all the kivas in use at Tusayan. The mungkiva or chief kiva of the village is in each case designated:

HANO. 1. Toko´nabi kiva Navajo Mountain. 2. Hano sinte´ kiva Place of the Hano. Toko´nabi kiva is the mungkiva.

WALPI. 1. Djiva´to kiva Goat. 2. Al kiva A´la, Horn. 3. Naca´b kiva Na´cabi, half-way or central. 4. Picku´ibi kiva Opening oak bud.[5] Wikwa´lobi kiva Place of the watchers. 5. Mung kiva Mungwi chief. No. 5 is the mungkiva.

[Footnote 5: These two names are common to the kiva in which the Snake order meets and in which the indoor ceremonies pertaining to the Snake-dance are celebrated.]

SICHUMOVI. 1. Bave´ntcomo Water mound. 2. Kwinzaptcomo Oak mound. Bave´ntcomo is the mungkiva.

MASHONGNAVI. 1. Tcavwu´na kiva A small coiled-ware jar. 2. Hona´n kiva Honani, Badger, a gens. 3. Gy´arzohi kiva Gy´arzo, Paroquet, a gens. 4. Kotcobi kiva High place. 5. Al kiva A´la, Horn. Teavwu´na kiva is the mungkiva.

SHUPAULOVI. 1. A´tkabi kiva Place below. 2. Kokyangobi kiva Place of spider. A´tkabi kiva is the mungkiva.

SHUMOPAVI. 1. Nuvwa´tikyuobi High place of snow, San Francisco Mountain. 2. Al kiva A´la, Horn. 3. Gy´arzobi Gy´arzo, Paroquet, a gens. 4. Tco´sobi Blue Jay, a gens. Tco´sobi is the mungkiva.

ORAIBI. 1. Tdau kiva Tda´uollauwuh The singers. 2. Ha´wiobi kiva Ha´wi, stair; High stair place. obi, high place. 3. Ish kiva Isa´uwuh Coyote, a gens. 4. Kwang kiva Kwa´kwanti Religious order. 5. Ma´zrau kiva Ma´mzrauti Female order. 6. Na´cabi kiva Half way or Central place. 7. Sa´kwalen kiva Sa´kwa le´na Blue Flute, a religious order. 8. Po´ngobi kiva Pongo, a circle An order who decorate themselves with circular marks on the body. 9. Hano´ kiva Ha´nomuh A fashion of cutting the hair. 10. Motc kiva Mo´mtci The Warriors, an order. 11. Kwita´koli kiva Kwita, ordure; Ordure heap. ko´li, a heap. 12. Katcin kiva Katcina A gens. 13. Tcu kiva Tcua, a snake Religions order. Tdau kiva is the mungkiva.

DETAILS OF TUSAYAN AND CIBOLA CONSTRUCTION.

WALLS.

The complete operation of building a wall has never been observed at Zuñi by the writer, but a close examination of numerous finished and some broken-down walls indicates that the methods of construction adopted are essentially the same as those employed in Tusayan, which, have been repeatedly observed; with the possible difference, however, that in the former adobe mud mortar is more liberally used. A singular feature of pueblo masonry as observed at Tusayan is the very sparing use of mud in the construction of the walls; in fact, in some instances when walls are built during the dry season, the larger stones are laid up in the walls without the use of mud at all, and are allowed to stand in this condition until the rains come; then the mud mortar is mixed, the interstices of the walls filled in with it and with chinking stones, and the inside walls are plastered. But the usual practice is to complete the house at once, finishing it inside and out with the requisite mortar. In some instances the outside walls are coated, completely covering the masonry, but this is not done in many of the houses, as may be seen by reference to the preceding illustrations of the Tusayan villages. At Zuñi, on the other hand, a liberal and frequently renewed coating of mud is applied to the walls. Only one piece of masonry was seen in the entire village that did not have traces of this coating of mud, viz, that portion of the second story wall of house No. 2 described as possibly belonging to the ancient nucleus pueblo of Halona and illustrated in Pl. LVIII. Even the rough masonry of the kivas is partly surfaced with this medium, though many jagged stones are still visible. As a result of this practice it is now in many cases impossible to determine from mere superficial inspection whether the underlying masonry has been constructed of stone or of adobe; a difficulty that may be realized from an examination of the views of Zuñi in Chapter III. Where the fall of water, such as the discharge from a roof-drain, has removed the outer coating of mud that covers stonework and adobe alike, a large proportion of these exposures reveal stone masonry, so that it is clearly apparent that Zuñi is essentially a stone village. The extensive use of sun-dried bricks of adobe has grown up within quite recent times. It is apparent, however, that the Zuñi builders preferred to use stone; and even at the present time they frequently eke out with stonework portions of a house when the supply of adobe has fallen short. An early instance of such supplementary use of stone masonry still survives in the church building, where the old Spanish adobe has been repaired and filled in with the typical tabular aboriginal masonry, consisting of small stones carefully laid, with very little intervening mortar showing on the face. Such reversion to aboriginal methods probably took place on every opportunity, though it is remarkable that the Indians should have been allowed to employ their own methods in this instance. Although this church building has for many generations furnished a conspicuous example of typical adobe construction to the Zuñi, he has never taken the lesson sufficiently to heart to closely imitate the Spanish methods either in the preparation of the material or in the manner of its use. The adobe bricks of the church are of large and uniform size, and the mud from which they were made had a liberal admixture of straw. This binding material does not appear in Zuñi in any other example of adobe that has been examined, nor does it seem to have been utilized in any of the native pueblo work either at this place or at Tusayan. Where molded adobe bricks have been used by the Zuñi in housebuilding they have been made from the raw material just as it was taken from the fields. As a result these bricks have little of the durability of the Spanish work. Pl. XCVI illustrates an adobe wall of Zuñi, part of an unroofed house. The old adobe church at Hawikuh (Pl. XLVIII), abandoned for two centuries, has withstood the wear of time and weather better than any of the stonework of the surrounding houses. On the right-hand side of the street that shows in the foreground of Pl. LXXVIII is an illustration of the construction of a wall with adobe bricks. This example is very recent, as it has not yet been roofed over. The top of the wall, however, is temporarily protected by the usual series of thin sandstone slabs used in the finishing of wall copings. The very rapid disintegration of native-made adobe walls has brought about the use in Zuñi of many protective devices, some of which will be noticed in connection with the discussion of roof drains and wall copings. Figs. 32 and 33 illustrate a curious employment of pottery fragments on a mud-plastered wall and on the base of a chimney to protect the adobe coating against rapid erosion by the rains. These pieces, usually fragments from large vessels, are embedded in the adobe with the convex side out, forming an armor of pottery scales well adapted to resist disintegration, by the elements.

The introduction of the use of adobe in Zuñi should probably be attributed to foreign influence, but the position of the village in the open plain at a distance of several miles from the nearest outcrop of suitable building stone naturally led the builders to use stone more sparingly when an available substitute was found close at hand. The thin slabs of stone, which had to be brought from a great distance, came to be used only for the more exposed portions of buildings, such as copings on walls and borders around roof openings. Still, the pueblo builders never attained to a full appreciation of the advantages and requirements of this medium as compared with stone. The adobe walls are built only as thick as is absolutely necessary, few of them being more than a foot in thickness. The walls are thus, in proportion, to height and weight, sustained, thinner than the crude brick construction of other peoples, and require protection and constant repairs to insure durability. As to thickness, they are evidently modeled directly after the walls of stone masonry, which had already, in both Tusayan and Cibola, been pushed to the limit of thinness. In fact, since the date of the survey of Zuñi, on which the published plan is based, the walls of several rooms over the court passageway in the house, illustrated in Pl. LXXXII, have entirely fallen in, demonstrating the insufficiency of the thin walls to sustain the weight of several stories.

The climate of the pueblo region is not wholly suited to the employment of adobe construction, as it is there practiced. For several months in the year (the rainy season) scarcely a day passes without violent storms which play havoc with the earth-covered houses, necessitating constant vigilance and frequent repairs on the part of the occupants.

Though the practice of mud-coating all walls has in Cibola undoubtedly led to greater carelessness and a less rigid adherence to ancient methods of construction, the stone masonry may still be seen to retain some of the peculiarities that characterize ancient examples. Features of this class are still more apparent at Tusayan, and notwithstanding the rudeness of much of the modern stone masonry of this province, the fact that the builders are familiar with the superior methods of the ancient builders, is clearly shown in the masonry of the present villages.

Perhaps the most noteworthy characteristic of pueblo masonry, and one which is more or less present in both ancient and modern examples, is the use of small chinking stones for bringing the masonry to an even face after the larger stones forming the body of the wall have been laid in place. This method of construction has, in the case of some of the best built ancient pueblos, such as those on the Chaco in New Mexico, resulted in the production of marvelously finished stone walls, in which the mosaic-like bits are so closely laid as to show none but the finest joints on the face of the wall with but little trace of mortar. The chinking wedges necessarily varied greatly in dimensions to suit the sizes of the interstices between the larger stones of the wall. The use of stone in this manner no doubt suggested the banded walls that form so striking a feature in some of the Chaco houses. This arrangement was likely to be brought about by the occurrence in the cliffs of seams of stone of two degrees of thickness, suggesting to the builders the use of stones of similar thickness in continuous bands. The ornamental effect of this device was originally an accidental result of adopting the most convenient method of using the material at hand. Though the masonry of the modern pueblos does not afford examples of distinct bands, the introduction of the small chinking spalls often follows horizontal lines of considerable length. Even in mud-plastered Zuñi, many outcrops of these thin, tabular wedges protrude from the partly eroded mudcoating of a wall and indicate the presence of this kind of stone masonry. An example is illustrated in Fig. 34, a tower-like projection at the northeast corner of house No. 2.

In the Tusayan house illustrated in Pl. LXXXIV, the construction of which was observed at Oraibi, the interstices between the large stones that formed the body of the wall, containing but small quantities of mud mortar, were filled in or plugged with small fragments of stone, which, after being partly embedded in the mud of the joint, were driven in with unhafted stone hammers, producing a fairly even face of masonry, afterward gone over with mud plastering of the consistency of modeling clay, applied a handful at a time. Piled up on the ground near the new house at convenient points for the builders may be seen examples of the larger wall stones, indicating the marked tabular character of the pueblo masons’ material. The narrow edges of similar stones are visible in the unplastered portions of the house wall, which also illustrates the relative proportion of chinking stones. This latter, however, is a variable feature. Pl. XV affords a clear illustration of the proportion of these small stones in the old masonry of Payupki; while in Pl. XI, illustrating a portion of the outer wall of the Fire House, the tablets are fewer in number and thinner, their use predominating in the horizontal joints, as in the best of the old examples, but not to the same extent. Fig. 35 illustrates the inner face of an unplastered wall of a small house at Ojo Caliente, in which the modern method of using the chinking stones is shown. This example bears a strong resemblance to the Payupki masonry illustrated in Pl. XV in the irregularity with which the chinking stones are distributed in the joints of the wall. The same room affords an illustration of a cellar-like feature having the appearance of an intentional excavation to attain a depth for this room corresponding to the adjoining floor level, but this effect is due simply to a clever adaptation of the house wall to an existing ledge of sandstone. The latter has had scarcely any artificial treatment beyond the partial smoothing of the rock in a few places and the cutting out of a small niche from the rocky wall. This niche occupies about the same position in this room that it does in the ordinary pueblo house. It is remarkable that the pueblo builders did not to a greater extent utilize their skill in working stone in the preparation of some of the irregular rocky sites that they have at times occupied for the more convenient reception of their wall foundations; but in nearly all such cases the buildings have been modified to suit the ground. An example of this practice is illustrated in Pl. XXIII, from the west side of Walpi. In some of the ancient examples the labor required to so prepare the sites would not have exceeded that expended on the massive masonry composed of numberless small stones. Many of the older works testify to the remarkable patience and industry of the builders in amassing and carefully adjusting vast quantities of building materials, and the modern Indians of Tusayan and Cibola have inherited much of this ancient spirit; yet this industry was rarely diverted to the excavation of room or village sites, except in the case of the kivas, in which special motives led to the practice. In some of the Chaco pueblos, as now seen, the floors of outer marginal rooms seem to be depressed below the general level of the surrounding soil; but it is now difficult to determine whether such was the original arrangement, as much sand and soil have drifted against the outer walls, raising the surface. In none of the pueblos within the limits of the provinces under discussion has there been found any evidence of the existence of underground cellars; the rooms that answer such purpose are built on the level of the ground. At Tusayan the ancient practice of using the ground-floor rooms for storage still prevails. In these are kept the dried fruit, vegetables, and meats that constitute the principal winter food of the Tusayan. Throughout Tusayan the walls of the first terrace rooms are not finished with as much care as those above that face the open courts. A quite smoothly finished coat of adobe is often seen in the upper stories, but is much more rarely applied to the rough masonry of the ground-floor rooms. At Zuñi no such difference of treatment is to be seen, a result of the recent departure from their original defensive use. At the present day most of the rooms that are built on the ground have external doors, often of large size, and are regarded by the Zuñi as preferable to the upper terraces as homes. This indicates that the idea of convenience has already largely overcome the traditional defensive requirements of pueblo arrangement. The general finish and quality of the masonry, too, does not vary noticeably in different portions of the village. An occasional wall may be seen in which underlying stones may be traced through the thin adobe covering, as in one of the walls of the court illustrated in Pl. LXXXII, but most of the walls have a fairly smooth finish. The occasional examples of rougher masonry do not seem to be confined to any particular portion of the village. At Tusayan, on the other hand, there is a noticeable difference in the extent to which the finishing coat of adobe has been used in the masonry. The villages of the first mesa, whose occupants have come in frequent contact with the eastern pueblo Indians and with outsiders generally, show the effect in the adoption of several devices still unknown to their western neighbors, as is shown in the discussion of the distribution of roof openings in these villages, pp. 201-208. The builders of the first mesa seem also to have imitated their eastern brethren in the free use of the adobe coating over their masonry, while at the villages of the middle mesa, and particularly at Oraibi, the practice has been comparatively rare, imparting an appearance of ruggedness and antiquity to the architecture.

The stonework of this village, perhaps approaches the ancient types more closely than that of the others, some of the walls being noticeable for the frequent use of long bond stones. The execution of the masonry at the corners of some of the houses enforces this resemblance and indicates a knowledge of the principles of good construction in the proper alternation of the long stones. A comparison with the Kin-tiel masonry (Pl. LXXXIX) will show this resemblance. As a rule in pueblo masonry an upper house wall was supported along its whole length by a wall of a lower story, but occasional exceptions occur in both ancient and modern work, where the builders have dared to trust the weight of upper walls to wooden beams or girders, supported along part of their length by buttresses from the walls at their ends or by large, clumsy pieces of masonry, as was seen in the house of Sichumovi. In an upper story of Walpi also, partitions occur that are not built immediately over the lower walls, but on large beams supported on masonry piers. In the much higher terraces of Zuñi, the strength of many of the inner ground walls must be seriously taxed to withstand the superincumbent weight, as such walls are doubtless of only the average thickness and strength of ground walls. The dense clustering of this village has certainly in some instances thrown the weight of two, three, or even four additional, stories upon walls in which no provision was made for the unusual strain. The few supporting walls that were accessible to inspection did not indicate any provision in their thickness for the support of additional weight; in fact, the builders of the original walls could have no knowledge of their future requirements in this respect. In the pueblos of the Chaco upper partition walls were, in a few instances, supported directly on double girders, two posts of 12 or 14 inches in diameter placed side by side, without reinforcement by stone piers or buttresses, the room below being left wholly unobstructed. This construction was practicable for the careful builders of the Chaco, but an attempt by the Tusayan to achieve the same result would probably end in disaster. It was quite common among the ancient builders to divide the ground or storage floor into smaller rooms than the floor above, still preserving the vertical alignment of the walls.

The finish of pueblo masonry rarely went far beyond the two leading forms, to which attention has been called, the free use of adobe on the one hand and the banded arrangement of ancient masonry on the other. These types appear to present development along divergent lines. The banded feature doubtless reached such a point of development in the Chaco pueblos that its decorative value began to be appreciated, for it is apparent that its elaboration has extended far beyond the requirements of mere utility. This point would never have been reached had the practice prevailed of covering the walls with a coating of mud. The cruder examples of banded construction, however--those that still kept well within constructional expediency--were doubtless covered with a coating of plaster where they occurred inside of the rooms. At Tusayan and Cibola, on the other hand, the tendency has been rather to elaborate the plastic element of the masonry. The nearly universal use of adobe is undoubtedly largely responsible for the more slovenly methods of building now in vogue, as it effectually conceals careless construction. It is not to be expected that walls would be carefully constructed of banded stonework when they were to be subsequently covered with mud. The elaboration of the use of adobe and its employment as a periodical coating for the dwellings, probably developed gradually into the use of a whitewash for the house walls, resulting finally in crude attempts at wall decoration.

Many of the interiors in Zuñi are washed with a coating of white, clayey gypsum, used in the form of a solution made by dissolving in hot water the lumps of the raw material, found in many localities. The mixture is applied to the walls while hot, and is spread by means of a rude glove-like sack, made of sheep or goat skin, with the hair side out. With this primitive brush the Zuñi housewives succeed in laying on a smooth and uniform coating over the plaster. An example of this class of work was observed in a room of house No. 2. It is difficult to determine to what extent this idea is aboriginal; as now employed it has doubtless been affected by the methods of the neighboring Spanish population, among whom the practice of white-coating the adobe houses inside and out is quite common. Several traces of whitewashing have been found among the cliff-dwellings of Canyon de Chelly, notably at the ruin known as Casa Blanca, but as some of these ruins contained evidences of post-Spanish occupation, the occurrence there of the whitewash does not necessarily imply any great antiquity for the practice.

External use of this material is much rarer, particularly in Zuñi, where only a few walls of upper stories are whitened. Where it is not protected from the rains by an overhanging coping or other feature, the finish is not durable. Occasionally where a doorway or other opening has been repaired the evidences of patchwork are obliterated by a surrounding band of fresh plastering, varying in width from 4 inches to a foot or more. Usually this band is laid on as a thick wash of adobe, but in some instances a decorative effect is attained by using white. It is curious to find that at Tusayan the decorative treatment of the finishing wash has been carried farther than at Zuñi. The use of a darker band of color about the base of a whitewashed room has already been noticed in the description of a Tusayan interior. On many of the outer walls of upper stories the whitewash has been stopped within a foot of the coping, the unwhitened portion of the walls at the top having the effect of a frieze. In a second story house of Mashongnavi, that had been carefully whitewashed, additional decorative effect was produced by tinting a broad band about the base of the wall with an application of bright pinkish clay, which was also carried around the doorway as an enframing band, as in the case of the Zuñi door above described. The angles on each side, at the junction of the broad base band with the narrower doorway border, were filled in with a design of alternating pink and white squares. This doorway is illustrated in Fig. 36. Farther north, on the same terrace, the jamb of a whitewashed doorway was decorated with the design shown on the right hand side of Fig. 36, executed also in pink clay. This design closely resembles a pattern that is commonly embroidered upon the large white “kachina,” or ceremonial blankets. It is not known whether the device is here regarded as having any special significance. The pink clay in which these designs have been executed has in Sichumovi been used for the coating of an entire house front.

Small inclosed gardens, like those of Zuñi, occur at several points in Tusayan. The thin walls are made of dry masonry, quite as rude in character as those inclosing the Zuñi gardens. The smaller clusters are usually located in the midst of large areas of broken stone that has fallen from the mesa above. In the foreground of Pl. XXII may be seen a number of examples of such work. Pl. XCI illustrates a group of corrals at Oraibi whose walls are laid up without the use of mud mortar.

Where exceptionally large blocks of stone are available they have been utilized in an upright position, and occur at greater or less intervals along the thin walls of dry masonry. An example of this use was seen in a garden wall on the west side of Walpi, where the stones had been set on end in the yielding surface of a sandy slope among the foothills. A similar arrangement, occurring close to the houses at Ojo Caliente, is illustrated in Pl. XCII. Large, upright slabs of stone have been used by the pueblo builders in many ways, sometimes incorporated into the architecture of the houses, and again in detached positions at some distance from the villages. Pls. XCIII and XCIV, drawn from the photographs of Mr. W. H. Jackson, afford illustrations of this usage in the ancient ruins of Montezuma Canyon. In the first of these cases the stones were utilized, apparently, in house masonry. Among the ruins in the valley of the San Juan and its tributaries, as described by Messrs. W. H. Holmes and W. H. Jackson, varied arrangements of upright slabs of stone are of frequent occurrence. The rows of stones are sometimes arranged in squares, sometimes in circles, and occasionally are incorporated into the walls of ordinary masonry, as in the example illustrated. Isolated slabs are also met with among the ruins. At K’iakima, at a point near the margin of the ruin, occurs a series of very large, upright slabs, which occupy the positions of headstones to a number of small inclosures, thought to be mortuary, outlined upon the ground. These have been already described in connection with the ground plan of this village.

The employment of upright slabs of stone to mark graves probably prevailed to some extent in ancient practice, but other uses suggest themselves. Occupying a conspicuous point in the village of Kin-tiel (Pl. LXIII) is an upright slab of sandstone which seems to stand in its original position undisturbed, though the walls of the adjoining rooms are in ruins. A similar feature was seen at Peñasco Blanco, on the east side of the village and a short distance without the inclosing wall. Both these rude pillars are, in character and in position, very similar to an upright stone of known use at Zuñi. A hundred and fifty feet from this pueblo is a large upright block of sandstone, which is said to be used as a datum point in the observations of the sun made by a priest of Zuñi for the regulation of the time for planting and harvesting, for determining the new year, and for fixing the dates of certain other ceremonial observances. By the aid of such devices as the native priests have at their command they are enabled to fix the date of the winter solstice with a fair degree of accuracy. Such rude determination of time was probably an aboriginal invention, and may have furnished the motive in other cases for placing stone pillars in such unusual positions. The explanation of the governor of Zuñi for a sun symbol seen on an upright stone at Matsaki has been given in the description of that place. Single slabs are also used, as seen in the easternmost room group of Tâaaiyalana, and in the southwestern cluster on the same mesa, in the building of shrines for the deposit of plume sticks and other ceremonial objects.

An unusual employment of small stones in an upright position occurs at Zuñi. The inclosing wall of the church yard, still used as a burial place, is provided at intervals along its top with upright pieces of stone set into the joints of a regular coping course that caps the wall. This feature may have some connection with the idea of vertical grave stones, noted at K’iakima. It is difficult to surmise what practical purpose could have been subserved by these small upright stones.

Notwithstanding the use of large stones for special purposes the pueblo builders rarely appreciated the advantages that might be obtained by the proper use of such material. Pueblo masonry is essentially made up of small, often minute, constructional units. This restriction doubtless resulted in a higher degree of mural finish than would otherwise have been attained, but it also imposes certain limitations upon their architectural achievement. Some of these are noted in the discussion of openings and of other details of construction.

Pl. XLV, an illustration of a Mormon mill building at Moen-kopi, already referred to in the description of that village, is introduced for the purpose of comparing the methods adopted by the natives and by the whites in the treatment of the same class of material. Perhaps the most noteworthy contrast is seen in the sills and lintels of the openings.

ROOFS AND FLOORS.

In the pueblo system of building, roof and floor is one; for all the floors, except such as are formed immediately on the surface of the ground, are at the same time the roofs and ceilings of lower rooms. The pueblo plan of to-day readily admits of additions at any time and almost at any point of the basal construction. The addition of rooms above converts a roof into the floor of the new room, so that there can be no distinction in method of construction between floors and roofs, except the floors are occasionally covered with a complete paving of thin stone slabs, a device that in external roofs is confined to the copings that cap the walls and enframe openings.

The methods of roofing their houses practiced by the pueblo builders varied but little, and followed the general order of construction that has been outlined in describing Tusayan house building. The diagram, shown in Fig. 37, an isometric projection illustrating roof construction, is taken from a Zuñi example, the building of which was observed by the writer. The roof is built by first a series of principal beams or rafters. These are usually straight, round poles of 6 or 8 inches in diameter, with all bark and projecting knots removed. Squared beams are of very rare occurrence; the only ones seen were those of the Tusayan kivas, of Spanish manufacture. In recently constructed houses the principal beams are often of large size and are very neatly squared off at the ends. Similar square ended beams of large size are met with in the ancient work of the Chaco pueblos, but there the enormous labor involved in producing the result with only the aid of stone implements is in keeping with the highly finished character of the masonry and the general massiveness of the construction. The same treatment was adopted in Kin-tiel, as may be seen in Pl. XCV, which illustrates a beam resting upon a ledge or offset of the inner walls. The recent introduction of improved mechanical aids has exerted a strong influence on the character of the construction in greatly facilitating execution. The use of the American ax made it a much easier task to cut large timbers, and the introduction of the “burro” and ox greatly facilitated their transportation. In the case of the modern pueblos, such as Zuñi, the dwelling rooms that were built by families so poor as not to have these aids would to some extent indicate the fact by their more primitive construction, and particularly by their small size, in this respect more closely resembling the rooms of the ancient pueblos. As a result the poorer classes would be more likely to perpetuate primitive devices, through the necessity for practicing methods that to the wealthier members of the tribe were becoming a matter of tradition only. In such a sedentary tribe as the present Zuñi, these differences of wealth and station are more marked than one would expect to find among a people practicing a style of architecture so evidently influenced by the communal principle, and the architecture of to-day shows the effect of such distinctions. In the house of the governor of Zuñi a new room has been recently built, in which the second series of the roof, that applied over the principal beams, consisted of pine shakes or shingles, and these supported the final earth covering without any intervening material. In the typical arrangement, however, illustrated in the figure, the first series, or principal beams, are covered by another series of small poles, about an inch and a half or two inches in diameter, at right angles to the first, and usually laid quite close together. The ends of these small poles are partially embedded in the masonry of the walls. In an example of the more careful and laborious work of the ancient builders seen at Peñasco Blanco, on the Chaco, the principal beams were covered with narrow boards, from 2 to 4 inches wide and about 1 inch thick, over which was put the usual covering of earth. The boards had the appearance of having been split out with wedges, the edges and faces having the characteristic fibrous appearance of torn or split wood. At Zuñi an instance occurs where split poles have been used for the second series of a roof extending through the whole thickness of the wall and projecting outside, as is commonly the case with the first series. A similar arrangement was seen in a ruined tower in the vicinity of Fort Wingate, New Mexico. In the typical roof construction illustrated the second series is covered with small twigs or brush, laid in close contact and at right angles to the underlying series, or parallel with the main beams. Pl. XCVI, illustrating an unroofed adobe house in Zuñi, shows several bundles of this material on an adjoining roof. This series is in turn covered with a layer of grass and small brush, again at right angles, which prepares the frame for the reception of the final earth covering, this latter being the fifth application to the roof. In the example illustrated the entire earth covering of the roof was finished in a single application of the material. It has been seen that at Tusayan a layer of moistened earth is applied, followed by a thicker layer of the dry soil.

In ancient construction, the method of arranging the material varied somewhat. In some cases series 3 was very carefully constructed of straight willow wands laid side by side in contact. This gave a very neat appearance to the ceiling within the room. Examples were seen in Canyon de Chelly, at Mummy Cave, and at Hungo Pavie and Pueblo Bonito on the Chaco.

Again examples occur where series 2 is composed of 2-inch poles in contact and the joints are chinked on the upper side with small stones to prevent the earth from sifting through. This arrangement was seen in a small cluster on the canyon bottom on the de Chelly.

The small size of available roofing rafters has at Tusayan brought about a construction of clumsy piers of masonry in a few of the larger rooms, which support the ends of two sets of main girders, and these in turn carry series 1, or the main ceiling beams of the roof. The girders are generally double, an arrangement that has been often employed in ancient times, as many examples occur among the ruins. The purpose of such arrangement may have been to admit of the abutment of the ends of series 1, when the members of the latter were laid in contact. In the absence of squared beams, which seem never to have been used in the old work, this abutment could only be securely accomplished by the use of double girders, as suggested in the following diagram, Fig. 38.

The final roof covering, composed of clay, is usually laid on very carefully and firmly, and, when the surface is unbroken, answers fairly well as a watershed. A slight slope or fall is given to the roof. This roof subserves every purpose of a front yard to the rooms that open upon it, and seems to be used exactly like the ground itself. Sheepskins are stretched and pegged out upon it for tanning or drying, and the characteristic Zuñi dome-shaped oven is frequently built upon it. In Zuñi generally upper rooms are provided only with a mud floor, although occasionally the method of paving with large thin slabs of stone is adopted. These are often somewhat irregular in form, the object being to have them as large as possible, so that considerable ingenuity is often displayed in selecting the pieces and in joining the irregular edges. This arrangement, similar to that of the kiva floors of Tusayan, is occasionally met with in the kivas.

In making excavations at Kin-tiel, the floor of the ground room in which the circular door illustrated in Pl. C, was found was paved with large, irregular fragments of stone, the thickness of which did not average more than an inch. Its floor, whose paving was all in place, was strewn with broken, irregular fragments similar in character, which must have been used as the flooring of an upper chamber.

WALL COPINGS AND ROOF DRAINS.

In the construction of the typical pueblo house the walls are carried up to the height of the roof surface, and are then capped with a continuous protecting coping of thin flat stones, laid in close contact, their outer edges flush with the face of the wall. This arrangement is still the prevailing one at Tusayan, though there is an occasional example of the projecting coping that practically forms a cornice. This latter is the more usual form at Zuñi, though in the farming pueblos of Cibola it does not occur with any greater frequency than at Tusayan. The flush coping is in Tusayan made of the thinnest and most uniform specimens of building stone available, but these are not nearly so well adapted to the purpose as those found in the vicinity of Zuñi.

Here the projecting stones are of singularly regular and symmetrical form, and receive very little artificial treatment. Their extreme thinness makes it easy to trim off the projecting corners and angles, reducing them to such a form that they can be laid in close contact. Thus laid they furnish an admirable protection against the destructive action of the violent rains. The stones are usually trimmed to a width corresponding to the thickness of the walls. Of course where a projecting cornice is built, it can be made, to some extent, to conform to the width of available coping stones. These can usually be procured, however, of nearly uniform width. In the case of the overhanging cornices the necessary projection is attained by continuing either the main roof beams, or sometimes the smaller poles of the second series, according to the position of the required cornice, for a foot or more beyond the outer face of the wall. Over these poles the roofing is continued as in ordinary roof construction with the exception that the edge of the earth covering is built of masonry, an additional precaution against its destruction by the rains. In many places the adobe plastering originally applied to the faces of these cornices, as well as to the walls, has been washed away, exposing the whole construction. In some of these instances the face of the cornice furnishes a complete section of the roof, in which all the series of its construction can be readily identified. The protective agency of these coping stones is well illustrated in Pl. XCVII, which shows the destructive effect of rain at a point where an open joint has admitted enough water to bare the masonry of the cornice face, eating through its coating of adobe, while at the firmly closed joint toward the left there has been no erosive action. The much larger proportion of projecting copings or cornices in Zuñi, as compared with Tusayan, is undoubtedly attributable to the universal smoothing of the walls with adobe, and to the more general use of this perishable medium in this village, and the consequent necessity for protecting the walls. The efficiency of this means of protecting the wall against the wear of weather is seen in the preservation of external whitewashing for several feet below such a cornice on the face of the walls. At the pueblo of Acoma a similar extensive use of projecting cornices is met with, particularly on the third story walls. Here again it is due to the use of adobe, which has been more frequently employed in the finish of the higher and newer portions of the village than in the lower terraces. As a rule these overhanging copings occur principally on the southern exposures of the buildings and on the terraced sides of house rows. When walls rise to the height of several stories directly from the ground, such as the back walls of house rows, they are not usually provided with this feature but are capped with flush copings.

The rapid and destructive erosion of the earthen roof covering must have early stimulated the pueblo architect to devise means for promptly distributing where it would do the least harm, the water which came upon his house. This necessity must have led to the early use of roof drains, for in no other way could the ancient builders have provided for the effectual removal of the water from the roofs and at the same time have preserved intact the masonry of the walls. Unfortunately we have no examples of such features in the ruined pueblos, for in the destruction or decay of the houses they are among the first details to be lost. The roof drain in the modern architecture becomes a very prominent feature, particularly at Zuñi.

These drains are formed by piercing an opening through the thickness of the coping wall, at a point where the drainage from the roof would collect, the opening being made with a decided pitch and furnished with a spout or device of some kind to insure the discharge of the water beyond the face of the wall. These spouts assume a variety of forms. Perhaps the most common is that of a single long, narrow slab of stone, set at a suitable angle and of sufficient projection to throw the discharge clear of the wall. Fig. 39 illustrates drains of this type, No. 1 being a Tusayan example and No. 2 from Zuñi. It will be noted that the surrounding masonry of the former, as well as the stone itself, are much ruder than the Zuñi example. Another type of drain, not differing greatly from the preceding, is illustrated in Fig. 40. This form is a slight improvement on the single stone drain, as it is provided with side pieces which convert the device into a trough-like spout, and more effectually direct the discharge. No. 1 is a Tusayan spout and No. 2 a Zuñi example. Wooden spouts are also commonly used for this purpose. Fig. 41 illustrates an example from each province of this form of drain. These are usually made from small tree trunks, not exceeding 3 or 4 inches in diameter, and are gouged out from one side. No tubular specimens of wooden spouts were seen. At Tusayan the builders have utilized stone of a concretionary formation for roof drains. The workers in stone could not wish for material more suitably fashioned for the purpose than these specimens. Two of these curious stone channels are illustrated in Fig. 42. Two more examples of Tusayan roof drains are illustrated in Fig. 43. The first of the latter shows the use of a discarded metate, or mealing stone, and the second of a gourd that has been walled into the coping.

It is said that tubes of clay were used at Awatubi in olden times for roof drains, but there remains no positive evidence of this. Three forms of this device are attributed to the people of that village. Some are said to have been made of wood, others of stone, and some again of sun-dried clay. The native explanation of the use in this connection of sun-dried clay, instead of the more durable baked product, was that the application of fire to any object that water passes through would be likely to dry up the rains. It was stated in this connection that at the present day the cobs of the corn used for planting are not burned until rain has fallen on the crop. If the clay spout described really existed among the people at Awatubi, it was likely to have been an innovation introduced by the Spanish missionaries. Among the potsherds picked up at this ruin was a small piece of coarsely made clay tube, which seemed to be too large and too roughly modeled to have been the handle of a ladle, which it roughly resembled, or to have belonged to any other known form of domestic pottery. As a roof drain its use would not accord with the restrictions referred to in the native account, as the piece had been burnt.

In some cases in Zuñi where drains discharge from the roofs of upper terraces directly upon those below, the lower roofs and also the adjoining vertical walls are protected by thin tablets of stone, as shown in Fig. 44. It will be seen that one of these is placed upon the lower roof in such a position that the drainage falls directly upon it. Where the adobe roof covering is left unprotected its destruction by the rain is very rapid, as the showers of the rainy season in these regions, though usually of short duration, are often extremely violent. The force of the torrents is illustrated in the neighboring country. Here small ruts in the surface of the ground are rapidly converted into large arroyos. Frequently ordinary wagon tracks along a bit of valley slope serve as an initial channel to the rapidly accumulating waters and are eaten away in a few weeks so that the road becomes wholly impassable, and must be abandoned for a new one alongside.

The shiftlessness of the native builders in the use of the more convenient material brings its own penalty during this season in a necessity for constant watchfulness and frequent repairs to keep the houses habitable. One can often see in Zuñi where an inefficient drain or a broken coping has given the water free access to the face of a plastered wall, carrying away all its covering and exposing in a vertical space the jagged stones of the underlying masonry. It is noticeable that much more attention has been paid to protective devices at Zuñi than at Tusayan. This is undoubtedly due to the prevalent use of adobe in the former. This friable material must be protected at all vulnerable points with slabs of stone in order quickly to divert the water and preserve the roofs and walls from destruction.

LADDERS AND STEPS.

In the inclosed court of the old fortress pueblos the first terrace was reached only by means of ladders, but the terraces or rooms above this were reached both by ladders and steps. The removal of the lower tier of ladders thus gave security against intrusion and attack. The builders of Tusayan have preserved this primitive arrangement in much greater purity than those of Cibola.

In Zuñi numerous ladders are seen on every terrace, but the purpose of these, on the highest terraces, is not to provide access to the rooms of the upper story, which always have external doors opening on the terraces, but to facilitate repairs of the roofs. At Tusayan, on the other hand, ladders are of rare occurrence above the first terrace, their place being supplied by flights of stone steps. The relative scarcity of stone at Zuñi, suitable for building material, and its great abundance at Tusayan, undoubtedly account for this difference of usage, especially as the proximity of the timber supply of the Zuñi mountains to the former facilitates the substitution of wood for steps of masonry.

The earliest form of ladder among the pueblos was probably a notched log, a form still occasionally used. Figures 45 and 46 illustrate examples of this type of ladder from Tusayan.

A notched ladder from Oraibi, made with a modern axe, is shown. This specimen has a squareness of outline and an evenness of surface not observed in the ancient examples. The ladder from Mashongnavi, illustrated on the left of Fig. 46, closely resembles the Oraibi specimen, though the workmanship is somewhat ruder. The example illustrated on the right of the same figure is from Oraibi. This ladder is very old, and its present rough and weatherbeaten surface affords but little evidence of the character of the implement used in making it.

The ladder having two poles connected by cross rungs is undoubtedly a native invention, and was probably developed through a series of improvements on the primitive notched type. It is described in detail in the earliest Spanish accounts. Fig. 47 illustrates on the left the notched ladder, and on the right a typical two-pole ladder in its most primitive form. In this case the rungs are simply lashed to the uprights. The center ladder of the diagram is a Mandan device illustrated by Mr. Lewis H. Morgan.[6] As used by the Mandans this ladder is placed with its forked end on the ground, the reverse of the Pueblo practice. It will readily be seen, on comparing these examples, that an elongation of the fork which occurs as a constant accompaniment of the notched ladder might eventually suggest a construction similar to that of the Mandan ladder reversed. The function of the fork on the notched ladder in steadying it when placed against the wall would be more effectually performed by enlarging this feature.

[Footnote 6: Cont. to N.A. Ethn., vol. 4, Houses and House life, pp. 129-131.]

At one stage in the development of the form of ladder in common use to-day the rungs were laid in depressions or notches of the vertical poles, resembling the larger notches of the single ladder, and then lashed on with thongs of rawhide or with other materials. Later, when the use of iron became known, holes were burned through the side poles. This is the nearly universal practice to-day, though some of the more skillful pueblo carpenters manage to chisel out rectangular holes. The piercing of the side poles, particularly prevalent in Zuni, has brought about a curious departure from the ancient practice of removing the ladder in times of threatened danger. Long rungs are loosely slipped into the holes in the side pieces, and the security formerly gained by taking up the entire ladder is now obtained, partially at least, by the removal of the rungs. The boring of the side pieces and the employment of loose rungs seriously interferes with the stability of the structure, as means must be provided to prevent the spreading apart of the side pieces. The Zuni architect has met this difficulty by prolonging the poles of the ladder and attaching a cross piece near their upper ends to hold them together. As a rule this cross piece is provided with a hole near each end into which the tapering extremities of the poles are inserted. From their high position near the extremities of the ladders, seen in silhouette against the sky, they form peculiarly striking features of Zuni. They are frequently decorated with rude carvings of terraced notches. Examples of this device may be seen in the views of Zuni, and several typical specimens are illustrated in detail in Pl. XCVIII. The use of cross pieces on ladders emerging from roof openings is not so common as on external ones, as there is not the same necessity for holding together the poles, the sides of the opening performing that office.

There are two places in Zuni, portions of the densest house cluster, where the needs of unusual traffic have been met by the employment of double ladders, made of three vertical poles, which accommodate two tiers of rungs. The sticks forming the rungs are inserted in continuous lengths through all three poles, and the cross pieces at the top are also continuous, being formed of a single flat piece of wood perforated by three holes for the reception of the tips of the poles. In additional to the usual cross pieces pierced for the reception of the side poles and rudely carved into ornamental forms, many temporary cross pieces are added during the harvest season in the early autumn to support the strips of meat and melons, strings of red peppers, and other articles dried in the open air prior to storage for winter use. At this season every device that will serve this purpose is employed. Occasionally poles are seen extending across the reentering angles of a house or are supported on the coping and rafters. The projecting roof beams also are similarly utilized at this season.

Zuni ladders are usually provided with about eight rungs, but a few have as many as twelve. The women ascend these ladders carrying ollas of water on their heads, children play upon them, and a few of the most expert of the numerous dogs that infest the village can clumsily make their way up and down them. As described in a previous section all houses built during the year are consecrated at a certain season, and among other details of the ceremonial, certain rites, intended to prevent accidents to children, etc., are performed at the foot of the ladders.

In Tusayan, where stone is abundant, the ladder has not reached the elaborate development seen in Zuñi. The perforated cross piece is rarely seen, as there is little necessity for its adoption. The side poles are held together by the top and bottom rungs, which pass entirely through the side pieces and are securely fixed, while the ends of the others are only partly embedded in the side pieces. In other cases (Pl. XXXII) the poles are rigidly held in place by ropes or rawhide lashings.

Short ladders whose side poles are but little prolonged beyond the top rung are of common occurrence, particularly in Oraibi. Three such ladders are shown in Pl. LXXXIV. A similar example may be seen in Pl. CVII, in connection with a large opening closed with rough masonry. In these cases the rungs are made to occupy slight notches or depressions in the upright poles and are then firmly lashed with rawhide, forming a fairly rigid structure. This type of ladder is probably a survival of the earliest form of the pueblo ladder.

In addition to the high cross piece whose function is to retain in place the vertical poles, the kiva ladders are usually provided, both in Zuñi and Tusayan, with a cross piece consisting of a round stick tied to the uprights and placed at a uniform height above the kiva roof. This stick affords a handhold for the marked dancers who are often encumbered with ceremonial paraphernalia as they enter the kiva. In the case of the Oraibi kiva occupying the foreground of Pl. XXXVIII, it may be seen that this handhold cross piece is inserted into holes in the side poles, an exception to the general practice. In Pl. LXXXVII, illustrating kivas, the position of this feature will be seen.

The exceptional mode of access to Tusayan kiva hatchways by means of short nights of stone steps has already been noticed. In several instances the top steps of these short flights cover the thickness of the wall. The remains of a similar stairway were observed in Pueblo Bonito, where it evidently reached directly from the ground to an external doorway. Access by such means, however, is a departure from the original defensive idea.

Modern practice in Zuñi has departed more widely from the primitive system than at Tusayan. In the former pueblo short nights of stone steps giving access to doors raised but a short distance above the ground are very commonly seen. Even in the small farming pueblo of Pescado two examples of this arrangement are met with. Pl. XCIX illustrates one of these found on the north outside wall. In the general views of the Tusayan villages the closer adherence to primitive methods is clearly indicated, although the modern compare very unfavorably with the ancient examples in precision of execution. Pl. XXXII illustrates two flights of stone steps of Shupaulovi. In many cases the workmanship of these stone steps does not surpass that seen in the Walpi trail, illustrated in Pl. XXV.

Perhaps in no one detail of pueblo construction are the careless and shiftless modern methods so conspicuous as in the stone steps of the upper terraces of Tusayan. Here are seen many awkward makeshifts by means of which the builders have tried to compensate for their lack of foresight in planning. The absence of a definite plan for a house cluster of many rooms, already noted in the discussion of dwelling-house construction, is rendered conspicuous by the manner in which the stone stairways are used. Figs. 48 and 49 illustrate stone steps on upper terraces in Oraibi. In both cases the steps have been added long after the rooms against which they abut were built. In order to conform to the fixed requirement of placing such means of access at the corners of the upper rooms, the builders constructed a clumsy platform to afford passage around the previously built chimney. Fig. 50 shows the result of a similar lack of foresight. The upper portion of the flight, consisting of three steps, has been abruptly turned at right angles to the main flight, and is supported upon rude poles and beams. The restriction of this feature to the corners of upper rooms where they were most likely to conflict with chimneys is undoubtedly a survival of ancient practice, and due to the necessary vertical alignment of walls and masonry in this primitive construction.

COOKING PITS AND OVENS.

Most of the cooking of the ancient Pueblos was probably done out of doors, as among the ruins vestiges of cooking pits, almost identical in character with those still found in Tusayan, are frequently seen. In Cibola the large dome-shaped ovens, common to the Pueblos of the Rio Grande and to their Mexican neighbors are in general use. In Tusayan a few examples of this form of oven occur upon the roofs of the terraces, while the cooking pit in a variety of forms is still extensively used.

The distribution of the dome-shaped ovens in Cibola and in Tusayan may be seen on the ground plans in Chapters III and IV. The simplest form of cooking pit, still commonly used in Tusayan, consists of a depression in the ground, lined with a coating of mud. The pit is usually of small size and is commonly placed at some little distance from the house; in a few cases it is located in a sheltered corner of the building. Fig. 51 illustrates a series of three such primitive ovens built against a house wall, in a low bench or ledge of masonry raised 6 inches above the ground; the holes measure about a foot across and are about 18 or 20 inches deep. Many similar pits occur in the Tusayan villages; some of them are walled in with upright stone slabs, whose rough edges project 6 or 8 inches above the ground, the result closely resembling the ancient form of in-door fireplace, such as that seen in a room of Kin-tiel. (Pl. C.)

In its perfected form the cooking pit in Tusayan takes the place of the more elaborate oven used in Zuñi. Figs. 52 and 53 show two specimens of pits used for the preparation of pi-gummi, a kind of baked mush.

These occur on the east side of Mashongnavi. They project 6 or 8 inches above the ground, and have a depth of from 18 to 24 inches. The débris scattered about the pits indicates the manner in which they are covered with slabs of stone and sealed with mud when in use. In all the oven, devices of the pueblos the interior is first thoroughly heated by a long continued fire within, the structure. When the temperature is sufficiently high the ashes and dirt are cleaned out, the articles to be cooked inserted, and the orifices sealed. The food is often left in these heated receptacles for 12 hours or more, and on removal it is generally found to be very nicely cooked. Each of the pi-gummi ovens illustrated above is provided with a tube-like orifice 3 or 4 inches in diameter, descending obliquely from the ground level into the cavity. Through this opening the fire is arranged and kept in order, and in this respect it seems to be the counterpart of the smaller hole of the Zuñi dome-shaped ovens. When the principal opening, by which the vessel containing the pi-gummi or other articles is introduced, has been covered with a slab of stone and sealed with mud, the effect is similar to that of the dome-shaped oven when the ground-opening or doorway is hermetically closed.

No example of the dome-shaped oven of pre-Columbian origin has been found among the pueblo ruins, although its prototype probably existed in ancient times, possibly in the form of a kiln for baking a fine quality of pottery formerly manufactured. However, the cooking pit alone, developed to the point of the pi-gummi oven of Tusayan, may have been the stem upon which the foreign idea was engrafted. Instances of the complete adoption by these conservative people of a wholly foreign idea or feature of construction are not likely to be found, as improvements are almost universally confined to the mere modification of existing devices. In the few instances in which more radical changes are attempted the resulting forms bear evidence of the fact.

In Cibola the construction of a dome-shaped oven is begun by laying out roughly a circle of flat stones as a foundation. Upon these the upper structure is rudely built of stones laid in the mud and approximately in the courses, though often during construction one side will be carried considerably higher than another. The walls curve inward to an apparently unsafe degree, but the mud mortar is often allowed to partly dry before carrying the overhanging portion so far as to endanger the structure, and accidents rarely happen. The oven illustrated in Pl. XCVII shows near its broken doorway the arrangement of foundation stones referred to. Typical examples of the dome oven occur in the foreground of the general view of Zuñi shown in Pl. LXXVIII.

The dome ovens of Cibola are generally smoothly plastered, inside and out, but a few examples are seen in which the stones of the masonry are exposed. In. Pl. XCIX may be seen two ovens differing in size, one of which shows the manner in which the opening is blocked up with stone to keep out stray dogs during periods of disuse. Fig. 55 illustrates a mud-plastered oven at Pescado, which is elevated about a foot above the ground on a base or plinth of masonry. The opening of this oven is on the side toward the houses. This form is quite exceptional in Cibola, though of frequent occurrence among the Rio Grande pueblos. A very large and carefully finished example was examined at Jemez.

Figs. 56 and 57 illustrate two specimens of rough masonry ovens seen at Pescado. In one of these a decided horizontal arrangement of the stones in the masonry prevails. The specimen at the right is small and rudely constructed, showing but little care in the use of the building material. The few specimens of dome ovens seen in Tusayan are characterized by the same rudeness of construction noticed in their house masonry. The rarity of this oven at Tusayan, where so many of the constructions have retained a degree of primitiveness not seen elsewhere, is perhaps an additional evidence of its foreign origin.

OVEN-SHAPED STRUCTURES.

In Tusayan, there are other structures, of rude dome-shape, likely to be mistaken for some form of cooking device. Fig. 58 illustrates two specimens of shrines that occur in courts of Mashongnavi. These are receptacles for plume sticks (bahos) and other votive offerings used at certain festivals, which, after being so used, are sealed up with stone slabs and adobe. These shrines occur at several of the villages, as noted in the discussion of the plans in Chapter III. In the foreground of Pl. XXXVIII may be seen an Oraibi specimen somewhat resembling those seen at Mashongnavi.

Fig. 59 illustrates a very rude structure of stones in Sichumovi, resembling in form a dome oven, which is used as a poultry house. Several of these are seen in the Tusayan villages.

FIREPLACES AND CHIMNEYS.

The original fireplace of the ancient pueblo builders was probably the simple cooking pit transferred to a position within the dwelling room, and employed for the lighter cooking of the family as well as for warming the dwelling. It was placed in the center of the floor in order that the occupants of the house might conveniently gather around it. One of the first improvements made in this shallow indoor cooking pit must have consisted in surrounding it with a wall of sufficient height to protect the fire against drafts, as seen in the outdoor pits of Tusayan. In excavating a room in the ancient pueblo of Kin-tiel, a completely preserved fireplace, about a foot deep, and walled in with thin slabs of stone set on edge, was brought to light. The depression had been hollowed out of the solid rock.

This fireplace, together with the room in which it was found, is illustrated in Pl. C and Fig. 60. It is of rectangular form, but other examples have been found which are circular. Mr. W. H. Jackson describes a fireplace in a cliff dwelling in “Echo Cave” that consisted of a circular, basin-like depression 30 inches across and 10 inches deep. Rooms furnishing evidence that fires were made in the corners against the walls are found in many cliff dwellings; the smoke escaped overhead, and the blackened walls afford no trace of a chimney or flue of any kind.

The pueblo chimney is undoubtedly a post-Spanish feature, and the best forms in use at the present time are probably of very recent origin, though they are still associated with fireplaces that have departed little from the aboriginal form seen at Kin-tiel and elsewhere. It is interesting to note, in this connection, that the ceremony consecrating the house is performed in Tusayan before the chimney is added, suggesting that the latter feature did not form a part of the aboriginal dwelling.

In Cibola a few distinct forms of chimney are used at the present time, but in the more remote Tusayan the chimney seems to be still in the experimental stage. Numbers of awkward constructions, varying from the ordinary cooking pit to the more elaborate hooded structures, testify to the chaotic condition of the chimney-building art in the latter province.

Before the invention of a chimney hood, and while the primitive fireplace occupied a central position in the floor of the room, the smoke probably escaped through the door and window openings. Later a hole in the roof provided an exit, as in the kivas of to-day, where ceremonial use has perpetuated an arrangement long since superseded in dwelling-house construction. The comfort of a dwelling room provided with this feature is sufficiently attested by the popularity of the modern kivas as a resort for the men. The idea of a rude hood or flue to facilitate the egress of the smoke would not be suggested until the fireplace was transferred from the center of a room to a corner, and in the first adoption of this device the builders would rely upon the adjacent walls for the needed support of the constructional members. Practically all of the chimneys of Tusayan are placed in corners at the present time, though the Zuñi builders have developed sufficient skill to construct a rigid hood and flue in the center of a side wall, as may be seen in the view of a Zuñi interior, Pl. LXXXVI.

Although the pueblo chimney owes its existence to foreign suggestion it has evidently reached its present form through a series of timid experiments, and the proper principles of its construction seem to have been but feebly apprehended by the native builders, particularly in Tusayan. The early form of hood, shown in Fig. 66, was made by placing a short supporting pole across the corner of a room at a sufficient distance from the floor and upon it arranging sticks to form the frame work of a contracting hood or flue. The whole construction was finally covered with a thick coating of mud. This primitive wooden construction has probably been in use for a long time, although it was modified in special cases so as to extend across the entire width of narrow rooms to accommodate “piki” stones or other cumbersome cooking devices. It embodies the principle of roof construction that must have been employed in the primitive house from which the pueblo was developed, and practically constitutes a miniature conical roof suspended over the fireplace and depending upon the walls of the room for support. On account of the careful and economical use of fuel by these people the light and inflammable material of which the chimney is constructed does not involve the danger of combustion that would be expected. The perfect feasibility of such use of wood is well illustrated in some of the old log-cabin chimneys in the Southern States, where, however, the arrangement of the pieces is horizontal, not vertical. These latter curiously exemplify also the use of a miniature section of house construction to form a conduit for the smoke, placed at a sufficient height to admit of access to the fire.

A further improvement in the chimney was the construction of a corner hood support by means of two short poles instead of a single piece, thus forming a rectangular smoke hood of enlarged capacity. This latter is the most common form in use at the present time in both provinces, but its arrangement in Tusayan, where it represents the highest achievement of the natives in chimney construction, is much more varied than in Cibola. In the latter province the same form is occasionally executed in stone. Fig. 61 illustrates a corner hood, in which the crossed ends of the supporting poles are exposed to view. The outer end of the lower pole is supported from the roof beams by a cord or rope, the latter being embedded in the mud plastering with which the hood is finished. The vertically ridged character of the surface reveals the underlying construction, in which light sticks have been used as a base for the plaster. The Tusayans say that large sunflower stalks are preferred for this purpose on account of their lightness. Figs. 63 and 64 show another Tusayan hood of the type described, and in Fig. 69 a large hood of the same general form, suspended over a piki-stone, is noticeable for the frank treatment of the suspending cords, which are clearly exposed to view for nearly their entire length.

In a chimney in a Mashongnavi house, illustrated in Fig. 62, a simple, sharply curved piece of wood has been used for the lower rim of this hood, thus obtaining all the capacity of the two-poled form. The vertical sticks in this example are barely discernible through the plastering, which has been applied with more than the usual degree of care.

A curious example illustrating a rudimentary form of two-poled hood is shown in Fig. 63. A straight pole of unusual length is built into the walls across the corner of a room, and its insertion into the wall is much farther from the corner on one side than the other. From the longer stretch of inclosed wall protrudes a short pole that joins the principal one and serves as a support for one side of the chimney-hood. In this case the builder appears to have been too timid to venture on the bolder construction required in the perfected two-poled hood. This example probably represents a stage in the development of the higher form.

In some instances the rectangular corner hood is not suspended from the ceiling, but is supported from beneath by a stone slab or a piece of wood. Such a chimney hood seen in a house of Shupaulovi measures nearly 4 by 5 feet. The short side is supported by two stone slabs built into the wall and extending from the hood to the floor. Upon the upper stone rests one end of the wooden lintel supporting the long side, while the other end, near the corner of the room, is held in position by a light crotch of wood. Fig. 64 illustrates this hood; the plan indicating the relation of the stones and the forked stick to the corner of the room. Fig. 71, illustrating a terrace fireplace and chimney of Shumopavi, shows the employment of similar supports.

Corner chimney hoods in Zuñi do not differ essentially from the more symmetrical of the Tusayan specimens, but they are distinguished by better finish, and by less exposure of the framework, having been, like the ordinary masonry, subjected to an unusually free application of adobe.

The builders of Tusayan appear to have been afraid to add the necessary weight of mud mortar to produce this finished effect, the hoods usually showing a vertically ridged or crenated surface, caused by the sticks of the framework showing through the thin mud coat. Stone also is often employed in their construction, and its use has developed a large, square-headed type of chimney unknown at Tusayan. This is illustrated in Fig. 65. This form of hood, projecting some distance beyond its flue, affords space that may be used as a mantel-shelf, an advantage gained only to a very small degree by the forms discussed above. This chimney, as before stated, is built against one of the walls of a room, and near the middle.

All the joints of these hoods, and even the material used, are generally concealed from view by a carefully applied coating of plaster, supplemented by a gypsum wash, and usually there is no visible evidence of the manner in which they are built, but the construction is little superior to that of the simple corner hoods. The method of framing the various types of hoods is illustrated in Fig. 66. The example on the left shows an unplastered wooden hood skeleton. The arrangement of the parts in projecting rectangular stone hoods is illustrated in the right-hand diagram of the figure. In constructing such a chimney a thin buttress is first built against the wall of sufficient width and height to support one side of the hood. The opposite side of the hood is supported by a flat stone, firmly set on edge into the masonry of the wall. The front of the hood is supported by a second flat stone which rests at one end on a rude shoulder in the projecting slab, and at the other end upon the front edge of the buttress. It would be quite practicable for the pueblo builders to form a notch in the lower corner of the supported stone to rest firmly upon a projection of the supporting stone, but in the few cases in which the construction could be observed no such treatment was seen, for they depended mainly on the interlocking of the ragged ends of the stones. This structure serves to support the body of the flue, usually with an intervening stone-covered space forming a shelf. At the present period the flue is usually built of thin sandstone slabs, rudely adjusted to afford mutual support. The whole structure is bound together and smoothed over with mud plastering, and is finally finished with the gypsum wash, applied also to the rest of the room. Mr. A. F. Bandelier describes “a regular chimney, with mantel and shelf, built of stone slabs,” which he found “in the caves of the Rito de los Frijoles, as well as in the cliff dwellings of the regular detached family house type,”[7] which, from the description, must have closely resembled the Zuñi chimney described above. Houses containing such devices may be quite old, but if so they were certainly reoccupied in post-Spanish times. Such dwellings are likely to have been used as places of refuge in times of danger up to a comparatively recent date.

[Footnote 7: Fifth Ann. Rept. Arch. Inst. Am., p. 74.]

Among the many forms of chimneys and fireplaces seen in Tusayan a curious approach to our own arrangement of fireplace and mantel was noticed in a house in Sichumovi. In addition to the principal mantel ledge, a light wooden shelf was arranged against the wall on one side of the flue, one of its ends being supported by an upright piece of wood with a cap, and the other resting on a peg driven into the wall. This fireplace and mantel is illustrated in Fig. 67.

Aside from the peculiar “guyave” or “piki” baking oven, there is but little variation in the form of indoor fireplaces in Cibola, while in Tusayan it appears to have been subjected to about the same mutations already noted in the outdoor cooking pits. A serious problem was encountered by the Tusayan builder when he was called upon to construct cooking-pit fireplaces, a foot or more deep, in a loom of an upper terrace. As it was impracticable to sink the pit into the floor, the necessary depth was obtained by walling up the sides, as is shown in Fig. 68, which illustrates a second-story fireplace in Mashongnavi. Other examples may be seen in the outdoor chimneys shown in Figs. 72 and 73.

A modification of the interior fireplace designed for cooking the thin, paper-like bread, known to the Spanish-speaking peoples of this region as “guyave,” and by the Tusayan as “piki,” is common to both Cibola and Tusayan, though in the former province the contrivance is more carefully constructed than in the latter, and the surface of the baking stone itself is more highly finished. In the guyave oven a tablet of carefully prepared sandstone is supported in a horizontal position by two slabs set on edge and firmly imbedded in the floor. A horizontal flue is thus formed in which the fire is built. The upper stone, whose surface is to receive the thin guyave batter, undergoes during its original preparation a certain treatment with fire and piñon gum, and perhaps other ingredients, which imparts to it a highly polished black finish. This operation is usually performed away from the pueblo, near a point where suitable stone is found, and is accompanied by a ceremonial, which is intended to prevent the stone from breaking on exposure to the fire when first used. During one stage of these rites the strictest silence is enjoined, as, according to the native account, a single word spoken at such a time would crack the tablet.

When the long guyave stone is in position upon the edges of the back and front stones the fire must be so applied as to maintain the stone at a uniform temperature. This is done by frequent feeding with small bits of sage brush or other fuel. The necessity for such economy in the use of fuel has to a certain extent affected the forms of all the heating and cooking devices. Fig. 69 illustrates a Sichumovi piki stone, and Fig. 70 shows the use of the oven in connection with a cooking fireplace, a combination that is not uncommon. The latter example is from Shumopavi. The illustration shows an interesting feature in the use of a primitive andiron or boss to support the cooking pot in position above the fire. This boss is modeled from the same clay as the fireplace floor and is attached to it and forms a part of it. Mr. Stephen has collected free specimens of these primitive props which had never been attached to the floor. These were of the rudely conical form illustrated in the figure, and were made of a coarsely mixed clay thoroughly baked to a stony hardness.

Chimneys and fireplaces are often found in Tusayan in the small, recessed, balcony-like rooms of the second terrace. When a deep cooking-pit is required in such a position, it is obtained by building up the sides, as in the indoor fireplaces of upper rooms. Such a fireplace is illustrated in Fig. 71. A roofed recess which usually occurs at one end of the first terrace, called “tupubi,” takes its name from the flat piki oven, the variety of fireplace generally built in these alcoves. The transfer of the fireplace from the second-story room to the corner of such a roofed-terrace alcove was easily accomplished, and probably led to the occasional use of the cooking-pit, with protecting chimney hood on the open and unsheltered roof. Fig. 72 illustrates a deep cooking-pit on an upper terrace of Walpi. In this instance the cooking pit is very massively built, and in the absence of a sheltering “tupubi” corner is effectually protected on three sides by mud-plastered stone work, the whole being capped with the usual chimneypot. The contrivance is placed conveniently near the roof hatchway of a dwelling room.

The outdoor use of the above-described fireplaces on upper terraces has apparently suggested the improvement of the ground cooking pit in a similar manner. Several specimens were seen in which the cooking pit of the ordinary depressed type, excavated near an inner corner of a house wall, was provided with sheltering masonry and a chimney cap; but such an arrangement is by no means of frequent occurrence. Fig. 73 illustrates an example that was seen on the east side of Shumopavi. It will be noticed that in the use of this arrangement on the ground--an arrangement that evidently originated on the terraces--the builders have reverted to the earlier form of excavated pit. In other respects the example illustrated is not distinguishable from the terrace forms above described.

In the discussion of the details of kiva arrangement in Tusayan (p. 121) it was shown that the chimney is not used in any form in these ceremonial chambers; but the simple roof-opening forming the hatchway serves as a smoke vent, without the addition of either an internal hood or an external shaft. In the Zuñi kivas the smoke also finds vent through the opening that gives access to the chamber, but in the framing of the roof, as is shown elsewhere, some distinction between door and chimney is observed. The roof-hole is made double, one portion accommodating the ingress ladder and the other intended to serve for the egress of the smoke.

The external chimney of the pueblos is a simple structure, and exhibits but few variations from the type. The original form was undoubtedly a mere hole in the roof; its use is perpetuated in the kivas. This primitive form was gradually improved by raising its sides above the roof, forming a rudimentary shaft. The earlier forms are likely to have been rectangular, the round following and developing later short masonry shafts which were finally given height by the addition of chimney pots. In Zuñi the chimney has occasionally developed into a rather tall shaft, projecting sometimes to a height of 4 or 5 feet above the roof. This is particularly noticeable on the lower terraces of Zuñi, the chimneys of the higher rooms being more frequently of the short types prevalent in the farming pueblos of Cibola and in Tusayan. The tall chimneys found in Zuñi proper, and consisting often of four or five chimney pots on a substructure of masonry, are undoubtedly due to the same conditions that have so much influenced other constructional details; that is, the exceptional height of the clusters and crowding of the rooms. As a result of this the chimney is a more conspicuous feature in Zuñi than elsewhere, as will be shown by a comparison of the views of the villages given in Chapters III and IV.

In Tusayan many of the chimneys are quite low, a single pot surmounting a masonry substructure not more than 6 inches high being quite common. As a rule, however, the builders preferred to use a series of pots. Two typical Tusayan chimneys are illustrated in Fig. 74. Most of the substructures for chimneys in this province are rudely rectangular in form, and clearly expose the rough stonework of the masonry, while in Zuñi the use of adobe generally obliterates all traces of construction. In both provinces chimneys are seen without the chimney pot. These usually occur in clusters, simply because the builder of a room or group of rooms preferred that form of chimney. Pl. CI illustrates a portion of the upper terraces of Zuñi where a number of masonry chimneys are grouped together. Those on the highest roof are principally of the rectangular form, being probably a direct development from the square roof hole. The latter is still sometimes seen with a rim rising several inches above the roof surface and formed of slabs set on edge or of ordinary masonry. These upper chimneys are often closed or covered with thin slabs of sandstone laid over them in the same manner as the roof holes that they resemble. The fireplaces to which some of them belong appear to be used for heating the rooms rather than for cooking, as they are often disused for long periods during the summer season.

Pl. CI also illustrates chimneys in which pots have been used in connection with masonry bases, and also a round masonry chimney. The latter is immediately behind the single pot chimney seen in the foreground. On the extreme left of the figure is shown a chimney into which fire pots have been incorporated, the lower ones being almost concealed from view by the coating of adobe. A similar effect may be seen in the small chimney on the highest roof shown in Pl. LVIII. Pl. LXXXII shows various methods of using the chimney pots. In one case the chimney is capped with a reversed large-mouthed jar, the broken bottom serving as an outlet for the smoke. The vessel usually employed for this purpose is an ordinary black cooking pot, the bottom being burned out, or otherwise rendered unfit for household use. Other vessels are occasionally used. Pl. LXXXIII shows the use, as the crowning member of the chimney, of an ordinary water jar, with dark decorations on a white ground. A vessel very badly broken is often made to serve in chimney building by skillful use of mud and mortar. To facilitate smoke exit the upper pot is made to overlap the neck of the one below by breaking out the bottom sufficiently. The joining is not often visible, as it is usually coated with adobe. The lower pots of a series are in many cases entirely embedded in the adobe.

The pueblo builder has never been able to construct a detached chimney a full story in height, either with or without the aid of chimney pots; where it is necessary to build such shafts to obtain the proper draft he is compelled to rely on the support of adjoining walls, and usually seeks a corner. Pl. CI shows a chimney of this kind that has been built of masonry to the full height of a story. A similar example is shown in the foreground of Pl. LXXVIII. In Pl. XXII may be seen a chimney of the full height of the adjoining story, but in this instance it is constructed wholly of pots. Pl. LXXXV illustrates a similar case indoors.

The external chimney probably developed gradually from the simple roof opening, as previously noted. The raised combing about trapdoors or roof holes afforded the first suggestion in this direction. From this developed the square chimney, and finally the tall round shaft, crowned with a series of pots. The whole chimney, both internal and external, excluding only the primitive fireplace, is probably of comparatively recent origin, and based on the foreign (Spanish) suggestion.

GATEWAYS AND COVERED PASSAGES.

Gateways, arranged for defense, occur in many of the more compactly-built ancient pueblos. Some of the passageways in the modern villages of Tusayan and Cibola resemble these older examples, but most of the narrow passages, giving access to the inner courts of the inhabited villages, are not the result of the defensive idea, but are formed by the crowding together of the dwellings. They occur, as a rule, within the pueblo and not upon its periphery. Many of the terraces now face outward and are reached from the outside of the pueblo, being in marked contrast to the early arrangement, in which narrow passages to inclose courts were exclusively used for access. In the ground plans of several villages occupied within historic times, but now ruined, vestiges of openings arranged on the original defensive plan may be traced. About midway on the northeast side of Awatubi fragments of a standing wall were seen, apparently the two sides of a passageway to the inclosed court of the pueblo. The masonry is much broken down, however, and no indication is afforded of the treatment adopted, nor do the remains indicate whether this entrance was originally covered or not. It is illustrated in Pl. CII.

Other examples of this feature may be seen in the ground plans of Tebugkihu, Chukubi, and Payupki (Fig. 7, and Pls. XII and XIII).

In the first of these the deep jambs of the opening are clearly defined, but in the other two only low mounds of débris suggest the gateway. In the ancient Cibolan pueblos, including those on the mesa of Tâaaiyalana, no remains of external gateways have been found; the plans suggest that the disposition of the various clusters approximated somewhat the irregular arrangement of the present day. There are only occasional traces, as of a continuous defensive outer wall, such as those seen at Nutria and Pescado. In the pueblos of the Cibola group, ancient and modern, access to the inner portion of the pueblo was usually afforded at a number of points. In the pueblo of Kin-tiel, however, occurs an excellent example of the defensive gateway. The jambs and corners of the opening are finished with great neatness, as may be seen in the illustration (Pl. CIII). This gateway or passage was roofed over, and the rectangular depressions for the reception of cross-beams still contain short stumps, protected from destruction by the masonry. The masonry over the passageway in falling carried away part of the masonry above the jamb corner, thus indicating continuity of bond. The ground plan of this ruin (Pl. LXIII) indicates clearly the various points at which access to the inner courts was obtained. On the east side a noticeable feature is the overlapping of the boundary wall of the south wing, forming an indirect entranceway. The remains do not indicate that this passage, like the one just described, was roofed over. In some cases the modern passageways, as they follow the jogs and angles of adjoining rows of houses, display similar changes of direction. In Shupaulovi, which preserves most distinctly in its plan the idea of the inclosed court, the passageway at the south end of the village changes its direction at a right angle before emerging into the court (Pl. XXX). This arrangement was undoubtedly determined by the position of the terraces long before the passageway was roofed over and built upon. Pl. XXII shows the south passageway of Walpi; the entrances are made narrower than the rest of the passage by building buttresses of masonry at the sides. This was probably done to secure the necessary support for the north and south walls of the upper story. One of the walls, as maybe seen in the illustration, rests directly upon a cross beam, strengthened in this manner.

One of the smaller inclosed courts of Zuñi, illustrated in Pl. LXXXII, is reached by means of two covered passages, bearing some general resemblance to the ancient defensive entrances, but these houses, reached from within the court, have also terraces without. The low passage shown in the figure has gradually been surmounted by rooms, reaching in some cases a height of three terraces above the openings; but the accumulated weight finally proved too much for the beams and sustaining walls--probably never intended by the builders to withstand the severe test afterwards put upon them--and following an unusually protracted period of wet weather, the entire section of rooms above fell to the ground. This occurred since the surveying and photographing. It is rather remarkable that the frail adobe walls withstood so long the unusual strain, or even that they sustained the addition of a top story at all.

In the preceding examples the passageway was covered throughout its length by rooms, but cases occur in both Tusayan and Cibola in which only portions of the roof form the floor of superstructures. Pl. CIV shows a passage roofed over beyond the two-story portion of the building for a sufficient distance to form a small terrace, upon which a ladder stands. Pl. XXIII illustrates a similar arrangement on the west side of Walpi. The outer edges of these terraces are covered with coping stones and treated in the same manner as outer walls of lower rooms. In Zuñi an example of this form of passage roof occurs between two of the eastern house rows, where the rooms have not been subjected to the close crowding characteristic of the western clusters of the pueblo.

DOORS.

In Zuñi many rooms of the ground story, which in early times must have been used largely for storage, have been converted into well-lighted, habitable apartments by the addition of external doors. In Tusayan this modification has not taken place to an equal extent, the distinctly defensive character of the first terrace reached by removable ladders being still preserved. In this province a doorway on the ground is always provided in building a house, but originally this space was not designed to be permanent; it was left merely for convenience of passing in and out during the construction, and was built up before the walls were completed. Of late years, however, such doorways are often preserved, and additional small openings are constructed for windows.

In ancient times the larger doorways of the upper terraces were probably never closed, except by means of blankets or rabbit-skin robes hung over them in cold weather. Examples have been seen that seem to have been constructed with this object in view, for a slight pole, of the same kind as those used in the lintels, is built into the masonry of the jambs a few inches below the lintel proper. Openings imperfectly closed against the cold and wind were naturally placed in the lee walls to avoid the prevailing southwest winds, and the ground plans of the exposed mesa villages were undoubtedly influenced by this circumstance, the tendency being to change them from the early inclosed court type and to place the houses in longitudinal rows facing eastward. This is noticeable in the plans given in Chapter II.

Doorways closed with masonry are seen in many ruins. Possibly these are an indication of the temporary absence of the owner, as in the harvest season, or at the time of the destruction or abandonment of the village; but they may have been closed for the purpose of economizing warmth and fuel during the winter season. No provision was made for closing them with movable doors. The practice of fastening up the doors during the harvesting season prevails at the present time among the Zuñi, but the result is attained without great difficulty by means of rude cross bars, now that they have framed wooden doors. One of these is illustrated in Fig. 75. These doors are usually opened by a latch-string, which, when not hung outside, is reached by means of a small round hole through the wall at the side of the door. Through this hole the owner of the house, on leaving it, secures the door by props and braces on the inside of the room, the hole being sealed up and plastered in the same manner that other openings are treated.

This curious arrangement affords another illustration of the survival of ancient methods in modified forms. It is not employed, however, in closing the doors of the first terrace; these are fastened by barring from the inside, the exit being made by means of internal ladders to the terrace above, the upper doors only being fastened in the manner illustrated. In Pl. LXXIX may be seen good examples of the side hole. Fig. 75 shows a barred door. The plastering or sealing of the small side hole instead of the entire opening was brought about by the introduction of the wooden door, which in its present paneled form is of foreign introduction, but in this, as in so many other cases, some analogous feature which facilitated the adoption of the idea probably already existed. Tradition points to the early use of a small door, made of a single slab of wood, that closed the small rectangular wall niches, in which valuables, such as turquoise, shell, etc., were kept. This slab, it is said, was reduced and smoothed by rubbing with a piece of sandstone. A number of beams, rafters, and roofing planks, seen in the Chaco pueblos, were probably squared and finished in this way. The latter examples show a degree of familiarity with this treatment of wood that would enable the builders to construct such doors with ease. As yet, however, no examples of wooden doors have been seen in any of the pre-Columbian ruins.

The pueblo type of paneled door is much more frequently seen in Cibola than in Tusayan, and in the latter province it does not assume the variety of treatment seen in Zuñi, nor is the work so neatly executed. The views of the modern pueblos, given in Chapters III and IV, will indicate the extent to which this feature occurs in the two groups. In the construction of a paneled door the vertical stile on one side is prolonged at the top and bottom into a rounded pivot, which works into cup-like sockets in the lintel and sill, as illustrated in Fig. 76. The hinge is thus produced in the wood itself without the aid of any external appliances.

It is difficult to trace the origin of this device among the pueblos. It closely resembles the pivot hinges sometimes used in mediæval Europe in connection with massive gates for closing masonry passages; in such cases the prolonged pivots worked in cavities of stone sills and lintels. The Indians claim to have employed it in very early times, but no evidence on this point has been found. It is quite possible that the idea was borrowed from some of the earlier Mormon settlers who came into the country, as these people use a number of primitive devices which are undoubtedly survivals of methods of construction once common in the countries from which they came. Vestiges of the use of a pivotal hinge, constructed on a much more massive scale than any of the pueblo examples, were seen at an old fortress-like, stone storehouse of the Mormons, built near the site of Moen-kopi by the first Mormon settlers.

The paneled door now in use among the pueblos is rudely made, and consists of a frame inclosing a single panel. This panel, when of large size, is occasionally made of two or more pieces. These doors vary greatly in size. A few reach the height of 5 feet, but the usual height is from 3½ to 4 feet. As doors are commonly elevated a foot or more above the ground or floor, the use of such openings does not entail the full degree of discomfort that the small size suggests. Doors of larger size, with sills raised but an inch or two above the floor or ground, have recently been introduced in some of the ground stories in Zuñi; but these are very recent, and the idea has been adopted only by the most progressive people.

Pl. XLI shows a small paneled door, not more than a foot square, used as a blind to close a back window of a dwelling. The smallest examples of paneled doors are those employed for closing the small, square openings in the back walls of house rows, which still retain the defensive arrangement so marked in many of the ancient pueblos. In some instances doors occur in the second stories of unterraced walls, their sills being 5 or 6 feet above the ground. In such cases the doors are reached by ladders whose upper ends rest upon the sills. Elevated openings of this kind are closed in the usual manner with a rude, single-paneled door, which is often whitened with a coating of clayey gypsum.

Carefully worked paneled doors are much more common in Zuñi than in Tusayan, and within the latter province the villages of the first mesa make more extended use of this type of door, as they have come into more intimate contact with their eastern brethren than other villages of the group. Fig. 77 illustrates a portion of a Hano house in which two wooden doors occur. These specimens indicate the rudeness of Tusayan workmanship. It will be seen that the workman who framed the upper one of these doors met with considerable difficulty in properly joining the two boards of the panel and in connecting these with the frame. The figure shows that at several points the door has been reenforced and strengthened by buckskin and rawhide thongs. The same device has been employed in the lower door, both in fastening together the two pieces of the panel and in attaching the latter to the framing. These doors also illustrate the customary manner of barring the door during the absence of the occupant of the house.

The doorway is usually framed at the time the house is built. The sill is generally elevated above the ground outside and the floor inside, and the door openings, with a few exceptions, are thus practically only large windows. In this respect they follow the arrangement characteristic of the ancient pueblos, in which all the larger openings are window-like doorways. These are sometimes seen on the court margin of house rows, and frequently occur between communicating rooms within the cluster. They are usually raised about a foot and a half above the floor, and in some cases are provided with one or two steps. In Zuñi, doorways between communicating rooms, though now framed in wood, preserve the same arrangement, as may be seen in Pl. LXXXVI.

The side pieces of a paneled pueblo door are mortised, an achievement far beyond the aboriginal art of these people. Fig. 78 illustrates the manner in which the framing is done. All the necessary grooving, and the preparation of the projecting tenons is laboriously executed with the most primitive tools, in many cases the whole frame, with all its joints, being cut out with a small knife.

Doors are usually fastened by a simple wooden latch, the bar of which turns upon a wooden pin. They are opened from without by lifting the latch from its wooden catch, by means of a string passed through a small hole in the door, and hanging outside. Some few doors are, however, provided with a cumbersome wooden lock, operated by means of a square, notched stick that serves as a key. These locks are usually fastened to the inner side of the door by thongs of buckskin or rawhide, passed through small holes bored or drilled through the edge of the lock, and through the stile and panel of the door at corresponding points. The entire mechanism consists of wood and strings joined together in the rudest manner. Primitive as this device is, however, its conception is far in advance of the aboriginal culture of the pueblos, and both it and the string latch must have come from without. The lock was probably a contrivance of the early Mormons, as it is evidently roughly modeled after a metallic lock.

Many doors having no permanent means of closure are still in use. These are very common in Tusayan, and occur also in Cibola, particularly in the farming pueblos. The open front of the “tupubi” or balcony-like recess, seen so frequently at the ends of first-terrace roofs in Tusayan, is often constructed with a transom-like arrangement in connection with the girder supporting the edge of the roof, in the same manner in which doorways proper are treated. Pl. XXXII illustrates a balcony in which one bounding side is formed by a flight of stone steps, producing a notched or terraced effect. The supporting girder in this instance is embedded in the wall and coated over with adobe, obscuring the construction. Fig. 79 shows a rude transom over the supporting beam of a balcony roof in the principal house of Hano. The upper doorway shown in this house has been partly walled in, reducing its size somewhat. It is also provided with a small horizontal opening over the main lintel, which, like the doorway, has been partly filled with masonry. This upper transom often seems to have resulted from carrying such openings to the full height of the story. The transom probably originated from the spaces left between the ends of beams resting on the main girder that spanned the principal opening (see Fig. 81). Somewhat similar balconies are seen in Cibola, both in Zuñi and in the farming villages, but they do not assume so much importance as in Tusayan. An example is shown in Pl. CI, in which the construction of this feature is clearly visible.

In the remains of the ancient pueblos there is no evidence of the use of the half-open terrace rooms described above. If such rooms existed, especially if constructed in the open manner of the Tusayan examples, they must have been among the first to succumb to destruction. The comparative rarity of this feature in Zuñi does not necessarily indicate that it is not of native origin, as owing to the exceptional manner of clustering and to prolonged exposure to foreign influence, this pueblo exhibits a wider departure from the ancient type than do any of the Tusayan villages. It is likely that the ancient builders, trusting to the double protection of the inclosed court and the defensive first terrace, freely adopted this open and convenient arrangement in connection with the upper roofs.

The transom-like opening commonly accompanying the large opening is also seen in many of the inclosed doorways of Tusayan, but in some of these cases its origin can not be traced to the roof constructions, as the openings do not approach the ceilings of the rooms. In early days such doorways were closed by means of large slabs of stone set on edge, and these were sometimes supplemented by a suspended blanket. In severe winter weather many of the openings were closed with masonry. At the present time many doorways not provided with paneled doors are closed in such ways. When a doorway is thus treated its transom is left open for the admission of light and air. The Indians state that in early times this transom was provided for the exit of smoke when the main doorway was closed, and even now such provision is not wholly superfluous. Fig. 80 illustrates a large doorway of Tusayan with a small transom. The opening was being reduced in size by means of adobe masonry at the time the drawing was made. Fig. 81 shows a double transom over a lintel composed of two poles; a section of masonry separating the transom into two distinct openings rests upon the lintel of the doorway and supports a roof-beam; this is shown in the figure. Other examples of transoms may be seen in connection with many of the illustrations of Tusayan doorways.

The transom bars over exterior doorways of houses probably bear some relation to a feature seen in some of the best preserved ruins and still surviving to some extent in Tusayan practice. This consists of a straight pole, usually of the same dimensions as the poles of which the lintel is made, extending across the opening from 2 to 6 inches below the main lintel, and fixed into the masonry in a position to serve as a curtain pole. Originally this pole undoubtedly served as a means of suspension for the blanket or skin rug used in closing the opening, just as such means are now used in the huts of the Navajo, as well as occasionally in the houses of Tusayan. The space above this cross stick answered the same purpose as the transoms of the present time.

A most striking feature of doorways is the occasional departure from the quadrangular form, seen in some ruined villages and also in some of the modern houses of Tusayan. Fig. 82 illustrates a specimen of this type found in a small cliff ruin, in Canyon de Chelly. Ancient examples of this form of opening are distinguished by a symmetrical disposition of the step in the jamb, while the modern doors are seldom so arranged. A modern example from Mashongnavi is shown in Fig. 83. This opening also illustrates the double or divided transom. The beam ends shown in the figure project beyond the face of the wall and support an overhanging coping or cornice. A door-like window, approximating the symmetrical form described, is seen immediately over the passage-way shown in Pl. XXII. This form is evidently the result of the partial closing of a larger rectangular opening.

Fig. 84 shows the usual type of terraced doorway in Tusayan, in which one jamb is stepped at a considerably greater height than the other. In Tusayan large openings occur in which only one jamb is stepped, producing an effect somewhat of that of the large balcony openings with flights of stone steps at one side, previously illustrated. An opening of this form is shown in Fig. 85. Both of the stepped doorways, illustrated above, are provided with transom openings extending from one roof beam to another. In the absence of a movable door the openings were made of the smallest size consistent with convenient use. The stepped form was very likely suggested by the temporary partial blocking up of an opening with loose, flat stones in such a manner as to least impair its use. This is still quite commonly done, large openings being often seen in which the lower portion on one or both sides is narrowed by means of adobe bricks or stones loosely piled up. In this connection it may be noted that the secondary lintel pole, previously described as occurring in both ancient and modern doorways, serves the additional purpose of a hand-hold when supplies are brought into the house on the backs of the occupants. The stepping of the doorway, while diminishing its exposed area, does not interfere with its use in bringing in large bundles, etc. Series of steps, picked into the faces of the cliffs, and affording access to cliff dwellings, frequently have a supplementary series of narrow and deep cavities that furnish a secure hold for the hands. The requirements of the precipitous environment of these people have led to the carrying of loads of produce, fuel, etc., on the back by means of a suspending band passed across the forehead; this left the hands free to aid in the difficult task of climbing. These conditions seem to have brought about the use, in some cases, of handholds in the marginal frames of interior trapdoors as an aid in climbing the ladder.

One more characteristic type of the ancient pueblo doorway remains to be described. During the autumn of 1883, when the ruined pueblo of Kin-tiel was surveyed, a number of excavations were made in and about the pueblo. A small room on the east side, near the brink of the arroyo that traverses the ruin from east to west, was completely cleared out, exposing its fireplace, the stone paving of its floor, and other details of construction. Built into an inner partition of this room was found a large slab of stone, pierced with a circular hole of sufficient size for a man to squeeze through. This slab was set on edge and incorporated into the masonry of the partition, and evidently served as a means of communication with another room. The position of this doorway and its relation to the room in which it occurs may be seen from the illustration in Pl. C, which shows the stone in situ. The doorway or “stone-close” is shown in Fig. 86 on a sufficient scale to indicate the degree of technical skill in the architectural treatment of stone possessed by the builders of this old pueblo. The writer visited Zuñi in October of the same season, and on describing this find to Mr. Frank H. Cushing, learned that the Zuñi Indians still preserved traditional knowledge of this device. Mr. Cushing kindly furnished at the time the following extract from the tale of “The Deer-Slayer and the Wizards,” a Zuñi folk-tale of the early occupancy of the valley of Zuñi.

“‘How will they enter?’ said the young man to his wife. ‘Through the stone-close at the side,’ she answered. In the days of the ancients, the doorways were often made of a great slab of stone with a round hole cut through the middle, and a round stone slab to close it, which was called the stone-close, that the enemy might not enter in times of war.”

Mr. Cushing had found displaced fragments of such circular stone doorways at ruins some distance northwest from Zuñi, but had been under the impression that they were used as roof openings. All examples of this device known to the writer as having been found in place occurred in side walls of rooms. Mr. E. W. Nelson, while making collections of pottery from ruins near Springerville, Arizona, found and sent to the Smithsonian Institution, in the autumn of 1884, “a flat stone about 18 inches square with a round hole cut in the middle of it. This stone was taken from the wall of one of the old ruined stone houses near Springerville, in an Indian ruin. The stone was set in the wall between two inner rooms of the ruin, and evidently served as a means of communication or perhaps a ventilator. I send it on mainly as an example of their stone-working craft.” The position of this feature in the excavated room of Kin-tiel is indicated on the ground plan, Fig. 60, which also shows the position of other details seen in the general view of the room, Pl. C.

A small fragment of a “stone-close” doorway was found incorporated into the masonry of a flight of outside stone steps at Pescado, indicating its use in some neighboring ruin, thus bringing it well within the Cibola district. Another point at which similar remains have been brought to light is the pueblo of Halona, just across the river from the present Zuñi. Mr. F. Webb Hodge, recently connected with the Hemenway Southwestern Archeological Exposition, under the direction of Mr. F. H. Cushing, describes this form of opening as being of quite common occurrence in the rooms of this long-buried pueblo. Here the doorways are associated with the round slabs used for closing them. The latter were held in place by props within the room. No slabs of this form were seen at Kin-tiel, but quite possibly some of the large slabs of nearly rectangular form, found within this ruin, may have served the same purpose. It would seem more reasonable to use the rectangular slabs for this purpose when the openings were conveniently near the floors. No example of the stone-close has as yet been found in Tusayan.

The annular doorway described above affords the only instance known to the writer where access openings were closed with a rigid device of aboriginal invention; and from the character of its material this device was necessarily restricted to openings of small size. The larger rectangular doorways, when not partly closed by masonry, probably were covered only with blankets or skin rugs suspended from the lintel. In the discussion of sealed windows modern examples resembling the stone-close device will be noted, but these are usually employed in a more permanent manner.

The small size of the ordinary pueblo doorway was perhaps due as much to the fact that there was no convenient means of closing it as it was to defensive reasons. Many primitive habitations, even quite rude ones built with no intention of defense, are characterized by small doors and windows. The planning of dwellings and the distribution of openings in such a manner as to protect and render comfortable the inhabited rooms implies a greater advance in architectural skill than these builders had achieved.

The inconveniently small size of the doorways of the modern pueblos is only a survival of ancient conditions. The use of full-sized doors, admitting a man without stooping, is entirely practicable at the present day, but the conservative builders persist in adhering to the early type. The ancient position of the door, with its sill at a considerable height from the ground, is also retained. From the absence of any convenient means of rigidly closing the doors and windows, in early times external openings were restricted to the smallest practicable dimensions. The convenience of these openings was increased without altering their dimensions by elevating them to a certain height above the ground. In the ruin of Kin-tiel there is marked uniformity in the height of the openings above the ground, and such openings were likely to be quite uniform when used for similar purposes. The most common elevation of the sills of doorways was such that a man could readily step over at one stride. It will be seen that the same economy of space has effected the use of windows in this system of architecture.

WINDOWS.

In the pueblo system of building, doors and windows are not always clearly differentiated. Many of the openings, while used for access to the dwellings, also answer all the purposes of windows, and, both in their form and in their position in the walls, seem more fully to meet the requirements of openings for the admission of light and air than for access. We have seen in the illustrations in Chapters III and IV, openings of considerable size so located in the face of the outer wall as to unfit them for use as doorways, and others whose size is wholly inadequate, but which are still provided with the typical though diminutive single-paneled door. Many of these small openings, occurring most frequently in the back walls of house rows, have the jambs, lintels, etc., characteristic of the typical modern door. However, as the drawings above referred to indicate, there are many openings concerning the use of which there can be no doubt, as they can only provide outlook, light, and air.

In the most common form of window in present use in Tusayan and Cibola the width usually exceeds the height. Although found often in what appear to be the older portions of the present pueblos, this shape probably does not date very far back. The windows of the ancient pueblos were sometimes square, or nearly so, when of small size, but when larger they were never distinguishable from doorways in either size or finish, and the height exceeded the width. This restriction of the width of openings was due to the exceptionally small size of the building stone made use of. Although larger stones were available, the builders had not sufficient constructive skill to successfully utilize them. The failure to utilize this material indicates a degree of ignorance of mechanical aids that at first thought seems scarcely in keeping with the massiveness of form and the high degree of finish characterizing many of the remains; but as already seen in the discussion of masonry, the latter results were attained by the patient industry of many hands, although laboring with but little of the spirit of cooperation. The narrowness of the largest doors and windows in the ancient pueblos suggests timidity on the part of the ancient builders. The apparently bolder construction of the present day, shown in the prevailing use of horizontal openings, is not due to greater constructive skill, but rather to the markedly greater carelessness of modern construction.

The same contrast between modern and ancient practice is seen in the disposition of openings in walls. In the modern pueblos there does not seem to be any regularity or system in their introduction, while in some of the older pueblos, such as Pueblo Bonito on the Chaco, and others of the same group, the arrangement of the outer openings exhibits a certain degree of symmetry. The accompanying diagram, Fig. 87, illustrates a portion of the northern outer wall of Pueblo Bonito, in which the small windows of successive rooms, besides being uniform in size, are grouped in pairs. The degree of technical skill shown in the execution of the masonry about these openings is in keeping with the precision with which the openings themselves are placed. Pl. CV, gives a view of a portion of the wall containing these openings.

In marked contrast to the above examples is the slovenly practice of the modern pueblos. There are rarely two openings of the same size, even in a single room, nor are these usually placed at a uniform height from the floor. The placing appears to be purely a matter of individual taste, and no trace of system or uniformity is to be found. Windows occur sometimes at considerable height, near or even at the ceiling in some cases, while others are placed almost at the base of the wall; examples may be found occupying all intermediate heights between these extremes. Many of the illustrations show this characteristic irregularity, but Pls. LXXIX and LXXXII of Zuñi perhaps represent it most clearly.

The framing of these openings differs but little from that of the ancient examples. The modern opening is distinguished principally by the more careless method of combining the materials, and by the introduction in many instances of a rude sash. A number of small poles or sticks, usually of cedar, with the bark peeled off, are laid side by side in contact, across the opening, to form a support for the stones and earth of the superposed masonry. Frequently a particularly large tablet of stone is placed immediately upon the sticks, but this stone is never long enough or thick enough to answer the purpose of a lintel for larger openings. The number of small sticks used is sufficient to reach from the face to the back of the wall, and in the simplest openings the surrounding masonry forms jambs and sill. American or Spanish influence occasionally shows itself in the employment of sawed boards for lintels, sills, and jambs. The wooden features of the windows exhibit a curiously light and flimsy construction.

A large percentage of the windows, in both Tusayan and Cibola, are furnished with glass at the present time. Occasionally a primitive sash of several lights is found, but frequently the glass is used singly; in some instances it is set directly into the adobe without any intervening sash or frame. In several cases in Zuñi the primitive sash or frame has been rudely decorated with incised lines and notches. An example of this is shown in Fig. 88. The frame or sash is usually built solidly into the wall. Hinged sashes do not seem to have been adopted as yet. Often the introduction of lights shows a curious and awkward compromise between aboriginal methods and foreign ideas.

Characteristic of Zuñi windows, and also of those of the neighboring pueblo of Acoma, is the use of semitranslucent slabs of selenite, about 1 inch in thickness and of irregular form. Pieces are occasionally met with about 18 inches long and 8 or 10 inches wide, but usually they are much smaller and very irregular in outline. For windows pieces are selected that approximately fit against each other, and thin, flat strips of wood are fixed in a vertical position in the openings to serve as supports for the irregular fragments of selenite, which could not be retained in place without some such provision. The use of window openings at the bases of walls probably suggested this use of vertical sticks as a support to slabs of selenite, as in this position they would be particularly useful, the windows being generally arranged on a slope, as shown in Fig. 89. Similar glazing is also employed in the related, obliquely pierced openings of Zuñi, to be described later.

Selenite, in all probability, was not used in pre-Spanish times. No examples have as yet been met with among ruins in the region where this material is found and now used. Throughout the south and east portion of the ancient pueblo region, explored by Mr. A. F. Bandelier, where many of the remains were in a very good state of preservation, no cases of the use of this substance were seen. Fig. 90 illustrates a typical selenite window.

In Zuñi some of the kivas are provided with small external windows framed with slabs of stone. It is likely that the kivas would for a long time perpetuate methods and practices that had been superseded in the construction of dwellings. The use of stone jambs, however, would necessarily be limited to openings of small size, as such use for large openings was beyond the mechanical skill of the pueblo builders.

Fig. 91 illustrates the manner of making small openings in external exposed walls in Zuñi. Stone frames occur only occasionally in what seem to be the older and least modified portions of the village. At Tusayan, however, this method of framing windows is much more noticeable, as the exceptional crowding that has exercised such an influence on Zuñi construction has not occurred there. The Tusayan houses are arranged more in rows, often with a suggestion of large inclosures resembling the courts of the ancient pueblos. The inclosures have not been encroached upon, the streets are wider, and altogether the earlier methods seem to have been retained in greater purity than in Zuñi. The unbroken outer wall, of two or three stories in height, like the same feature of the old villages, is pierced at various heights with small openings that do not seriously impair its efficiency for defense. Tusayan examples of these loop-hole-like openings maybe seen in Pls. XXII, XXIII, and XXXIX.

In some of the ancient pueblos such openings were arranged on a distinctly defensive plan, and were constructed with great care. Openings of this type, not more than 4 inches square, pierced the second story outer wall of the pueblo of Wejegi in the Chaco Canyon. In the pueblo of Kin-tiel (Pl. LXIII) similar loop-hole-like openings were very skillfully constructed in the outer wall at the rounded northeastern corner of the pueblo. The openings pierced the wall at an oblique angle, as shown on the plan. Two of these channel-like loopholes maybe seen in Pl. LXV. This figure also shows the carefully executed jamb corners and faces of three large openings of the second story, which, though greatly undermined by the falling away of the lower masonry, are still held in position by the bond of thin flat stones of which the wall is built.

It is often the practice in the modern pueblos to seal up the windows of a house with masonry, and sometimes the doors also during the temporary absence of the occupant, which absence often takes place at the seasons of planting and harvesting. At such times many Zuñi families occupy outlying farming pueblos, such as Nutria and Pescado, and the Tusayans, in a like manner, live in rude summer shelters close to their fields. Such absence from the home pueblo often lasts for a month or more at a time. The work of closing the opening is done sometimes in the roughest manner, but examples are seen in which carefully laid masonry has been used. The latter is sometimes plastered. Occasionally the sealing is done with a thin slab of sandstone, somewhat larger than the opening, held in place with mud plastering, or propped from the inside after the manner of the “stone close” previously described. Fig. 92 illustrates specimens of sealed openings in the village of Hano of the Tusayan group. The upper window is closed with a single large slab and a few small chinking stones at one side. The masonry used in closing the lower opening is scarcely distinguishable from that of the adjoining walls. Pl. CVI illustrates a similar treatment of an opening in a detached house of Nutria, whose occupants had returned to the home pueblo of Zuñi at the close of the harvesting season. The doorway in this case is only partly closed, leaving a window-like aperture at its top, and the stones used for the purpose are simply piled up without the use of adobe mortar.

Windows and doors closed with masonry are often met with in the remains of ancient pueblos, suggesting, perhaps, that some of the occupants were absent at the time of the destruction of the village. When large door-like openings in upper external walls were built up and plastered over in this way, as in some ruins, the purpose was to economize heat during the winter, as blankets or rugs made of skins would be inadequate.

Besides the closing and reopening of doors and windows just described, the modern pueblo builders frequently make permanent changes in such openings. Doors are often converted into windows, and windows are reduced in size or enlarged, or new ones are broken through the walls, apparently, with the greatest freedom, so that they do not, from their finish or method of construction, furnish any clue to the antiquity of the mud-covered wall in which they are found. Occasionally surface weathering of the walls, particularly in Zuñi, exposes a bit of horizontal pole embedded in the masonry, the lintel of a window long since sealed up and obliterated by successive coats of mud finish. It is probable that many openings are so covered up as to leave no trace of their existence on the external wall. In Zuñi particularly, where the original arrangement for entering and lighting many of the rooms must have been wholly lost in the dense clustering of later times, such changes are very numerous. It often happens that the addition of a new room will shut off one or more old windows, and in such cases the latter are often converted into interior niches which serve as open cupboards. Such niches were sometimes of considerable size in the older pueblos. Changes in the character of openings are quite common in all of the pueblos. Usually the evidences of such changes are much clearer in the rougher and more exposed work of Tusayan than in the adobe-finished houses of Zuñi. Pl. CVII illustrates a large, balcony-like opening in Oraibi that has been reduced to the size of an ordinary door by filling in with rough masonry. A small window has been left immediately over the lintel of the newer door. Pl. CVIII illustrates two large openings in this village that have been treated in a somewhat similar manner, but the filling has been carried farther. Both of these openings have been used as doorways at one stage of their reduction, the one on the right having been provided with a small transom; the combined opening was arranged wholly within the large one and under its transom. In the further conversion of this doorway into a small window, the secondary transom was blocked up with stone slabs, set on edge, and a small loophole window in the upper lefthand corner of the large opening was also closed. The masonry filling of the large opening on the left in this illustration shows no trace of a transom over the smaller doorway. A small loophole in the corner of this large opening is still left open. It will be noted that the original transoms of the large openings have in all these cases been entirely filled up with masonry.

The clearness with which all the steps of the gradual reduction of these openings can be traced in the exposed stone work is in marked contrast with the obscurity of such features in Zuñi. In the latter group, however, examples are occasionally seen where a doorway has been partly closed with masonry, leaving enough space at the top for a window. Often in such cases the filled-in masonry is thinner than that of the adjoining wall, and consequently the form of the original doorway is easily traced. Fig. 93, from an adobe wall in Zuñi, gives an illustration of this. The entrance doorway of the detached Zuñi house illustrated in Pl. LXXXIII, has been similarly reduced in size, leaving traces of the original form in a slight offset. In modern times, both in Tusayan and Cibola, changes in the form and disposition of openings seem to have been made with the greatest freedom, but in the ancient pueblos altered doors or windows have rarely been found. The original placing of these features was more carefully considered, and the buildings were rarely subjected to unforeseen and irregular crowding.

In both ancient and modern pueblo work, windows, used only as such, seem to have been universally quadrilateral, offsets and steps being confined exclusively to doorways.

ROOF OPENINGS.

The line of separation between roof openings and doors and windows is, with few exceptions, sharply drawn. The origin of these roof-holes, whose use at the present time is widespread, was undoubtedly in the simple trap door which gave access to the rooms of the first terrace. Pl. XXXVIII, illustrating a court of Oraibi, shows in the foreground a kiva hatchway of the usual form seen in Tusayan. Here there is but little difference between the entrance traps of the ceremonial chambers and those that give access to the rooms of the first terrace; the former are in most cases somewhat larger to admit of ingress of costumed dancers, and the kiva traps are usually on a somewhat sharper slope, conforming to the pitch of the small dome-roof of the kivas, while those of the house terraces have the scarcely perceptible fall of the house roofs in which they are placed. In Zuñi, however, where the development and use of openings has been carried further, the kiva hatchways are distinguished by a specialized form that will be described later. An examination of the plans of the modern villages in Chapters II and III will show the general distribution of roof openings. Those used as hatchways are distinguishable by their greater dimensions, and in many cases by the presence of the ladders that give access to the rooms below. The smaller roof openings in their simplest form are constructed in essentially the same manner as the trap doors, and the width is usually regulated by the distance between two adjacent roof beams. The second series of small roof poles is interrupted at the sides of the opening, which sides are finished by means of carefully laid small stones in the same manner as are projecting copings. This finish is often carried several inches above the roof and crowned with narrow stone slabs, one on each of the four sides, forming a sort of frame which protects the mud plastered sides of the opening from the action of the rains. Examples of this simple type may be seen in many of the figures illustrating Chapters II and III, and in Pl. XCVII. Fig. 94 also illustrates common types of roof openings seen in Zuñi. Two of the examples in this figure are of openings that give access to lower rooms. Occasional instances are seen in this pueblo in which an exaggerated height is given to the coping, the result slightly approaching a square chimney in effect. Fig. 95 illustrates an example of this form.

In Zuñi, where many minor variations in the forms of roof openings occur, certain of these variations appear to be related to roof drainage. These have three sides crowned in the usual manner with coping stones laid flat, but the fourth side is formed by setting a thin slab on edge, as illustrated in Fig. 96.

Fig. 94 also embodies two specimens of this form.

The special object of this arrangement is in some cases difficult to determine; the raised end in all the examples on any one roof always takes the same direction, and in many cases its position relative to drainage suggests that it is a provision against flooding by rain on the slightly sloping roof; but this relation to drainage is by no means constant. Roof holes on the west side of the village in such positions as to be directly exposed to the violent sand storms that prevail here during certain months of the year seem in some cases to have in view protection against the flying sand. We do not meet with evidence of any fixed system to guide the disposition of this feature. In many cases these trap holes are provided with a thin slab of sandstone large enough to cover the whole opening, and used in times of rain. During fair weather these are laid on the roof, near the hole they are designed to cover, or lie tilted against the higher edge of the trap, as shown in Fig. 97.

When the cover is placed on one of these holes, with a high slab at one end, it has a steep pitch, to shed water, and at the same time light and air are to some extent admitted, but it is very doubtful if this is the result of direct intention on the part of the builder. The possible development of this roof trap of unusual elevation into a rudimentary chimney has already been mentioned in the discussion of chimneys. A development in this direction would possibly be suggested by the desirability of separating the access by ladder from the inconvenient smoke hole. This must have been brought very forcibly to the attention of the Indian when, at the time a fire was burning in the fireplace, they were compelled to descend the ladder amidst the smoke and heat.

The survival to the present time of such an inconvenient arrangement in the kivas can be explained only on the ground of the intense conservatism of these people in all that pertains to religion. In the small roof holes methods of construction are seen which would not be so practicable on the larger scale of the ladder holes after which they have been modeled. In these latter the sides are built up of masonry or adobe, but the framing around them is more like the usual coping over walls. The stone that, set on edge in the small openings built for the admission of light, forms a raised end never occurs in these. The ladder for access rests against the coping.

When occurring in connection with kivas, ladder holes have certain peculiarities in which they differ from the ordinary form used in dwellings. The opening in such cases is made of large size to admit dancers in costume with full paraphernalia. These, the largest roof openings to be found in Zuñi, are framed with pieces of wood. The methods of holding the pieces in place vary somewhat in minor detail. It is quite likely that recent examples, while still preserving the form and general appearance of the earlier ones, would bear evidence that the builders had used their knowledge of improved methods of joining and finishing.

As may readily be seen from the illustration, Fig. 98, this framing, by the addition of a cross piece, divides the opening unequally. The smaller aperture is situated immediately above the fireplace (which conforms to the ancient type without chimney and located in the open floor of the room) and is very evidently designed to furnish an outlet to the smoke. In a chamber having no side doors or windows, or at most very small square windows, and consequently no drafts, the column of smoke and flame can often on still nights be seen rising vertically from the roof. The other portion of the opening containing the ladder is used for ingress and egress. This singular combination strongly suggests that at no very remote period one opening was used to answer both purposes, as it still does in the Tusayan kivas. It also suggests the direction in which differentiation of functions began to take place, which in the kiva was delayed and held back by the conservative religious feeling, when in the civil architecture it may have been the initial point of a development that culminated in the chimney, a development that was assisted in its later steps by suggestions from foreign sources. In the more primitively constructed examples the cross pieces seem to be simply laid on without any cutting in. The central piece is held in place by a peg set into each side piece, the weight and thrust of the ladder helping to hold it. The primitive arrangement here seen has been somewhat improved upon in some other cases, but it was not ascertained whether these were of later date or not.

In the best made frames for kiva entrances the timbers are “halved” in the manner of our carpenters, the joint being additionally secured by a pin as shown in Fig. 99.

The use of a frame of wood in these trapdoors dates back to a comparatively high antiquity, and is not at all a modern innovation, as one would at first be inclined to believe. Their use in so highly developed a form in the ceremonial chamber is an argument in favor of antiquity. Only two examples were discovered by Mr. L. H. Morgan in a ruined pueblo on the Animas. “One of these measured 16 by 17 inches and the other was 16 inches square. Each was formed in the floor by pieces of wood put together. The work was neatly done.”[8]

[Footnote 8: Contributions to N.A. Ethnology, vol. 4. House Life, etc., p. 182.]

Unfortunately, Mr. Morgan does not describe in detail the manner in which the joining was effected, or whether the pieces were halved or cut to fit. It seems hardly likely, considering the rude facilities possessed by the ancients, that the enormous labor of reducing large pieces of wood to such interfitting shapes would have been undertaken. A certain neatness of finish would undoubtedly be attained by arranging the principal roof beams and the small poles that cross them at right angles, in the usual careful manner of the ancient builders. The kiva roof opening, with the hole serving for access and smoke exit, is paralleled in the excavated lodges of the San Francisco Mountains, where a single opening served this double purpose. A slight recess or excavation in the side of the entrance shaft evidently served for the exit of smoke.

At the village of Acoma the kiva trapdoors differ somewhat from the Zuñi form. The survey of this village was somewhat hasty, and no opportunity was afforded of ascertaining from the Indians the special purpose of the mode of construction adopted. The roof hole is divided, as in Zuñi, but the portion against which the ladder leans, instead of being made into a smoke vent, is provided with a small roof. These roof holes to the ceremonial chamber are entered directly from the open air, while in the dwelling rooms it seems customary (much more customary than at Zuñi) to enter the lower stories through trapdoors within upper rooms. In many instances second-story rooms have no exterior rooms but are entered from rooms above, contrary to the usual arrangement in both Tusayan and Cibola. All six of the kivas in this village are provided with this peculiarly constructed opening.

In Zuñi close crowding of the cells has led to an exceptionally frequent use of roof-lights and trapdoors. The ingenuity of the builders was greatly taxed to admit sufficient light to the inner rooms. The roof hole, which was originally used only to furnish the means of access and light for the first terrace, as is still the case in Tusayan, is here used in all stories indiscriminately, and principally for light and air. In large clusters there are necessarily many dark rooms, which has led to the employment of great numbers of roof holes, more or less directly modeled after the ordinary trapdoor. Their occurrence is particularly frequent in the larger clusters of the village, as in house No. 1. The exceptional size of this pile, and of the adjoining house No. 4, with the consequent large proportion of dark rooms, have taxed the ingenuity of the Zuñi to the utmost, and as a result we see roof openings here assuming a degree of importance not found elsewhere.

In addition to roof openings of the type described, the dense clustering of the Zuñi houses has led to the invention of a curious device for lighting inner rooms not reached by ordinary external openings. This consists of an opening, usually of oval or subrectangular form in elevation, placed at the junction of the roof with a vertical wall. This opening is carried down obliquely between the roofing beams, as shown in the sections, Fig. 100, so that the light is admitted within the room just at the junction of the ceiling and the inner face of the wall. With the meager facilities and rude methods of the Zuñi, this peculiar arrangement often involved weak construction, and the openings, placed so low in the wall, were in danger of admitting water from the roof. The difficulty of obtaining the desired light by this device was much lessened where the outer roof was somewhat lower than the ceiling within.

These oblique openings occur not only in the larger clusters of houses Nos. 1 and 4, but also in the more openly planned portions of the village, though they do not occur either at Acoma or in the Tusayan villages. They afford an interesting example of the transfer and continuance in use of a constructional device developed in one place by unusual conditions to a new field in which it was uncalled for, being less efficient and more difficult of introduction than the devices in ordinary use.

FURNITURE.

The pueblo Indian has little household furniture, in the sense in which the term is commonly employed; but his home contains certain features which are more or less closely embodied in the house construction and which answers the purpose. The suspended pole that serves as a clothes rack for ordinary wearing apparel, extra blankets, robes, etc., has already been described in treating of interiors. Religious costumes and ceremonial paraphernalia are more carefully provided for, and are stored away in some hidden corner of the dark storerooms.

The small wall niches, which are formed by closing a window with a thin filling-in wall, and which answer the purpose of cupboards or receptacles for many of the smaller household articles, have also been described and illustrated in connection with the Zuñi interior (Pl. LXXXVI).

In many houses, both in Tusayan and in Cibola, shelves are constructed for the more convenient storage of food, etc. These are often constructed in a very primitive manner, particularly in the former province. An unusually frail example may be seen in Fig. 67, in connection with a fireplace. Fig. 101, showing a series of mealing stones in a Tusayan house, also illustrates a rude shelf in the corner of the room, supported at one end by an upright stone slab and at the other by a projecting wooden peg. Shelves made of sawed boards are occasionally seen, but as a rule such boards are considered too valuable to be used in this manner. A more common arrangement, particularly in Tusayan, is a combination of three or four slender poles placed side by side, 2 or 3 inches apart, forming a rude shelf, upon which trays of food are kept.

Another device for the storage of food, occasionally seen in the pueblo house, is a pocket or bin built into the corner of a room. Fig. 101, illustrating the plan of a Tusayan house, indicates the position of one of these cupboard-like inclosures. A sketch of this specimen is shown in Fig. 102. This bin, used for the storage of beans, grain, and the like, is formed by cutting off a corner of the room by setting two stone slabs into the floor, and it is covered with the mud plastering which extends over the neighboring walls.

A curious modification of this device was seen in one of the inner rooms in Zuñi, in the house of José Pié. A large earthen jar, apparently an ordinary water vessel, was built into a projecting masonry bench near the corner of the room in such a manner that its rim projected less than half an inch above its surface. This jar was used for the same purpose as the Tusayan corner bin.

Some of the Indians of the present time have chests or boxes in which their ceremonial blankets and paraphernalia are kept. These of course have been introduced since the days of American boards and boxes. In Zuñi, however, the Indians still use a small wooden receptacle for the precious ceremonial articles, such as feathers and beads. This is an oblong box, provided with a countersunk lid, and usually carved from a single piece of wood. Typical specimens are illustrated in Figs. 103 and 104. The workmanship displayed in these objects is not beyond the aboriginal skill of the native workman, and their use is undoubtedly ancient.

Perhaps the most important article of furniture in the home of the pueblo Indian is the mealing trough, containing the household milling apparatus. This trough usually contains a series of three metates of varying degrees of coarseness firmly fixed in a slanting position most convenient for the workers. It consists of thin slabs of sandstone set into the floor on edge, similar slabs forming the separating partitions between the compartments. This arrangement is shown in Fig. 105, illustrating a Tusayan mealing trough. Those of Zuñi are of the same form, as maybe seen in the illustration of a Zuñi interior, Fig. 105. Occasionally in recently constructed specimens the thin inclosing walls of the trough are made of planks. In the example illustrated one end of the series is bounded by a board, all the other walls and divisions being made of the usual stone slabs. The metates themselves are not usually more than 3 inches in thickness. They are so adjusted in their setting of stones and mortar as to slope away from the operator at the proper angle. This arrangement of the mealing stones is characteristic of the more densely clustered communal houses of late date. In the more primitive house the mealing stone was usually a single large piece of cellular basalt, or similar rock, in which a broad, sloping depression was carved, and which could be transported from place to place. Fig. 106 illustrates an example of this type from the vicinity of Globe, in southern Arizona. The stationary mealing trough of the present day is undoubtedly the successor of the earner moveable form, yet it was in use among the pueblos at the time of the first Spanish expedition, as the following extract from Castañeda’s account[9] of Cibola will show. He says a special room is designed to grind the grain: “This last is apart, and contains a furnace and three stones made fast in masonry. Three women sit down before these stones; the first crushes the grain, the second brays it, and the third reduces it entirely to powder.” It will be seen how exactly this description fits both the arrangement and the use of this mill at the present time. The perfection of mechanical devices and the refinement of methods here exhibited would seem to be in advance of the achievement of this people in other directions.

[Footnote 9: Given by W. W. H. Davis in El Gringo, p. 119.]

The grinding stones of the mealing apparatus are of correspondingly varying degrees of roughness; those of basalt or lava are used for the first crushing of the corn, and sandstone is used for the final grinding on the last metate of the series. By means of these primitive appliances the corn meal is as finely ground as our wheaten flour. The grinding stones now used are always flat, as shown in Fig. 105, and differ from those that were used with the early massive type of metate in being of cylindrical form.

One end of the series of milling troughs is usually built against the wall near the corner of the room. In some cases, where the room is quite narrow, the series extends across from wall to wall. Series comprising four mealing stones, sometimes seen in Zuñi, are very generally arranged in this manner. In all cases sufficient floor space is left behind the mills to accommodate the women who kneel at their work. Pl. LXXXVI illustrates an unusual arrangement, in which the fourth mealing stone is set at right angles to the other stones of the series.

Mortars are in general use in Zuñi and Tusayan households. As a rule they are of considerable size, and made of the same material as the rougher mealing stones. They are employed for crushing and grinding the chile or red pepper that enters so largely into the food of the Zuñi, and whose use has extended to the Mexicans of the same region. These mortars have the ordinary circular depressions and are used with a round pestle or crusher, often of somewhat long, cylindrical form for convenience in handling.

Parts of the apparatus for indoor blanket weaving seen in some of the pueblo houses may be included under the heading of furniture. These consist of devices for the attachment of the movable parts of the loom, which need not be described in this connection. In some of the Tusayan houses may be seen examples of posts sunk in the floor provided with holes for the insertion of cords for attaching and tightening the warp, similar to those built into the kiva floors, illustrated in Fig. 31. No device of this kind was seen in Zuñi. A more primitive appliance for such work is seen in both groups of pueblos in an occasional stump of a beam or short pole projecting from the wall at varying heights. Ceiling beams are also used for stretching the warp both in blanket and belt weaving.

The furnishings of a pueblo house do not include tables and chairs. The meals are eaten directly from the stone-paved floor, the participants rarely having any other seat than the blanket that they wear, rolled up or folded into convenient form. Small stools are sometimes seen, but the need of such appliances does not seem to be keenly felt by these Indians, who can, for hours, sit in a peculiar squatting position on their haunches, without any apparent discomfort. Though moveable chairs or stools are rare, nearly all of the dwellings are provided with the low ledge or bench around the rooms, which in earlier times seems to have been confined to the kivas. A slight advance on this fixed form of seat was the stone block used in the Tusayan kivas, described on p. 132, which at the same time served a useful purpose in the adjustment of the warp threads for blanket weaving.

The few wooden stools observed show very primitive workmanship, and are usually made of a single piece of wood. Fig. 107 illustrates two forms of wooden stool from Zuñi. The small three-legged stool on the left has been cut from the trunk of a piñon tree in such a manner as to utilize as legs the three branches into which the main stem separated. The other stool illustrated is also cut from a single piece of tree trunk, which has been reduced in weight by cutting out one side, leaving the two ends for support.

A curiously worked chair of modern form seen in Zuñi is illustrated in Fig. 108. It was difficult to determine the antiquity of this specimen, as its rickety condition may have been due to the clumsy workmanship quite as much as to the effects of age. Rude as is the workmanship, however, it was far beyond the unaided skill of the native craftsman to join and mortise the various pieces that go to make up this chair. Some decorative effect has been sought here, the ornamentation, made up of notches and sunken grooves, closely resembling that on the window sash illustrated in Fig. 88, and somewhat similar in effect to the carving on the Spanish beams seen in the Tusayan kivas. The whole construction strongly suggests Spanish influence.

Even the influence of Americans has as yet failed to bring about the use of tables or bedsteads among the pueblo Indians. The floor answers all the purposes of both these useful articles of furniture. The food dishes are placed directly upon it at meal times, and at night the blankets, rugs, and sheep skins that form the bed are spread directly upon it. These latter, during the day, are suspended upon the clothes pole previously described and illustrated.

CORRALS AND GARDENS.

The introduction of domestic sheep among the pueblos has added a new and important element to their mode of living, but they seem never to have reached a clear understanding as to how these animals should be cared for. No forethought is exercised to separate the rams so that the lambs will be born at a favorable season. The flocks consist of sheep and goats which are allowed to run together at all tunes. Black sheep and some with a grayish color of wool are often seen among them. No attempt is made to eliminate these dark-fleeced members of the flock, since the black and gray wool is utilized in its natural color in producing many of the designs and patterns of the blankets woven by these people. The flocks are usually driven up into the corrals or inclosures every evening, and are taken out again in the morning, frequently at quite a late hour. This, together with the time consumed in driving them to and from pasture, gives them much less chance to thrive than those of the nomadic Navajo. In Tusayan the corrals are usually of small size and inclosed by thin walls of rude stone work. This may be seen in the foreground of Pl. XXI. Pl. CIX illustrates several corrals just outside the village of Mashongnavi similarly constructed, but of somewhat larger size. Some of the corrals of Oraibi are of still larger size, approaching in this respect the corrals of Cibola. The Oraibi pens are rudely rectangular in form, with more or less rounded angles, and are also built of rude masonry.

In the less important villages of Cibola stone is occasionally used for inclosing the corrals, as in Tusayan, as may be seen in Pl. LXX, illustrating an inclosure of this character in the court of the farming pueblo of Pescado. Pl. CX illustrates in detail the manner in which stone work is combined with the use of rude stakes in the construction of this inclosure. On the rugged sites of the Tusayan villages corrals are placed wherever favorable nooks happen to be found in the rocks, but at Zuñi, built in the comparatively open plain, they form a nearly continuous belt around the pueblo. Here they are made of stakes and brush held in place by horizontal poles tied on with strips of rawhide. The rudely contrived gateways are supported in natural forks at the top and sides of posts. Often one or two small inclosures used for burros or horses occur near these sheep corrals. The construction is identical with those above described and is very rude. It is illustrated in Fig. 109, which shows the manner in which the stakes are arranged, and also the method of attaching the horizontal tie-pieces. The construction of these inclosures is frail, and the danger of pushing the stakes over by pressure from within is guarded against by employing forked braces that abut against horizontal pieces tied on 4 or 5 feet from the ground. Reference to Pl. LXXIV will illustrate this construction.

Within the village of Zuñi inclosures resembling miniature corrals are sometimes seen built against the houses; these are used as cages for eagles. A number of these birds are kept in Zuñi for the sake of their plumage, which is highly valued for ceremonial purposes. Pl. CXI illustrates one of these coops, constructed partly with a thin adobe wall and partly with stakes arranged like those of the corrals.

In both of the pueblo groups under discussion, small gardens contiguous to the villages are frequent. Those of Tusayan are walled in with stone.

Within the pueblo of Zuñi a small group of garden patches is inclosed by stake fences, but the majority of the gardens in the vicinity of the principal villages are provided with low walls of mud masonry. The small terraced gardens here are near the river bank on the southwest and southeast sides of the village. The inclosed spaces, averaging in size about 10 feet square, are used for the cultivation of red peppers, beans, etc., which, during the dry season, are watered by hand. These inclosures, situated close to the dwellings, suggest a probable explanation for similar inclosures found in many of the ruins in the southern and eastern portions of the ancient pueblo region. Mr. Bandelier was informed by the Pimas[10] that these inclosures were ancient gardens. He concluded that since acequias were frequent in the immediate vicinity these gardens must have been used as reserves in case of war, when the larger fields were not available, but the manner of their occurrence in Zuñi suggests rather that they were intended for cultivation of special crops, such as pepper, beans, cotton, and perhaps also of a variety of tobacco--corn, melons, squashes, etc., being cultivated elsewhere in larger tracts. There is a large group of gardens on the bank of the stream at the southeastern corner of Zuñi, and here there are slight indications of terracing. A second group on the steeper slope at the southwestern corner is distinctly terraced. Small walled gardens of the same type as these Zuñi examples occur in the vicinity of some of the Tusayan villages on the middle mesa. They are located near the springs or water pockets, apparently to facilitate watering by hand. Some of them contain a few small peach trees in addition to the vegetable crops ordinarily met with. The clusters here are, as a rule, smaller than those of Zuñi, as there is much less space available in the vicinity of the springs. At one point on the west side of the first mesa, a few miles above Walpi, a copious spring serves to irrigate quite an extensive series of small garden patches distributed over lower slopes.

[Footnote 10: Fifth Ann. Rept. Arch. Inst. Am., p. 92.]

At several points around Zuñi, usually at a greater distance than the terrace gardens, are fields of much larger area inclosed in a similar manner. Their inclosure was simply to secure them against the depredations of stray burros, so numerous about the village. When the crops are gathered in the autumn, several breaches are made in the low wall and the burros are allowed to luxuriate on the remains. Pl. LIX indicates the position of the large cluster of garden patches on the southeastern side of Zuñi. Fig. 110, taken from photographs made in 1873, shows several of these small gardens with their growing crops and a large field of corn beyond. The workmanship of the garden walls as contrasted with that of the house masonry has been already described and is illustrated in Pl. XC.

“KISI” CONSTRUCTION.

Lightly constructed shelters for the use of those in charge of fields were probably a constant accompaniment of pueblo horticulture. Such shelters were built of stone or of brush, according to which material was most available.

In very precipitous localities, as the Canyon de Chelly, these outlooks naturally became the so-called cliff-dwellings or isolated shelters. In Cibola single stone houses are in common use, not to the exclusion, however, of the lighter structures of brush, while in Tusayan these lighter forms, of which there are a number of well defined varieties, are almost exclusively used. A detailed study of the methods of construction employed in these rude shelters would be of great interest as affording a comparison both with the building methods of the ruder neighboring tribes and with those adopted in constructing some of the details of the terraced house; the writer, however, did not have an opportunity of making an examination of all the field shelters used in these pueblos. Two of the simpler types are the “tuwahlki,” or watch house, and the “kishoni,” or uncovered shade. The former is constructed by first planting a short forked stick in the ground, which supports one end of a pole, the other end resting on the ground. The interval between this ridge pole and the ground is roughly filled in with slanting sticks and brush, the inclosed space being not more than 3 feet in height, with a maximum width of four or five feet. These shelters are for the accommodation of the children who watch the melon patches until the fruit is harvested.

The kishoni, or uncovered shade, illustrated in Fig. 111, is perhaps the simplest form of shelter employed. Ten or a dozen cottonwood saplings are set firmly into the ground, so as to form a slightly curved inclosure with convex side toward the south. Cottonwood and willow boughs in foliage, grease-wood, sage brush, and rabbit brush are laid with stems upward in even rows against these saplings to a height of 6 or 7 feet. This light material is held in place by bands of small cottonwood branches laid in continuous horizontal lines around the outside of the shelter and these are attached to the upright saplings with cottonwood and willow twigs.

Figs. 112 and 113 illustrate a much more elaborate field shelter in Tusayan. As may readily be seen from the figures this shelter covers a considerable area; it will be seen too that the upright branches that inclose two of its sides are of sufficient height to considerably shade the level roof of poles and brush, converting it into a comfortable retreat.

ARCHITECTURAL NOMENCLATURE.

The following nomenclature, collected by Mr. Stephen, comprises the terms commonly used in designating the constructional details of Tusayan houses and kivas:

Kiko´li The ground floor rooms forming the first terrace. Tupu´bi The roofed recess at the end of the first terrace. Ah´pabi } A terrace roof. Ih´pobi } Tupat´ca ih´pobi The third terrace, used in common as a loitering place. Tumtco´kobi “The place of the flat stone;” small rooms in which “piki,” or paper-bread, is baked. “Tuma,” the piki stone, and “tcok” describing its flat position. Tupa´tca “Where you sit overhead;” the third story. O´mi Ah´pabi The second story; a doorway always opens from it upon the roof of the “kiko´li.” Kitcobi “The highest place;” the fourth story. Tuhkwa A wall. Puce An outer corner. Apaphucua An inside corner. Lestabi The main roof timbers. Wina´kwapi Smaller cross poles. “Winahoya,” a small pole, and “Kwapi,” in place. Kaha´b kwapi The willow covering. Süibi kwapi The brush covering. Si´hü kwapi The grass covering. Kiam´ balawi The mud plaster of roof covering, “Balatle´lewini,” to spread. Tcukat´cvewata Dry earth covering the roof. “Tcuka,” earth, “katuto,” to sit, and “at´cvewata,” one laid above another. Kiami An entire roof. Kwo´pku The fireplace. Kwi´tcki “Smoke-house,” an inside chimney-hood. Sibvu´tütük´mula A series of bottomless jars piled above each other, and luted together as a chimney-top. Sibvu´ A bottomless earthen vessel serving as a chimney pot. Bok´ci Any small hole in a wall, or roof, smaller than a doorway. Hi´tci An opening, such as a doorway. This term is also applied to a gap in a cliff. Hi´tci Kalau´wata A door frame. Tûñañ´îata A lintel; literally, “that holds the sides in place.” Wuwûk´pi “The place step;” the door sill. Niñuh´pi A handhold; the small pole in a doorway below the lintel. Pana´ptca ütc´pi bok´ci A window; literally, “glass covered opening.” Ut´cpi A cover. Ahpa´bütc´pi } A door. “Apab,” inside; wina, a pole. Wina´ütc´pi } O´wa ütc´ppî “Stone cover,” a stone slab. Tüi´ka A projection in the wall of a room suggesting a partition, such as shown in Pl. LXXXV. The same term is applied to a projecting cliff in a mesa. Kiam´i An entire roof. The main beams, cross poles, and roof layers have the same names as in the kiva, given later. Wĭna´kü´i Projecting poles; rafters extending beyond the walls. Bal´kakini “Spread out;” the floor. O´tcokpü´h “Leveled with stones;” a raised level for the foundation. Ba´lkakini tü´wi “Floor ledge;” the floor of one room raised above that of an adjoining one. Hako´la “Lower place;” the floor of a lower room. Sand dunes in a valley are called “Hakolpi.” Ko´ltci A shelf. Owako´ltci A stone shelf. Ta´pü kü´ita A support for a shelf. Wina´koltci A hewn plank shelf. Kokiüni A wooden peg in a wall. Tületa A shelf hanging from the ceiling. Tület´haipi The cords for suspending a shelf. Tükûlci A niche in the wall. Tükûli A stone mortar. Ma´ta The complete mealing apparatus for grinding corn. Owa´mata The trough or outer frame of stone slabs. Mata´ki The metate or grinding slab. Kakom´ta mata´ki The coarsest grinding slab. Tala´kî mata´ki The next finer slab; from “talaki” to parch crushed corn in a vessel at the fire. Piñ´nyümta mata´ki The slab of finest texture; from “pin,” fine. Ma´ta ü´tci The upright partition stones separating the metates. The rubbing stones have the same names as the metates. Hawi´wita A stone stairway. Tütü´beñ hawi´wita A stairway pecked into a cliff face. Sa´ka A ladder. Wina´hawi´pi Steps of wood. Ki´cka The covered way. Hitcu´yî´wa “Opening to pass through;” a narrow passage between houses. Ki´sombi “Place closed with houses;” courts and spaces between house groups. Bavwa´kwapi A gutter pipe inserted in the roof coping.

In kiva nomenclature the various parts of the roof have the same names as the corresponding features of the dwellings. These are described on pp. 148-151.

Le´stabi The main roof timbers. Wina´kwapi The smaller cross poles. Kaha´b kwapi The willow covering. Süibi kwapi The brush covering. Si´hü kwapi The grass covering. Tcuka´tcve wata The dry earth layer of the roof. Kiam´ba´lawi The layer of mud plaster on the roof. Kiami An entire roof.

The following terms are used to specially designate various features of the kivas:

Tüpat´caiata, Both of these terms are used to designate lestabi } the kiva hatchway beams upon which the Lesta´bkwapi, } hatchway walls rest. Süna´cabi le´stabi The main beams in the roof, nearest to the hatchway. Ĕp´eoka le´stabi The main beams next to the central ones. Püep´eoka le´stabi The main beams next in order, and all the beams intervening between the “epeoka” and the end beams are so designated. Kala´beoka lestabi The beams at the ends of a kiva. Mata´owa “Stone placed with hands.” Hüzrüowa “Hard stone.” Both of these latter terms are applied to corner foundation stones. Kwa´kü üt´cpi Moveable mat of reeds or sticks for covering hatchway opening, Fig. 29. “Kwaku,” wild hay; “utepi,” a stopper. Tüpat´caiata The raised hatchway; “the sitting place,” Fig. 95. Tüpat´caiata tü´kwa The walls of the hatchway. Kipat´ctjua´ta The kiva doorway; the opening into the hatchway, Fig. 28. Apa´pho´ya Small niches in the wall. “Apap,” from “apabi,” inside, and “hoya,” small. Si´papüh An archaic term. The etymology of this word is not known. Kwŏp´kota The fireplace. “Kwuhi,” coals or embers; “küaiti,” head. Kŏi´tci Pegs for drying fuel, fixed under the hatchway. “Ko-hu,” wood; Fig. 28. Kokü´ina Pegs in the walls. Sa´ka A ladder. This term is applied to any ladder. Figs. 45-47. Sa´kaleta Ladder rungs; “Leta,” from “lestabi;” see above. Tüvwibi The platform elevation or upper level of the floor. “Tu-vwi,” a ledge; Fig. 24. Tüvwi Stone ledges around the sides, for seats. The same term is used to designate any ledge, as that of a mesa, etc. Katcin´ Kibü “Katcina,” house. The niche in a ledge at the end of the kiva. Kwi´sa The planks set into the floor, to which the lower beam of a blanket loom is fastened. Kaintup´ha } Terms applied to the main floor; they both mean Kiva´kani } “the large space.” Tapü´wü´tci Hewn planks a foot wide and 6 to 8 feet long, set into the floor. Wina´wü´tci A plank. Owa´pühü´imiata “Stone spread out;” the flagged floor; also designates the slabs covering the hatchway. Yau´wiopi. Stones with holes pecked in the ends for holding the loom beam while the warp is being adjusted; also used as seats; see p. 132.

The accompanying diagram is an ideal section of a Tusayan four-story house, and gives the native names for the various rooms and terraces.

CONCLUDING REMARKS.

The modern villages of Tusayan and Cibola differ more widely in arrangement and in the relation they bear to the surrounding topography than did their predecessors even of historic times.

Many of the older pueblos of both groups appear to have belonged to the valley types--villages of considerable size, located in open plains or on the slopes of low-lying foothills. A comparison of the plans in Chapters II and III will illustrate these differences. In Tusayan the necessity of defense has driven the builders to inaccessible sites, so that now all the occupied villages of the province are found on mesa summits. The inhabitants of the valley pueblos of Cibola, although compelled at one time to build their houses upon the almost inaccessible summit of Tâaaiyalana mesa, occupied this site only temporarily, and soon established a large valley pueblo, the size and large population of which afforded that defensive efficiency which the Tusayan obtained only by building on mesa promontories. This has resulted in some adherence on the part of the Tusayan to the village plans of their ancestors, while at Zuni the great house clusters, forming the largest pueblo occupied in modern times, show a wide departure from the primitive types. In both provinces the architecture is distinguished from that of other portions of the pueblo region by greater irregularity of plan and by less skillfully executed constructional details; each group, however, happens to contain a notable exception to this general carelessness.

In Cibola the pueblo of Kin-tiel, built with a continuous defensive outer wall, occupies architecturally a somewhat anomalous position, notwithstanding its traditional connection with the group, and the Fire House occupies much the same relation in reference to Tusayan. The latter, however, does not break in upon the unity of the group, since the Tusayan, to a much greater extent than the Zuñi, are made up of remnants of various bands of builders. In Cibola, however, some of the Indians state that their ancestors, before reaching Zuñi, built a number of pueblos, whose ruins are distinguished from those illustrated in the present paper by the presence of circular kivas, this form of ceremonial room being, apparently, wholly absent from the Cibolan pueblos here discussed.

The people of Cibola and of Tusayan belong to distinct linguistic stocks, but their arts are very closely related, the differences being no greater than would result from the slightly different conditions that have operated within the last few generations. Zuñi, perhaps, came more directly under early Spanish influence than Tusayan.

Churches were established, as has been seen, in both provinces, but it is doubtful whether their presence produced any lasting impression on the people. In Tusayan the sway of the Spaniards was very brief. At some of the pueblos the churches seem to have been built outside of the village proper where ample space was available within the pueblo; but such an encroachment on the original inclosed courts seems never to have been attempted. Zuñi is an apparent exception; but all the house clusters east of the church have probably been built later than the church itself, the church court of the present village being a much larger area than would be reserved for the usual pueblo court. These early churches were, as a rule, built of adobe, even when occurring in stone pueblos. The only exception noticed is at Ketchipauan, where it was built of the characteristic Indian smoothly chinked masonry. The Spaniards usually intruded their own construction, even to the composition of the bricks, which are nearly always made of straw adobe.

At Tusayan there is no evidence that a church or mission house ever formed part of the villages on the mesa summits. Their plans are complete in themselves, and probably represent closely the first pueblos built on these sites. These summits have been extensively occupied only in comparatively recent times, although one or more small clusters may have been built here at an early date as outlooks over the fields in the valleys below.

It is to be noted that some of the ruins connected traditionally and historically with Tusayan and Cibola differ in no particular from stone pueblos widely scattered over the southwestern plateaus which have been from time to time invested with a halo of romantic antiquity, and regarded as remarkable achievements in civilization by a vanished but once powerful race. These deserted stone houses, occurring in the midst of desert solitudes, appealed strongly to the imaginations of early explorers, and their stimulated fancy connected the remains with “Aztecs” and other mysterious peoples. That this early implanted bias has caused the invention of many ingenious theories concerning the origin and disappearance of the builders of the ancient pueblos, is amply attested in the conclusions reached by many of the writers on this subject.

In connection with the architectural examination of some of these remains many traditions have been obtained from the present tribes, clearly indicating that some of the village ruins, and even cliff dwellings, have been built and occupied by ancestors of the present Pueblo Indians, sometimes at a date well within the historic period.

The migrations of the Tusayan clans, as described in the legends collected by Mr. Stephen, were slow and tedious. While they pursued their wanderings and awaited the favorable omens of the gods they halted many times and planted. They speak traditionally of stopping at certain places on their routes during a certain number of “plantings,” always building the characteristic stone pueblos and then again taking up the march.

When these Indians are questioned as to whence they came, their replies are various and conflicting; but this is due to the fact that the members of one clan came, after a long series of wanderings, from the north, for instance, while those of other gentes may have come last from the east. The tribe to-day seems to be made up of a collection or a confederacy of many enfeebled remnants of independent phratries and groups once more numerous and powerful. Some clans traditionally referred to as having been important are now represented by few survivors, and bid fair soon to become extinct. So the members of each phratry have their own store of traditions, relating to the wanderings of their own ancestors, which differ from those of other clans, and refer to villages successively built and occupied by them. In the case of others of the pueblos, the occupation of cliff dwellings and cave lodges is known to have occurred within historic times.

Both architectural and traditional evidence are in accord in establishing a continuity of descent from the ancient Pueblos to those of the present day. Many of the communities are now made up of the more or less scattered but interrelated remnants of gentes which in former times occupied villages, the remains of which are to-day looked upon as the early homes of “Aztec colonies,” etc.

The adaptation, of this architecture to the peculiar environment indicates that it has long been practiced under the same conditions that now prevail. Nearly all of the ancient pueblos were built of the sandstone found in natural quarries at the bases of hundreds of cliffs throughout these table-lands. This stone readily breaks into small pieces of regular form, suitable for use in the simple masonry of the pueblos without receiving any artificial treatment. The walls themselves give an exaggerated idea of finish, owing to the care and neatness with which the component stones are placed. Some of the illustrations in the last chapter, from photographs, show clearly that the material of the walls was much ruder than the appearance of the finished masonry would suggest, and that this finish depended on the careful selection and arrangement of the fragments. This is even more noticeable in the Chaco ruins, in which the walls were wrought to a high degrees of surface finish. The core of the wall was laid up with the larger and more irregular stones, and was afterwards brought to a smooth face by carefully filling in and chinking the joints with smaller stones and fragments, sometimes not more than a quarter of an inch thick; this method is still roughly followed by both Tusayan and Cibolan builders.

Although many details of construction and arrangement display remarkable adaptation to the physical character of the country, yet the influence of such environment would not alone suffice to produce this architectural type. In order to develop the results found, another element was necessary. This element was the necessity for defense. The pueblo population was probably subjected to the more or less continuous influence of this defensive motive throughout the period of their occupation of this territory. A strong independent race of people, who had to fear no invasion by stronger foes, would necessarily have been influenced more by the physical environment and would have progressed further in the art of building, but the motive for building rectangular rooms--the initial point of departure in the development of pueblo architecture--would not have been brought into action. The crowding of many habitations upon a small cliff ledge or other restricted site, resulting in the rectangular form of rooms, was most likely due to the conditions imposed by this necessity for defense.

The general outlines of the development of this architecture wherein the ancient builders were stimulated to the best use of the exceptional materials about them, both by the difficult conditions of their semi-desert environment and by constant necessity for protection against their neighbors, can be traced in its various stages of growth from the primitive conical lodge to its culmination in the large communal village of many-storied terraced buildings which we find to have been in use at the time of the Spanish discovery, and which still survives in Zuñi, perhaps its most striking modern example. Yet the various steps have resulted from a simple and direct use of the material immediately at hand, while methods gradually improved as frequent experiments taught the builders more fully to utilize local facilities. In all cases the material was derived from the nearest available source, and often variations in the quality of the finished work are due to variations in the quality of the stone near by. The results accomplished attest the patient and persistent industry of the ancient builders, but the work does not display great skill in construction or in preparation of material. The same desert environment that furnished such an abundance of material for the ancient builders, also, from its difficult and inhospitable character and the constant variations in the water supply, compelled the frequent employment of this material. This was an important factor in bringing about the attained degree of advancement in the building art. At the present day constant local changes occur in the water sources of these arid table-lands, while the general character of the climate remains unaltered.

The distinguishing characteristics of Pueblo architecture may be regarded as the product of a defensive motive and of an arid environment that furnished an abundance of suitable building material, and at the same time the climatic conditions that compelled its frequent employment.

The decline of the defensive motive within the last few years has greatly affected the more recent architecture. Even after the long practice of the system has rendered it somewhat fixed, comparative security from attack has caused many of the Pueblo Indians to recognize the inconvenience of dwellings grouped in large clusters on sites difficult of access, while the sources of their subsistence are necessarily sparsely scattered over large areas. This is noticeable in the building of small, detached houses at a distance from the main villages, the greater convenience to crops, flocks and water outweighing the defensive motive. In Cibola particularly, a marked tendency in this direction has shown itself within a score of years; Ojo Caliente, the newest of the farming pueblos, is perhaps the most striking example within the two provinces. The greater security of the pueblos as the country comes more fully into the hands of Americans, has also resulted in the more careless construction in modern examples as compared with the ancient.

There is no doubt that, as time shall go on, the system of building many-storied clusters of rectangular rooms will gradually be abandoned by these people. In the absence of the defensive motive a more convenient system, employing scattered small houses, located near springs and fields, will gradually take its place, thus returning to a mode of building that probably prevailed in the evolution of the pueblo prior to the clustering of many rooms into large defensive villages. Pl. LXXXIII illustrates a building of the type described located on the outskirts of Zuñi, across the river from the main pueblo.

The cultural distinctions between the Pueblo Indians and neighboring tribes gradually become less clearly defined as investigation progresses. Mr. Cushing’s study of the Zuñi social, political, and religious systems has clearly established their essential identity in grade of culture with those of other tribes. In many of the arts, too, such as weaving, ceramics, etc., these people in no degree surpass many tribes who build ruder dwellings.

In architecture, though, they have progressed far beyond their neighbors; many of the devices employed attest the essentially primitive character of the art, and demonstrate that the apparent distinction in grade of culture is mainly due to the exceptional condition of the environment.

Errors and Anomalies for “Pueblo Architecture”:

Unusual letters:

Ko´ⁿ-lo ... Nata´ⁿ Ko´[n]-lo ... Nata´[n] (small raised “n”) Wĭna´kü´i W[)i]na´kü´i (short “i”) Ĕp´eoka le´stabi [)E]p´eoka le´stabi (short “e”) Kwŏp´kota Kŏi´tci Kw[)o]p´kota ... K[)o]i´tci (short “o”)

Variant Forms, unchanged from original:

nyumu _sometimes hyphenated:_ nyu-mu Mashongnavi Shupaulovi Sichumovi _sometimes written with accent:_ Mashóngnavi Shupaúlovi Sichúmovi

Irregularities in Table of Contents: