Ecclesiastical History of England, Volume 2—The Church of the Commonwealth
CHAPTER XVIII.
The History which we are tracing in these pages resolves itself into a grand epic without any literary skill on the part of the historian. Commencing, as it does, with the opening of the Long Parliament, and ending with the death of Oliver Cromwell--it exhibits the Episcopal Church of England in the midst of its ancient grandeur on the very eve of its downfall; it indicates the causes of that catastrophe; it describes a new ecclesiastical system, which was immediately contrived to occupy the place of its predecessor; and it then unfolds another and a very simple scheme of religious instruction which was established, and superseded, in fact, the elaborate theory of the Westminster Divines. Soon after the opening of our story one character appeared, destined before long to be the commanding figure on the stage of events. Although Cromwell had only taken part with many others in effecting the overthrow of the Anglican Establishment, he, perhaps, of all the actors in those stirring times, most effectually contributed to prevent the full practical development of the Presbyterian polity in England; and most certainly to his genius and determination we must attribute the origin and defence of that unique ecclesiastical system which, during the Protectorate, constituted the Church of England.[563] Really the moral offspring of a revolution which overthrew despotic power, and asserted the right of man to freedom, Oliver was the most absolute ruler which this country ever saw; and in this respect it is obvious and easy to run a parallel between him and the first, if not the second, Napoleon. The cause of such a political phenomenon has been indicated. It is no strange thing. The world has witnessed it over and over again. But, in Cromwell's case, there was what in the case of the first Napoleon there was not;--what alas! amongst the masters of mankind has ever been too rare--a deep, strong, invincible faith in the Gospel of Jesus Christ. Not from policy, not as a piece of statecraft, but from a spiritual insight, and as a Christian duty--from love to the souls of men, and with a desire to advance the glory of God--did the Protector watch and foster, protect and promote, the interests of religion. As he was really the temporal head of that new Church, if such it may be termed; as he was the Defender of its Faith, as its existence was bound up with his authority, and as when he died its fate was sealed--the circumstances connected with the close of his eventful life, and the religious character of his last days, require to be related, in order that something approaching to completeness may be given to this imperfect work. With the death of Cromwell we wind up our history for the present.
[Sidenote: _Cromwell at Hampton Court._]
Hampton Court--which, with its manifold memories, has within the last few years become more familiar than ever to the people of this country--was the residence of his Highness in the month of July, 1658. In one of the chambers of Wolsey's Palace--of which palace three of the noblest courts were afterwards pulled down to make room for the buildings erected by William III.--the Lady Elizabeth Claypole, Cromwell's daughter, lay on her death-bed. As the rays of the summer sun, and the fragrance of the summer flowers, and the music of the summer birds entered the open window, Oliver watched with tender assiduity the declining health of his beloved child. For a fortnight he scarcely attended to public business; but day after day he sat bending over her dying pillow, engaged in earnest conversation with the sufferer, "though nobody was near enough to hear the particulars."[564] She expired on the 6th of August. Her father had himself been unwell for some days: although he enjoyed a strong constitution, the wear and tear of war and toil had left their impression, and amidst the suspense and anxiety of parental love--and only those who have actually, like Cromwell, passed through such circumstances, can fully understand their effect upon mind and body--some seeds of disease, already sown, began to appear. He had an attack of gout, and, being impatient of restraint, he requested his physicians to subdue the local affection. Disease soon appeared in other parts of the system, and for some days the Protector's illness assumed an alarming appearance.[565]
[Sidenote: _Cromwell at Hampton Court._]
Whilst remaining at Hampton Court, and only a few days after his daughter's death, "he called for his Bible,[566] and desired an honourable and godly person there (with others) present to read to him Philippians iv. 11-13:--'Not that I speak in respect of want, for I have learned, in whatsoever state I am, therewith to be content. I know both how to be abased, and I know how to abound. Everywhere and in all things I am instructed, both to be full and to be hungry, both to abound and to suffer need. I can do all things, through Christ which strengtheneth me.' Which read, said he, to use his own words:[567]--'This Scripture did once save my life; when my eldest son died, which went as a dagger to my heart, indeed it did.' And then, repeating the words of the text himself, declared his then thoughts to this purpose, reading the tenth and eleventh verses of Paul's contentation, and submission to the will of God in all conditions (said he), 'Tis true, Paul, _you_ have learned this, and attained to this measure of grace; but what shall _I_ do? Ah, poor creature, it is a hard lesson for me to take out! I find it so!' But reading on to the thirteenth verse, where Paul saith, 'I can do all things through Christ that strengtheneth me'--then faith began to work, and his heart to find support and comfort, and he said thus to himself: 'He that was Paul's Christ is my Christ too,' and so drew waters out of the wells of salvation, Christ in the Covenant of Grace."
[Sidenote: 1658.]
It was about this time that the famous interview between Oliver Cromwell and George Fox took place. The Quaker had shortly before sent a letter to Lady Claypole, written in a very characteristic manner, and beautifully exhorting her to "stillness, staidness, and quietness,"--that she might "know the shadow of the Almighty, and sit under it, in all tempests and storms and heats," and that she might feel the power of an endless life, which brings the immortal soul up to the immortal God.[568] And now one day, Fox, taking boat on the Thames at Westminster, was rowed up to Kingston, and from thence he went to Hampton Court, to speak with the Protector touching the sufferings of Friends. "I met him," says the journalist, "riding into Hampton Court Park, and before I came to him, as he rode at the head of his Life Guard, I saw and felt a waft (or apparition) of death go forth against him, and when I came to him, he looked like a dead man. After I had laid the sufferings of Friends before him, and had warned him, according as I was moved to speak to him, he bid me come to his house. So I returned to Kingston, and the next day went up to Hampton Court to speak further with him. But when I came he was sick, and Harvey, who was one that waited on him, told me the doctors were not willing I should speak with him. So I passed away, and never saw him more."[569]
[Sidenote: _Last Days in Whitehall._]
Cromwell was unwilling to leave the old country palace, with its pleasant park and gardens, but on the day of Lady Claypole's funeral at Westminster Abbey--the 10th of August--he came to Whitehall, only, however, to return speedily to his favourite retreat. On the 21st he was seized with a severe fit of ague, after which, as Hampton Court Palace was, in the judgment of the physicians, too near the river for the recovery of their patient; he, following their advice, returned to the palace at Whitehall, intending to take up his abode at St. James's, that regal residence of the Stuarts being at a greater distance from the water.
No dangerous symptoms appeared for a week, but Secretary Thurloe felt much apprehension respecting the condition of his Highness, and observed, in a letter to the Lord Deputy of Ireland: "It cannot but greatly affect us all towards God, and make us deeply sensible how much our dependence is upon Him, in whose hands is the life and breath of this His old servant; and if He should take him away from amongst us, how terrible a blow it would be to all the good people of the land; and that, therefore, we should be careful how we walk towards God, lest we provoke Him to depart from us, and bring upon us this great evil. The people of God here pray much for his recovery, and I hope those in Ireland will do the same, and to have his life spared and his strength restored by prayer, is a great addition to the mercy."[570]
[Sidenote: 1658.]
Cromwell did not believe himself in danger; and even after he took to his bed, he said to his wife: "I shall not die this bout, I am sure of it." "Do not think," addressing the physicians, "I am mad, I speak the words of truth upon surer grounds than Galen or Hippocrates. God Almighty has given me that answer, not only to my prayers but to those who have closer intimacy with Him than I. Proceed cheerfully, banishing all sadness, and dealing with me as you would with a serving man. You may have skill in the things of nature, but nature can do more than physicians can, and God is above even nature itself."[571]
The Protector's hopes of recovery were unfounded. His enthusiastic idea of particular faith in prayer misled him; but a better faith, happily, mingled itself with his characteristic infirmity. He had no fear of death;[572] and there is no reason to believe that his mind had undergone any change respecting spiritual confidence in Christ, since he wrote the following lines, in the year 1652, to his son-in-law, General Fleetwood:--
"Salute your dear wife from me. Bid her beware of a bondage spirit. Fear is the natural issue of such a spirit--the antidote is love. The voice of fear is: If I had done this, if I had avoided that, how well it had been with me! I know this hath been her vain reasoning; 'poor Biddy!'
"Love argueth in this wise: What a Christ have I; what a Father in and through Him! What a name hath my Father: _Merciful, gracious, long-suffering, abundant in goodness and truth; forgiving iniquity, transgression, and sin_. What a nature hath my Father: _He is love_; free in it, unchangeable, infinite! What a covenant between Him and Christ--for all the seed, for every one; wherein He undertakes all, and the poor soul nothing. The new covenant is grace--to or upon the soul; to which it, 'the soul,' is passive and receptive: _I'll do away their sins; I'll write my law_, &c.; _I'll put it in their hearts: they shall never depart from me_, &c.
"This commends the love of God: it's Christ dying for men _without_ strength, for men whilst sinners, whilst enemies. And shall we seek for the root of our comforts within us--what God hath done, what He is to us in Christ, 'this' is the root of our comfort: in this is stability; in us is weakness. Acts of obedience are not perfect, and therefore yield not perfect grace. Faith, as an act, yields it not; but 'only' as it carries us into Him, who is our perfect rest and peace; in whom we are accounted of, and received by, the Father--even as Christ Himself! This is our high calling. Rest we here, and here only."
[Sidenote: _Habit of Prayer._]
Cromwell's habit of prayer was continued throughout his life; and upon this subject strong testimony is borne by the person to whom we are indebted for the only authentic narrative of his last days. "Indeed, prayer, (as one calls it,) was his daily exercise, which he never neglected, notwithstanding all his weighty affairs; yea, the more weighty and urgent they were, the more he buckled to it, and sometimes with such fervour of spirit that he could not contain himself, but with great breakings of heart send up strong cries with tears unto God, heard when he hath not known any to be near him; so that it may be truly said of him, that, as he was a man (Abraham-like) strong in faith, so (like Jacob) mighty in prayer, and as a prince prevailing with God; such as, indeed, in all respects, this nation was never blest with to sit on the throne; however he was judged, and censured, and lightly set by, by many who were not sensible of our and their mercy, and who yet in time may be sensible (if God prevent not) of his remove, where his prayers are turned into everlasting praises."
[Sidenote: 1658.]
Before Cromwell's illness, arrangements had been made for summoning, by State authority, an assembly in London of Congregational Elders. Scobell, clerk of the Council of State, issued a notice, in the month of June, to such Elders as were resident in the metropolis, to meet at the Charter House; and both his name and the name of Griffith, who acted as minister of that charitable foundation, appear in a correspondence upon the subject of the conference carried on with ministers of several Churches in England and Wales.[573] A political sanction was thus given to the assembly; indeed it was convened by the authority of the Government: and the result appeared in a published Declaration of Faith and Order by the convention of delegates, who met in the palace of the Savoy after the death of the Protector. That convention, and the important document which it produced, come not within the space of time presented by this volume, but the preparations for it do: and those preparations, upon which very much obscurity rests, are connected with the final days and the last cares of Oliver's life. The desire for the meeting originated with the Independents, not with the Protector. He had shewn no favour towards a previous committee for defining theological boundaries of toleration; and he seems to have regarded with nothing like complacency, this new proposal for an authorized Synod of Congregational Divines to declare the principles of their faith and polity. Also there were persons about the Court who disliked it, from a fear lest it should separate more broadly than before, the Independents from the Presbyterians. His Highness, however, conceded the request for the sake of peace; and if he had lived to witness the issue, he would have found nothing in the Declaration, published by the ministers at the Savoy, to clash with those sentiments of catholic charity which were so dear to his heart. There might, however, be political intrigues in the background of this movement, for which the pastors of Churches were in no way responsible; and these might occasion anxiety to the dying ruler of England, who is reported to have said just before his death, to some who were opposed to the meeting and wished to prevent it, that its projectors must be satisfied,--"they must be satisfied, or we shall all run back into blood again."[574]
[Sidenote: _Chaplains._]
John Howe remained at Whitehall until after Cromwell's death, and his name appears amongst the chaplains who attended his funeral. No record, however, appears of his having been called to the bedside of the dying man--an omission which we lament, because the combined wisdom and tenderness of that eminent Divine and Pastor, in case of his having had an opportunity of performing his Christian ministrations in those solemn moments, would have afforded a guarantee for faithfulness and affection, in any counsels which he might have offered. Stories are told to the discredit of the chaplains who were known to be in attendance. It is said that one of them, when asked by Cromwell, "if it were possible to fall from grace," replied, "it is not possible." "Then," said the sufferer, "I am safe, for I know that I was once in grace." To leave any one in the last hours of life open to such a delusion, as the bald reply attributed to this spiritual adviser might seem to encourage, would be without excuse; but the story rests on no sufficient foundation.[575]
[Sidenote: 1658.]
Whatever common rumour might relate, the domestic letters and the dying words of Cromwell attest the _sincerity_ of his spiritual experience. It seems impossible that any human being could so successfully have worn the mask of hypocrisy in the privacies of life and in the moment of death. Of all hypotheses for explaining his character, the most monstrous is to set him down as playing the part of a wilful deceiver in his professions of religion. As if anticipating the uncharitable judgments of posterity, he had written to Fleetwood, in the year 1653: "I am in my temptation ready to say, 'Oh, that I had wings like a dove, then would I flee away and be at rest;' but this I fear is my 'haste.' I bless the Lord I have somewhat keeps me alive--some sparks of the light of His countenance; _and some sincerity above man's judgment_."[576] Nobody who has studied human nature can believe this passage to be a piece of clever affectation; he will rather pronounce it the unfeigned utterance of a thoughtful soul. And if ever an experience of the real Puritan type was luminously and honestly uttered, it was in the words which Oliver employed on his death-bed, according to a testimony on which we can rely.[577]
[Sidenote: _Last Words._]
"The Covenants," said the dying man, "they were two--two, but put into one before the foundation of the world." "It is holy and true, it is holy and true, it is holy and true! Who made it holy and true? Who kept it holy and true? The Mediator of the Covenant." "The Covenant is but one. Faith in the Covenant is my only support, yet if I believe not, He abides faithful." Enquiries and ejaculations were caught up at intervals, "Is there none that will come and praise God." "Whatsoever sins thou hast, doest, or shalt commit, if you lay hold upon free grace, you are safe, but if you put yourself under a Covenant of works, you bring yourself under the law, and so under the curse--then you are gone."[578] "Is there none that says, Who will deliver me from the peril?" "Man can do nothing, but God can do what He will." "Lord, Thou knowest, if I desire to live, it is to shew forth Thy praise, and declare Thy works. It is a fearful thing to fall into the hands of the living God." This was spoken three times, his repetitions usually being very weighty, and with great vehemency of spirit. "All the promises of God are in Him yea, and in Him, Amen; to the glory of God by us, by _us_ in Jesus Christ." "The Lord hath filled me with as much assurance of His pardon, and His love, as my soul can hold." "I think I am the poorest wretch that lives; but I love God, or rather, am beloved of God." "Herein is love, not that we love God, but that he loved us, and sent his Son to be the propitiation for our sins." "I am a conqueror, and more than a conqueror, through Christ that strengthened me." "Nay, in all these things we are more than conquerors through him that loved us." "My little children, these things write I unto you, that ye sin not. And if any man sin, we have an advocate with the Father, Jesus Christ the righteous." "Love not the world, neither the things that are in the world. If any man love the world, the love of the Father is not in him. For all that is in the world, the lust of the flesh, and the lust of the eyes, and the pride of life, is not of the Father, but is of the world. And the world passeth away, and the lust thereof: but he that doeth the will of God abideth for ever." "And now, little children, abide in him; that, when he shall appear, we may have confidence, and not be ashamed before him at his coming. If ye know that he is righteous, ye know that every one that doeth righteousness is born of him." "Little children, let no man deceive you, he that doeth righteousness is righteous, even as he is righteous." "My little children, let us not love in word, neither in tongue; but in deed and in truth." "Little children, keep yourselves from idols." "Love not the world, I say unto you it is not good that you should love the world."[579] "Children, live like Christians, and I leave you the Covenant to feed upon." "Truly God is good; indeed He is, He will not--" There his speech failed him, but as I apprehended it was: "He will not leave me." This saying that God was good, he frequently used all along, and would speak it with much cheerfulness and fervour of spirit in the midst of his pains. Again, he said: "I would be willing to live to be further serviceable to God and His people; but my work is done. Yet God will be with His people." He was very restless most part of the night, speaking often to himself. And there being something to drink offered him, he was desired to take the same, and endeavour to sleep, unto which he answered: "It is not my design to drink or sleep; but my design is, to make what haste I can to be gone."[580] Afterwards, towards morning using divers holy expressions, implying much inward consolation and peace; among the rest he spake some exceeding self-debasing words, annihilating and judging himself. And truly it was observed, that a public spirit to God's cause did breathe in him (as in his life time) so now to the very last, which will further appear by that prayer he put up to God two or three days before his end, which was as followeth: "Lord, although I am a miserable and wretched creature, I am in covenant with Thee through grace, and I may, I will, come to Thee, for Thy people. Thou hast made me (though very unworthy) a mean instrument to do them some good, and Thee service; and many of them have set too high a value upon me, though others wish and would be glad of my death; but, Lord, however Thou dost dispose of me, continue and go on to do good for them. Give them consistency of judgment, one heart, and mutual love: and go on to deliver them, and with the work of reformation; and make the name of Christ glorious in the world. Teach those who look too much upon Thy instruments, to depend more upon Thyself. Pardon such as desire to trample upon the dust of a poor worm, for they are Thy people too. And pardon the folly of this short prayer. Even for Jesus Christ's sake. And give us a good night, if it be Thy pleasure. Amen."[581]
[Sidenote: _Death._]
Oliver died on the 3rd of September, "it having been to him," says the Court Newspaper announcing his death, "a day of triumphs and thanksgiving for the memorable victories of Dunbar and Worcester; a day which after so many strange revolutions of Providence, high contradictions, and wicked conspiracies of unreasonable men, he lived once again to see, and then to die, with great assurances and serenity of mind, peaceably in his bed. Thus it hath proved to him to be a day of triumph indeed, there being much of Providence in it, that after so glorious crowns of victory placed on his head by God on this day, having neglected an earthly crown, he should now go to receive the crown of everlasting life."[582]
The passages we have cited have an interest beyond their bearing upon the Protector's character. They are specimens of the domestic and social piety of the age. Letters like his in tone and spirit, varying in intellectual conception and style of language, passed in those days by thousands over the rough roads of broad England in the pocket of some friendly traveller or in the postman's bag. So fathers and mothers, and parents and children, and brothers and sisters, wrote to one another, feeling every word they wrote--living under a deep apprehension of those higher bonds which unite souls to souls, families to families, Churches to Churches, and all to God and Christ. Hopes and fears, and joys and sorrows, such as the Protector expressed, although utterly unreal to multitudes of their neighbours, were experienced by many a man and woman in those times, and were to them as real as the everlasting hills or the unchanging stars.
[Sidenote: 1658.]
The ruler, in mortal agony,[583] by his faith and prayers, presents a luminous contrast to another death-scene at Whitehall, a few years afterwards, when a different spirit passed away amidst symbols of popish superstition, the accessories of an abandoned Court, and the memories of a sensual life. But, beyond that contrast, and apart from all circumstances of royal splendour; dismissing from our minds images of the quaint magnificence of the sick chamber in Whitehall, with its, perhaps, tapestried walls and bed of damask hangings, and the figures of generals, chaplains, and state servants, clustering round the form wasted by disease, and the countenance growing pale in death; putting aside, also, the memory of the marvellous career of the departing soldier and statesman of the Commonwealth--we meet in Cromwell's last words with an expression of the inmost soul of many a Puritan in such dark nights, doing battle with the last enemy. Nor, perhaps in the sorrows of his beloved family, and the sympathies of brother generals, and the intercessions of attached chaplains, was there more of religious affection than gathered about other pilgrims at that era, whilst at last they were laying down all life's heavy burdens at once and for ever. Such sentiments were often heard, such consolations were often imparted, and such prayers, whatever of infirmity there might be clinging to them, often went up to the throne of grace: but on account of Oliver's high position, and the vast interests which depended on his life, there would be in his case additional grounds for earnestness and the inspiration of a much wider sympathy. Thurloe wrote to the Protector's son Henry, when all was over, "that never was there any man so prayed for as he was during sickness; solemn assemblies meeting every day to beseech the Lord for the continuance of his life, so that he is gone to heaven embalmed with the tears of his people and upon the wings of the prayers of the saints."[584] And in these impassioned supplications we can see even now the reflection of a devout temper then very common; and in the parish congregations, and the church gatherings of that day, may be recognized the interest felt in the life of one who was the pillar of their strength, and the shield of their freedom.
APPENDIX.
I.--VOL. I. 137.
_Passages from Letters in the State Paper Office Respecting the Trial of the Earl of Strafford._
N. TOMKYNS. APRIL 12th, 1641.
"On Saturday morning the Earl of Strafford being come to Westminster Hall, and both Houses sitting in the presence of the King, the Commons desired they might enlarge their charge upon the 23rd Article, whereupon the Earl also desired he might enlarge his answer upon the 2nd, and 21st, and 23rd Articles;[585] the Lords retiring to their own House returned with this resolution, that they held it equal if the Commons added anything _de novo_, that the Earl should also have the like liberty. The Commons, not satisfied therewith, much pressed that they had formerly had a saving granted them, but the Earl had none. The Earl said he had humbly besought the Lords, (his judges,) that he might have the like saving, and he hoped it would be held reasonable, that if new objections were made, he should have permission to make new answers to them, being for his life. Hereupon the Lords met again to consult in their own House with the judges, and after half an hour's stay returned, and the Earl Marshal delivered their opinion to be the same that before it was; that if the Commons should enforce their charge in any point or bring any new matter (though for the King) the Earl should have the like freedom to plead for himself; which so soon as the Commons heard a great number of the precise part cried, 'Withdraw, withdraw,' and the Lords immediately thereupon cried, 'Adjourn, adjourn,' and so both Houses went in little better than [a] tumultuous manner from the Hall to their several houses, where they did little, but agreed only to meet in the afternoon. The King laughed, (as my author says) and the Earl of Strafford was so well pleased therewith, that he could not hide his joy, being now _sine die_ for any further proceeding.
In the Commons' House after dinner, after much debate what course they should take for the punishment of so great an incendiary, Sir Arthur Haselrigge drew out of his pocket a Bill, (supposed to have been prepared before that day), for the Earl's attainder, and punishment by death, (hanging, drawing, and quartering,) which Bill was, with much ado, kept from being read again the same afternoon--now the secret of their taking this way is conceived to be to prevent the hearing of the Earl's lawyers, who give out that there is no law yet in force whereby he can be condemned to die for ought that hath been yet objected against him, and therefore their intent is by this Bill to supply the defect of the laws therein. And to make him more odious, a paper was that afternoon produced and read in the Commons' House, which young Sir H. Vane is said to have found casually in his father's study (as notes of passages at the council table) wherein strange speeches of the said Earl were quoted, touching the curbing of the people, and introducing an arbitrary government, and also of the Lord Cottington's, and some others tending to the same end--about which paper both their majesties are said to be much offended with Mr. Secretary Vane."
N. TOMKYNS, APRIL 26th, 1641.
"There is a difference at present between the two Houses of Parliament, the Commons desire (now that the Bill against the Earl of Strafford is presented) to sit at the hearing of his counsel, as co-judges with the Lords, with their hats on, to which the Lords not assenting, the Commons are now content to sit as they did in Westminster Hall, uncovered, so be that the Lords will please to come as a Committee without their robes, to which the Lords having not yet yielded the controversy is not yet ended. Besides, Sir H. Vane's deposition touching the Earl of Strafford is lost by the Clerk of the Higher House, who cannot give any account how it went out of his hands; and in a copy thereof, since found, great difference is found in the same by the altering, or rather by the adding of one letter, (t) for whereas it was in the original that the Earl should say his Majesty might by the army reduce the kingdom _here_ it is _there_ in this copy, and so refers to Ireland only.
Another paper touching Sir H. Vane also is lost by the Select Committee of the Lower House, it lying upon Mr. Pym's table, whereas five others were present, viz., Lord Digby, Sir Walter Erle, Sir John Clotworthy, Mr. Hampden, and Mr. Maynard, which occasioned a variance and reproaching one another publicly, each one making their personal protestations of being guiltless therein. The suspicion fell most on the Lord Digby, who was last in the chamber, and had said to some of them that Mr. Pym should do well to have more care of his papers, than to let them lie so loose. The Lord protested his own innocence, and said it must be some unworthy man, who had his eye upon place and preferment; wherein he was supposed to allude to Mr. Pym himself, who hath been with the King twice of late, and since the Lord Cottington laid his office at the King's feet, is designed by the voice of the people to be his successor in the Chancellorship of the Exchequer."
It is curious to observe, in the first of these letters, that the account of the effect produced by the confusion, is different from the impression conveyed by Nalson, ii. 102, as well as by Baillie, i. 346. The letter is inconsistent with Rushworth's statement, that the Bill of Attainder was twice read on the 10th of April.--_Strafford's Trial_, 45.
* * * * *
Verney, in his "Notes of Proceedings in the Long Parliament," p. 37, reports in detail the account given by Mr. Coggin and Sir H. Vane the younger, of the way in which the famous paper was "casually" found.
Clarendon charges the father with having given the principal information for the "whole prosecution," _Hist._ 92; and, perhaps, the words in Tomkins' first letter about the King's displeasure towards him points to a suspicion of that kind.
II.--VOL. I. 152.
PLAN OF CHURCH REFORM PRESENTED TO THE HOUSE OF COMMONS.
JUNE 11th, 1641.--The Commons, in a Grand Committee, of whom Mr. Hyde, Member for Saltash, was chairman, resumed the consideration of the Bill against Episcopacy; when the following scheme of Alterations in the government of the Church was proposed to the House:--
I.--"That every several Shire of England and Wales be a several Circuit or Diocese for the Ecclesiastic Jurisdiction, excepting Yorkshire, which is to be divided into three.
II.--"A constant Presbytery of twelve choice Divines, to be selected in every Shire or Diocese.
III.--"A constant President to be established as a Bishop over this Presbytery.
IV.--"The Bishop in each Diocese to ordain, suspend, deprive, degrade, and excommunicate, by and with the consent and assistance of seven Divines of his Presbytery, then present, and not else.
V.--"The times of Ordination throughout the land to be four times in the year, viz., the 1st of _May_, 1st of _August_, 1st of _November_, and the 1st of _February_.
VI.--"Every Bishop constantly to reside within his diocese, in some one chief city or town within his diocese.
VII.--"Every Bishop to have one special particular congregation, to be chosen out of the most convenient place for distance from his chief residence, and the richest in value that may be had; where he shall duly preach, unless he be lawfully hindered, and then shall take care his cure be well supplied by another.
VIII.--"No Bishop shall remove or be translated from the Bishopric which he shall first undertake.
IX.--"Upon every death or other avoidance of a Bishopric, the King to grant a _congé d'élire_ to all the clergy of the whole diocese, they to present three of the Presbytery aforesaid, and the King to choose and nominate whom he pleaseth of them.
X.--"The first Presbytery of every Shire to be named by Parliament; and afterwards upon the death or other avoidance of any Presbyter, the remaining Presbyters to choose one other out of the parish ministers of that Shire, and this to be done within one month next after such death or avoidance.
XI.--"No Bishop or clergyman to exercise or have any temporal office, or secular employment; but only for the present, to hold and keep the Probate of Wills, until the Parliament shall otherwise resolve.
XII.--"The Bishop once a year, at Midsummer, to summon a diocesan synod: there to hear, and by general vote, to determine all such matters of scandal in life and doctrine amongst clergymen, as shall be presented unto them.
XIII.--"Every three years a national synod to be held, which shall consist of all the Bishops in the land; of two Presbyters, to be chosen by the rest out of each Presbytery; and of two clerks, to be chosen out of every diocese by the Clergy thereof.
XIV.--"This national synod to make and ordain Canons for the government of the Church, but they not to bind until they be confirmed by Parliament.
XV.--"Every Bishop to have over and above the benefice aforesaid, a certain constant rent allowed to be allotted proportional to the diocese wherein he is to officiate.
XVI.--"Every Presbyter to have a constant yearly profit above his benefice. 'As for the revenue of the Bishops, Deans, and Chapters, &c., a strict survey to be taken of all their rents and profits; and the same to be represented at the beginning of the next convention; and in the mean time no lease to be renewed nor timber to be felled.'"
III.--VOL. I. 280.
THE ARTICLES OF THE CHURCH OF ARTICLES OF THE CHURCH OF ENGLAND. ENGLAND, REVISED AND ALTERED BY THE ASSEMBLY OF DIVINES AT WESTMINSTER, IN THE YEAR 1643.
ARTICLE I. ARTICLE I.
_Of Faith in the Holy Trinity._ _Of Faith in the Holy Trinity._
"There is but one living and true "There is but one living and true God, everlasting, without body, God, everlasting, without body, parts, or passions; of infinite parts, or passions; of infinite power, wisdom, and goodness, the power, wisdom, and goodness, the maker and preserver of all things maker and preserver of all things both visible and invisible. And both visible and invisible. And in unity of this Godhead there be in unity of this Godhead there be three persons of one substance, three persons of one substance, power, and eternity, the Father, power, and eternity, the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost. the Son, and the Holy Ghost.
II. II.
_Of the Word, or Son of God, _Of the Word, or Son of God, which was made very Man._ which was made very Man._
The Son, which is the Word of The Son, which is the Word of the Father, begotten from the Father, begotten from everlasting of the Father, the everlasting of the Father, the very and eternal God, of one very and eternal God, of one substance with the Father, took substance with the Father, took man's nature in the womb of the man's nature in the womb of the blessed Virgin, of her substance; blessed so that Virgin, of her two whole and perfect natures, substance: so that two whole and that is to say the Godhead and perfect natures, that is to say manhood, were joined together in the Godhead and the manhood, were one person, never to be divided, joined together in one person, whereof is one Christ, very God never to be divided, whereof is and very man, who truly suffered, one Christ very God and very man, was crucified, dead and buried, who for our sakes truly suffered to reconcile His Father to us, most grievous torments in His and to be a sacrifice not only soul from God, was crucified, for original guilt but also for dead, and buried, to reconcile all actual sins of men. His Father to us, and to be a sacrifice, not only for original guilt, but also for actual sins of men.
III. III.
_Of the going down of Christ As Christ died for us, and was into Hell._ buried, so it is to be believed that He continued in the state of As Christ died for us, and was the dead, and under the power and buried, so also is it to be dominion of death, from the time believed that He went down into of His death and burial until His hell. resurrection, which hath been otherwise expressed thus: He went down into hell.
IV. IV.
_Of the Resurrection of Christ._ _Of the Resurrection of Christ._
Christ did truly rise again from Christ did truly rise again from death, and took again His body, death, and took again His body, with flesh, bones, and all things with flesh, bones, and all things appertaining to the perfection of appertaining to the perfection of man's nature, wherewith He man's nature, wherewith He ascended into heaven and there ascended into heaven, and there sitteth, until He return to judge sitteth, until He return to judge all men at the last day. all men at the general resurrection of the body at the last day.
V. V.
_Of the Holy Ghost._ _Of the Holy Ghost._
The Holy Ghost, proceeding The Holy Ghost is very and from the Father and the Son, is eternal God, of one substance, of one substance, majesty, and majesty, and glory with the glory with the Father and the Father and the Son, proceeding Son, very and eternal God. from the Father and the Son.
VI. VI.
_Of the Sufficiency of the Holy _Of the Sufficiency of the Holy Scriptures for Salvation._ Scriptures for Salvation._
Holy Scripture containeth all Holy Scripture containeth all things necessary to salvation; so things necessary to salvation, so that whatsoever is not read that whatsoever is not read therein, nor may be proved therein, nor may be proved thereby, is not to be required of thereby, is not to be believed as any man, that it should be an article of faith, or necessary believed as an article of the to salvation. faith, to be thought requisite or necessary to salvation. In the By the name of holy Scripture name of the holy Scripture we do we understand all the canonical understand those canonical Books Books of the Old and New of the Old and New Testament, of Testament which follow. _Of the whose authority was never any Old Testament_--Genesis, Exodus, doubt in the Church. &c. _Of the New Testament_--The Gospel of St. Matthew, &c. All Of the names and number of which Books, as they are commonly the canonical Books, Genesis, received, we do receive, and Exodus, Leviticus, Numbers, &c. acknowledge them to be given by And the other books (as Hierome the inspiration of God, and in saith) the Church doth read for that regard to be of most certain example of life and instruction credit, and highest authority. of manners; but yet doth it not apply them to establish any doctrine: Such are these following:--Third of Esdras, Fourth of Esdras, Book of Tobias, Judith, &c. All the Books of the New Testament, as they are commonly received, we do receive, and account them for canonical.
VII. VII.
_Of the Old Testament._ _Of the Old Testament._
The Old Testament is not contrary The Old Testament is not contrary to the New; for both in the to the New, in the doctrine Old and New Testament everlasting contained in them, for both in the life is offered to mankind by Old and New Testament everlasting Christ, who is the only mediator life is offered to mankind by between God and man, being both Christ, who is the only mediator God and man. Wherefore they are between God and man, being both not to be heard which fain that God and man. Wherefore they are the old Fathers did look only for not to be heard which feign that transitory promises. Although the the old Fathers did look only for law given from God by Moses, as temporary promises. Although the touching ceremonies and rites, do law given from God by Moses, as not bind Christian men, nor the touching ceremonies and rites, do civil precepts thereof ought of not bind Christians; nor the necessity to be received in any civil precepts given by Moses, Commonwealth; yet, such as were peculiarly fitted to notwithstanding, no Christian the Commonwealth of the Jews, are man whatsoever is free from the of necessity to be received in obedience of the Commandments any Commonwealth; yet, which are called moral. notwithstanding, no Christian man whatsoever is free from the obedience of the Commandments which are called moral. By the moral law we understand all the Ten Commandments, taken in their full extent.
VIII.
_Of the Three Creeds._
The Three Creeds, Nice Creed, Athanasius' Creed, and that which is commonly called the Apostles' Creed, ought throughly to be received and believed; for they may be proved by most certain warrants of holy Scripture.
IX. IX.
_Of Original or Birth Sin._ _Of Original or Birth Sin._
Original sin standeth not in the Original sin standeth not in the following of Adam (as the following of Adam, as the Pelagians do vainly talk), but it Pelagians do vainly talk; but is the fault and corruption of together with his first sin the nature of every man, that imputed, it is the fault and naturally is engendered of the corruption of the nature of every offspring of Adam, whereby man is man, that naturally is propagated very far gone from original from Adam; whereby man is wholly righteousness, and is of his own deprived of original nature inclined to evil, so that righteousness, and is of his own the flesh lusteth always contrary nature inclined only to evil, so to the Spirit, and therefore in that the lust of the flesh, every person born into this world, called in Greek Φρόνημα σαρκὸς, it deserveth God's wrath and which some do expound the wisdom, damnation. And this infection of some sensuality, some the nature doth remain, yea in them affection, some the desire of the that are regenerated, whereby the flesh, is not subject to the law lust of the flesh, called in of God, and therefore in every Greek Φρόνημα σαρκὸς, which some person born into this world it do expound the wisdom, some deserveth God's wrath and sensuality, some the affection, damnation. And this infection of some the desire of the flesh, is nature doth remain, yea in them not subject to the law of God. And that are regenerate, whereby the although there is no condemnation flesh lusteth always contrary to for them that believe and are the Spirit. And although there is baptized, yet the Apostle doth no condemnation for them that are confess that concupiscence and regenerate, and do believe, yet lust hath of itself the nature of the apostle doth confess that sin. concupiscence and lust is truly and properly sin.
X. X.
_Of Free Will._ _Of Free Will._
The condition of man after the The condition of man after the fall of Adam is such, that he fall of Adam is such that he cannot turn and prepare himself by cannot turn or prepare himself, his own natural strength and good by his own natural strength and works to faith and calling upon good works, to faith and calling God. Wherefore we have no power upon God, wherefore we have no to do good works, pleasant and power to do good works pleasing acceptable to God, without the and acceptable to God, without grace of God by Christ preventing the grace of God by Christ, both us, that we may have a good will, preventing us, that we may have a and working with us, when we have good will, and working so that goodwill. effectually in us, as that it determineth our will to that which is good, and also working with us when we have that will unto good.
XI. XI.
_Of the Justification of Man._ _Of the Justification of Man before God._ We are accounted righteous before God, only for the merit of We are justified, that is, we are our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, accounted righteous before God, by faith, and not for our own and have remission of sins, not works or deservings. Wherefore, for, nor by our own works or that we are justified by faith deservings, but freely by His only is a most wholesome doctrine, grace, only for our Lord and and very full of comfort, as more Saviour Jesus Christ's sake, His largely is expressed in the whole obedience and satisfaction homily of justification. being by God imputed unto us, and Christ with His righteousness being apprehended and rested on by faith only. The doctrine of justification by faith only is an wholesome doctrine, and very full of comfort, notwithstanding God doth not forgive them that are impenitent, and go on still in their trespasses.
XII. XII.
_Of Good Works._ _Of Good Works._
Albeit that good works, which Good works, which are the fruits are the fruits of faith, and of faith, and follow after follow after justification, justification, cannot put away cannot put away our sins, and our sins, and endure the severity endure the severity of God's of God's judgment; yet are they, judgment, yet are they pleasing notwithstanding their and acceptable to God in Christ, imperfections, in the sight of and do spring out necessarily of God pleasing and acceptable unto a true and lively faith, insomuch Him in and for Christ, and do that by them a lively faith may spring out necessarily of a true be as evidently known as a tree and lively faith, insomuch that discerned by the fruit. by them a lively faith may be evidently known, as a tree discerned by the fruits.
XIII. XIII.
_Of Works before Justification._ _Of Works before Justification._
Works done before the grace of Works done before justification Christ, and the inspiration of by Christ, and regeneration by His Spirit, are not pleasant to His Spirit, are not pleasing unto God, forasmuch as they spring not God, forasmuch as they spring not of faith in Jesus Christ, neither of faith in Jesus Christ; neither do they make men meet to receive do they make men meet to receive grace, or (as the school authors grace, or (as the school authors say) deserve grace of congruity; say) deserve grace of congruity; yea, rather, for that they are yea rather, for that they are not not done as God hath willed and done as God hath willed and commanded them to be done, we commanded them to be done, they doubt not but they have the are sinful. nature of sin.
XIV. XIV.
_Of the Works of Supererogation._ _Of Works of Supererogation._
Voluntary works besides, over Voluntary works, besides, over and above God's commandments, and above God's commandments, which they call works of which they call _works of supererogation, cannot be taught supererogation_, cannot be taught withoutarrogancy and impiety. For without arrogancy and impiety; by them men do declare that they for by them men do declare that do not only render unto God as they do not only render unto God much as they are bound to do, but as much as they are bound to do, that they do more for His sake but that they do more for His than of bounden duty is required; sake than of bounden duty is whereas Christ saith plainly, required; whereas Christ saith When ye have done all that are plainly, When you have done all commanded to you, say, we be those things that are commanded unprofitable servants. you, say, we are unprofitable servants, we have done that which was our duty to do.
XV. XV.
_Of Christ alone without Sin._ _Of Christ alone without Sin._
Christ, in the truth of our Christ in the truth of our nature, was made like unto us in nature was made like unto us in all things (sin only except) from all things, sin only excepted, which He was clearly void, both from which He was clearly void in His flesh and in His spirit. both in His flesh and in His He came to be a lamb without spirit. He came to be the lamb spot, who by sacrifice of Himself without spot, who by sacrifice once made, should take away the of Himself once made, should take sins of the world; and sin (as away the sins of the world, and St. John saith) was not in Him. sin (as St. John saith) was not But all we the rest (although in Him. But all we the rest, baptized, and born again in although baptized and regenerate, Christ) yet offend in many yet offend in many things, and if things; and if we say we have no we say we have no sin, we deceive sin we deceive ourselves, and the ourselves, and the truth is not truth is not in us. in us.
CHARLES HERLE, Prolocutor. HENRY ROBROUGH, Scriba. ADONIRAM BYFIELD, Scriba.
N.B.--The Assembly proceeded no further in the revisal."--_Neal_, iii. 555-563.
IV.--VOL. I. 294.
COPY OF THE SOLEMN LEAGUE AND COVENANT.
We Noblemen, Barons, Knights, Gentlemen, Citizens, Burgesses, Ministers of the Gospel, and Commons of all sorts in the kingdoms of _England_, _Scotland_, and _Ireland_, by the Providence of God living under one King, and being of one reformed religion, having before our eyes the glory of God, and the advancement of the kingdom of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, the honour and happiness of the King's majesty and his posterity, and the true public liberty, safety, and peace of the kingdoms, wherein every one's private condition is included, and calling to mind the treacherous and bloody plots, conspiracies, attempts, and practices of the enemies of God against the true religion and professors thereof in all places, especially in these three kingdoms, ever since the reformation of religion, and how much their rage, power, and presumption are of late, and at this time increased and exercised, whereof the deplorable estate of the Church and kingdom of _Ireland_, the distressed estate of the Church and kingdom of _England_, and the dangerous estate of the Church and kingdom of _Scotland_, are present and public testimonies, we have (now at last) after other means of supplication, remonstrance, protestations, and sufferings, for the preservation of ourselves and our religion from utter ruin and destruction, according to the commendable practice of these kingdoms in former times, and the example of God's people in other nations, after mature deliberation, resolved and determined to enter into a mutual and solemn League and Covenant, wherein we all subscribe, and each one of us for himself, with our hands lifted up to the most high God, do swear:--
I.--That we shall sincerely, really, and constantly, thro' the grace of God, endeavour in our several places and callings, the preservation of the reformed religion in the Church of Scotland, in doctrine, worship, discipline, and government, against our common enemies; the reformation of religion in the kingdoms of England and Ireland, in doctrine, worship, discipline, and government, according to the Word of God, and the example of the best reformed churches; and we shall endeavour to bring the Churches of God in the three kingdoms to the nearest conjunction and uniformity in religion, confessing of faith, form of Church government, Directory for worship and catechising, that we, and our posterity after us, may, as brethren, live in faith and love, and the Lord may delight to dwell in the midst of us.
II.--That we shall in like manner, without respect of persons, endeavour the extirpation of Popery, Prelacy, (that is, Church-government by Archbishops, Bishops, their Chancellors and Commissaries, Deans, Deans and Chapters, Archdeacons, and all other ecclesiastical officers, depending on that hierarchy), superstition, heresy, schism, profaneness, and whatsoever shall be found to be contrary to sound doctrine and the power of godliness, lest we partake in other men's sins, and thereby be in danger to receive of their plagues, and that the Lord may be one, and His Name one in the three kingdoms.
III.--We shall with the same sincerity, reality, and constancy, in our several vocations, endeavour with our estates and lives mutually to preserve the rights and privileges of the Parliaments, and the liberties of the kingdoms, and to preserve and defend the King's Majesty's person and authority, in the preservation and defence of the true religion and liberties of the kingdoms, that the world may bear witness with our consciences of our loyalty, and that we have no thoughts or intentions to diminish his Majesty's just power and greatness.
IV.--We shall also with all faithfulness endeavour the discovery of all such as have been or shall be incendiaries, malignants, or evil instruments, by hindering the reformation of religion, dividing the King from his people, or one of the kingdoms from another, or making any faction or parties amongst the people, contrary to the League and Covenant, that they may be brought to public trial, and receive condign punishment, as the degree of their offences shall require or deserve, or the supreme judicatories of both kingdoms respectively, or others having power from them for that effect, shall judge convenient.
V.--And whereas the happiness of a blessed peace between these kingdoms, denied in former times to our progenitors, is by the good providence of God granted unto us, and hath been lately concluded and settled by both Parliaments, we shall each one of us, according to our places and interest, endeavour that they may remain conjoined in a firm peace and union to all posterity, and that justice may be done upon the wilful opposers thereof in manner expressed in the precedent articles.
VI.--We shall also, according to our places and callings, in this common cause of religion, liberty, and peace of the kingdom, assist and defend all those that enter into this League and Covenant, in the maintaining and pursuing thereof, and shall not suffer ourselves directly or indirectly, by whatsoever combination, persuasion, or terror, to be divided and withdrawn from this blessed union and conjunction, whether to make defection to the contrary part, or give ourselves to a detestable indifferency or neutrality in this cause, which so much concerneth the glory of God, the good of the kingdoms, and the honour of the King; but shall all the days of our lives zealously and constantly continue therein, against all opposition, and promote the same according to our power against all lets and impediments whatsoever; and what we are not able ourselves to suppress or overcome we shall reveal and make known, that it may be timely prevented or removed; all which we shall do as in the sight of God.
And because these kingdoms are guilty of many sins, and provocations against God, and His Son Jesus Christ, as is too manifest by our present distresses and dangers, the fruits thereof, we profess and declare before God and the world our unfeigned desire to be humbled for our sins, and for the sins of these kingdoms, especially that we have not, as we ought, valued the inestimable benefit of the Gospel, that we have not laboured for the purity and power thereof, and that we have not endeavoured to receive Christ in our hearts, nor to walk worthy of Him in our lives, which are the causes of other sins and transgressions so much abounding amongst us; and our true and unfeigned purpose, desire, and endeavour for ourselves, and all others under our power and charge, both in public and in private, in all duties we owe to God and man, to amend our lives, and each one to go before another in the example of a real reformation, that the Lord may turn away His wrath and heavy indignation, and establish these Churches and kingdoms in truth and peace; and this covenant we make in the presence of Almighty God, the searcher of all hearts, with a true intention to perform the same, as we shall answer at that great day, when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed, most humbly beseeching the Lord to strengthen us by His Holy Spirit for this end, and to bless our desires and proceedings with such success as may be a deliverance and safety to His people, and encouragement to the Christian Churches groaning under, or in danger of the yoke of anti-Christian tyranny, to join in the same or like association and Covenant, to the glory of God, the enlargement of the kingdom of Jesus Christ, and the peace and tranquillity of Christian kingdoms and commonwealths.--_Rushworth_ v. 478.
V.--VOL. I. 329.
RESPECTING THE MINUTES OF THE WESTMINSTER ASSEMBLY.
The question has often been asked, "What became of the minutes of the Assembly kept by the scribes?" It has been said by some, they were burnt in the fire of London; by others, that they were destroyed (1834) in the fire which burnt down the House of Commons ("Hetherington's Hist. of the Westminster Assembly," preface v.) Whether it be the case that some MS. records of the proceedings were so consumed I have no means of ascertaining. But certainly there exist in Dr. Williams' library, minutes of the Assembly's business, in the handwriting of Adoniram Byfield, one of the scribes. As so many incorrect accounts of these MSS. have been given, I am glad to be able to present the following description of them, drawn up from the carefully-prepared but unprinted catalogue of Dr. Williams' MSS. by Mr. Black, and from my own examination of the papers. They consist of three volumes, and contain minutes of the sessions of the Assembly of Divines from August the 4th, 1643, to April the 24th, 1652, and what are, apparently, the rough notes of proceedings, debates, and orders of the Assembly, taken for the most part by Adoniram Byfield, one of the scribes.
On the fly-leaf of the first volume is a list of members, amongst whom the sum of £100 had been distributed in sums of £5 each, according to the decision of a Committee (Sept. 8th, 1643) "appointed to dispose of the £100, allotted by the order of Parliament, to such persons as they shall find to have most need thereof, for supply of their present necessities."--Vol. i. 24.
This volume contains heads and particulars, in many cases very brief, of speeches delivered in the Assembly, with the names of speakers appended in the margin, as well as lists of resolutions passed, and various other memoranda. The proceedings of sessions thus reported extend from August the 4th, 1643, to April the 11th, 1644.
The second volume embraces similar minutes from the 12th of April to the 15th of August, 1644, with a list of members prefixed. Some of the notes are written in shorthand by a different scribe; but however unintelligible the shorthand may be, it is not much more so than Mr. Byfield's longhand in some places.
Vol. iii. gives further minutes from November the 18th, 1644, to March the 25th, 1652. The late ones are briefly, but more distinctly recorded, in the handwriting of better scribes than Byfield.
"The latest sessions relate almost exclusively to examinations for ordinations for livings, in relation to which an original paper was found loose in the book, now inserted in its proper place, where the name occurs--viz.: testimonial from R. Robinson in favour of Mr. Gilson, M.A., and fellow of C.C.C., Oxon., 14th March, 1650-51."
Some of the papers in this volume are carelessly arranged, but they contain only trivial memoranda.
There are bound up in this volume Minutes of Provincial Assemblies holden at Sion College, and elsewhere in London, from the 27th of November, 1650, to the 9th of April, 1655.
"It does not appear when these volumes were deposited in this library. They came most probably with Morrice's MSS."
Mention has often been made of there being in Dr. Williams' library fourteen or fifteen small volumes of the Assembly's transactions, by Dr. Thomas Goodwin. No manuscript notes by Goodwin can there be found. The three volumes just described contain a number of distinct thin MSS. bound up together. Do not they after all contain the fourteen or fifteen small (thin?) MSS. incorrectly ascribed to Dr. Goodwin?
In the Advocate's library, Edinburgh, there are two volumes of manuscript notes, by Gillespie, which--according to Dr. Hetherington, who inspected them--"corroborate the printed accounts of Lightfoot and Baillie."
VI.--VOL. I. 434.
NUMBER OF THE EJECTED CLERGY.
The number of clergymen ejected during the Civil Wars and under the Commonwealth is a question commonly discussed in a party spirit. The Churchman is anxious to swell the number, and the Nonconformist labours to reduce it; each thinking his ecclesiastical principles at stake in the controversy. Yet it is curious that the former should not see, that the more sequestrations there might be, the more open to censure must have been the conduct of the clergy; the more likely must be the charges of immorality brought against them; and the more completely must they have alienated from themselves the sympathies of the nation--otherwise how can we account for their being swept out of the Church in such swarms? For it is incredible that the enormous number imagined by some could have been expelled on political or ecclesiastical grounds alone, without any demerit on the score of irreligion or uselessness. It is equally curious that the Nonconformist should regard his own cause as helped, and the opposite side as damaged, by making the sequestrations under Puritan ascendancy appear to have been few; for, if few, then either the clergy of that age could not be so bad as they have been represented, or the Puritans allowed clergymen to remain in the Church notwithstanding their immorality. The interests of Church or of dissent are really not at all involved in this enquiry. Even if it were to the interest of the one that the Puritans should be represented as bad as possible, and to the interest of the other that they should be represented as good as possible, still the proper subject of investigation would be found, not in numerical statistics, but in the rules laid down to regulate the sequestrations, and in the spirit of equity, or otherwise, in which they were carried out. Of those rules we have spoken already.
Walker hazards the statement, that if we add "such as _would have_ suffered had not death prevented," it would "in all probability make the total nothing short of ten thousand."[586] To pass over the absurdity of including those _who might_ have suffered, but were prevented by death, it is enough to remark that he entirely invalidates his own calculations by candidly confessing that he possessed no satisfactory data on which to proceed. He apologizes for the defectiveness of his lists, and endeavours to give colour to his conjectures by quoting broad royalist assertions, in which "thousands" are dealt with in the loosest way: and a report is cited, that the party in power "destroyed all the principal ministers throughout the kingdom, and of ten thousand scarce left one thousand of the old clergy." If nine thousand were ejected, the question naturally occurs, what became of them all? Making allowance for mere curates, and for unusual mortality owing to hardship, and for those who went abroad, and for those who, having betaken themselves to other means of livelihood, did not care to seek their old cures, how came it about that so small a proportion re-entered the Church upon the re-establishment of Episcopacy?[587] If, on Walker's reckoning, all survivors (with such exceptions as were just now indicated) had been reinstated, then, to make room for them all, many more ejectments, between the Restoration and Bartholomew's-day, must have occurred than can be reconciled with the facts of history.
Nor do I see my way to the opposite extreme. It has been argued that although two thousand episcopal clergymen might altogether first and last suffer ejectment during the period, half were allowed to return before its expiration. To establish the point that one-half the ejected Episcopalians were re-admitted by Presbyterians or Independents under the Commonwealth, requires positive statistical evidence such as I cannot discover.
General references to the preaching of malignant ministers may be met with in Commonwealth tracts, but they are not sufficient to decide the matter.[588] Moreover, it must be remembered that if some individuals, ejected during the wars, were replaced when the wars were over, others who had escaped under the Presbyterians were turned out by the Independents.
Walker mentions White's assertion that 8,000 of the clergy "were unworthy and scandalous, and deserved to be cast out;" and the addition made to this by Mr. Stephens, that "he (White) and his committee have come little short of that number." Sir Henry Yelverton too is quoted as saying: "If I mistake not there were 8,000 forsook all for the Covenant." Walker afterwards insists on Dr. Gauden's calculation of 6,000 or 7,000 persons expelled. With respect to which Coleridge says: "I presume that no party will regard any assertion of Gauden's as other than ==O--nay, nay, this is saying too little. It is==evidence in the same sense as debts are algebraically designated==capital.--'Southey's Life of Wesley.'" This is too severe, yet Gauden's testimony in the matter does not prove anything. The reports quoted by Walker will appear to every impartial reader of his "Sufferings" quite insufficient to sustain his conclusions. He makes out a list of 1,339 names of the several persons mentioned in the cathedrals, collegiate churches, chapels, and the two universities. He also gives, without numbering, lists of _some_ of the loyal and Episcopal clergy of London and of the provinces. All these lists he acknowledges are imperfect, and he admits that some names may be given more than once, and that many of the cathedral clergy held parochial benefices. Nothing can be determined on such grounds. It may be further stated that he and Anthony Wood do not agree. Walker says that about 400 were ejected from Oxford (part ii. 139). Wood states that 334 (see Neal, iii. 455) did not submit, but they were not immediately expelled. Walker, p. 138, represents Wood as meaning 334 at one time, besides more at other times, but I cannot trace his references.
Now let us turn to data supplied from other sources.
Baillie, in his "Letters" (vol. ii. 224), August 28th, 1644, speaks as if many churches were at the time unsupplied, for he says, that after all which can be done by a pure ordination, and what more Scotland "can afford of good youths for the ministry here, are provided; it is thought _some thousands of churches_ must vaik (be vacant) for fault of men."
There is a tract in the "Harleian Miscel." (vii. 181), giving a total list of 115 London clergy expelled. "In the ninety-seven parishes within the walls, besides St. Paul's, outed eighty-five, and dead, sixteen." Out of sixteen without the walls, fourteen expelled, two dead. Out of eleven out parishes, nine expelled, two dead. Adjacent towns, besides those of the Abbey Church and Islington, seven expelled, two dead. This list differs somewhat from "Walker's" (p. ii. 164-180). There is a list of sequestrations in Essex (Add. MSS. Brit. Museum. 15,669, &c.), amounting to 153, out of the 415 parishes in that county.
Withers, of Exeter--a Nonconformist--computed that in Suffolk, Norfolk, and Cambridge, out of 1,398 parishes, there were 253 sequestrations, and in his own county of Devon, out of 394 parishes there were 139 ejected, thirty-nine were deducted for pluralities ("Neal," iii. 134). Pluralists must be allowed for throughout the country, so also must cathedral dignitaries and members of the universities, not holding parochial benefices. But what was done in the Eastern counties, where the Puritan party had great power, is no rule for judging of what was done in other counties where the Puritan party had little power.
After repeatedly pondering what has been said on all sides, it appears to me impossible to come to a definite conclusion; but computing the clergy at about ten thousand, and reckoning from the loose data just given, I venture to suggest that perhaps about one fifth of the whole might be ejected. I see no ground for believing that less than 2,000 or more than 2,500 were expelled from the Establishment.
VII.--VOL. II. 150.
DRAFT OF A BILL FOR REVISING THE ENGLISH TRANSLATION OF THE SCRIPTURES.
Since the account given p. 150 was printed, the following document in the State Paper Office, (_Domestic Interreg._, Bundle 662, f. 12.,) has been pointed out to me:--
"Whereas by the reverend, godly, and learned Dr. Hill, it was publicly declared in his sermon before an honourable assembly,[589] and by himself since that time published in print, that when the Bible had been translated by the translators appointed, the New Testament was looked over by some Prelates (that he could name) to bring it to speak the prelatical language, and he was informed by one that lived then, a great observer of those times, fourteen places in the New Testament, whereof he instanceth these in five or six places by them corrupted.
The like testimony of those Prelates so wronging that new and best translation being given by some other ancient and godly preachers also, who lived in those times.
And some appearance hereof may yet be seen in part of that very copy of those translators.
And whereas in the original text of the Holy Scriptures there is so great a depth, that only by degrees there is a progress of light towards the attaining of perfection of the knowledge in the bettering of the translation thereof; and hence the most learned translators have found cause again and again of reviving and still rectifying and amending within a few years of what they themselves had translated and published. And this hath been the commendable practice even of some Papists,[590] and of sundry of the reformed religion.[591]
And it being now above forty years since our new translation was finished,[592] divers of the heads of colleges and many other learned persons (that coming later have the advantage to stand as on the heads of the former) in their public sermons (and in print also) have often held out to their hearers and readers that the Hebrew or Greek may better be rendered, as they mention, than as it is in our newest and best translation: some of the places seeming to be very material, and crying aloud for the rectifying of them, if the truth be as it is so affirmed, and published by them, and here in some MSS. presented to us.
And forasmuch as the translation by Mr. H. Ainsworth of Moses and the Psalms, and Song of Solomon, is greatly commended by many of the learned as far more agreeable to the Hebrew than ours; and it is said that there are MSS. of his translations of some other Scriptures both of the Old and New Testament. And also in other parts of the Holy Scriptures, some have translated verses and some chapters; and we hear that some have translated the New Testament, if not the Old also, and would have them printed and published in our nation. Which if it should be done on their own heads, without due care for the supervising thereof by learned persons sound in the fundamentals of the Christian religion, might be a precedent of dangerous consequence, emboldening other to do the like, and might tend at last to bring in other Scriptures or another Gospel instead of the oracles of God and the Gospel of our Lord Jesus Christ.
For the reforming, rectifying, and repairing of the former injury to the new translation, and for preventing of so great inconveniences of such dangerous consequence, and for the furtherance (what in us lieth) and the benefit and edification of many, Be it [enacted,] that no person or persons whatsoever within the dominions of England, Scotland, and Ireland, without the approbation of persons hereafter named or to be named by authority, shall presume to print or publish any such translation of the Bible or of the New Testament.
And that these persons, viz: Dr. John Owen,[593] Dr. Ralph Cudworth, Mr. Jenkins, Mr. William Greenhill, Mr. Samuel Slater, Mr. William Cowper, Mr. Henry Jessey, Mr. Ralph Venninge, and Mr. John Row, Hebrew professor in Aberdeen, in Scotland, shall be and hereby are constituted, appointed, and authorized in and about all these particulars following to be performed by them in the fear of the Lord, for the good of His people, namely:--
That these or any three or more of them may search and observe wherein that last translation appears to be wronged by the Prelates, or printers, or others; that in all such places, as far as in them is, it may be rectified and amended therein, and the evident and most material failings that do in a special manner call for reformation, (some particulars whereof to us have been presented for consideration;) and that this may be performed with all speed before there be any further printing of the Bible.
And further, because it is our duty to endeavour to have the Bible translated in all places as accurately and as perfectly agreeing with the original Hebrew and Greek as we can attain unto, to remove (whatever in us lieth) the stumbling-blocks and offence of the weak, or the cavils of others when they hear in sermons preached or printed, or in other treatises, that the original bears it better thus and thus. Be it [enacted] that the persons beforesaid may seriously consider the translation of Mr. H. Ainsworth, and of any other translations, annotations, or observations made or that may be made by any of themselves, or of any others that they know of, or may confer withal (who are desired to add unto them their best assistance for the general good of all), and consider of the marginal readings in Bibles, whether any of them should rather be in the line. And what they, after serious looking up to the Lord for His gracious assistance in so weighty a work, and advising together amongst themselves, shall judge to be nearest to the text, and to the mind of the Lord, they may give thereunto their approbation, and this with all speed that conveniently they are able.
And be it further [enacted], that Dr. Thomas Goodwin, Dr. Tuckney, and Mr. Joseph Caryl, are hereby appointed and authorized to be supervisors of what is so approved, and that what those persons shall so approve of, shall accordingly be printed and published for the general edification and benefit of the whole nation, to be read both privately and in the public congregations."
VOL. II. 207.
_Anno Domini, 1655._
For the following extract from the Records of the Church at Bury St. Edmund's, dating from 1646, I am indebted to the Rev. Alfred Tyler, the present minister.
"Thos. Taylor, sometimes a member of the Church of Christ which is at Norwich, and, afterwards, by dismission from them, a foundation member of the Church which is at Godwick and Stanfield, in the county of Norfolk, being a publick preacher and dispenser of the Gospell, approved therein by both those Churches, was called by the Church to preach and dispense the Gospell of Christ unto them in the year 1653, and after neare two yeares experience and tryall, his dismission being first obtained from the Church of Godwick and Stanfield, was by commendation from the said Church and brethren at Godwick, and also by giving in a relation of the dealings of God with his soul, of the work of grace upon his heart, received into fellowship as a brother upon the 18th day of the 9th month, 16--." (The other figures are worn off.)
After this follows a somewhat lengthy confession of faith, and then:--
"Upon the 3rd day of the eleventh month, commonly called January, the Church did, by election and holding up of hands, and by fasting and prayer, ordain Thomas Taylor, a publick preacher and member of the Church, after neare two yeares tryall and experience, unto the office of a pastor, and John Hayward, a member of the same Church, unto the office of a Deacon, at a very solemn and publick meeting, where were present the messengers sent from nine generall Churches, viz.: 1, Coggeshall, in the county of Essex; 2, Sudbury, that whereof Saml. Crossman is pastor; 3, two Churches in Ipswich, meeting at St. Peters (?) and Hellens; 4,----ham (?); 5, Weston; 6, Rattlesden; 7, Pulham; 8, H----en, both in the county of Norfolk; in which meeting the Church did also make a publick profession of their faith according to the foregoing copy, and had the unanimous, clear, and full concurrence of the spirits, judgments, and approbation of all the messengers, both as to their confession of faith, church-state, and order, not one dissenting; and did, at the same meeting, receive the right hand of fellowship from the Churches of Rattlesden, Weston, and Coggeshall: and the messengers from H----en and Pulham declared that the Church had formerly received the right hand of fellowship from them, at or soone after their first sitting down together in fellowship; and the messengers from ----ham, Sudbury, and Hellens, in Ipswich, promised, on the behalf of those Churches, that they would make report of our faith and order unto the Churches to whom they did belong, and to give us the right hand of fellowship at some convenient time, but could not then doe it because they had received no such power from the Church."
ADDITIONAL NOTE ON RITUALISM.
The whole of this work was prepared and much of it printed before the present controversy on Ritualism arose. This will account for the omission in the early part of the first volume of any comparison between the Ritualism of Anglo-Catholics under the Stuarts, and the Ritualism of Anglo-Catholics at the present day. Judging from ceremonial worship now performed in certain quarters, and from the publications of persons who represent the party, we may say that Archbishop Laud never attempted to go so far in the adoption of Roman Catholic rites and vestments as his modern successors have done.
INDEX.
Abbot, Archbishop of Canterbury, i. 359; ii. 234
Act of Uniformity, First of Elizabeth, i. 5 At the Restoration, 47
Akehurst, ii. 271
Alcock, i. 433
Alleine, Joseph, ii. 220
Alphery, i. 433
Alvey, i. 433
Ames, Dr. William, i. 460
Andrewes, Bishop, i. 9, 50, 53, 129
Andrews, Mrs. Margaret, ii. 426
Anglo-Catholics under Elizabeth, i. 4 Under James I. and Charles I., 6, 29 Changes in their Doctrine and Policy, 7 Under Laud, 31 Adhere to Resolutions issued by the Lords concerning Innovations, 172
Annesley, Dr. Samuel, His Loyalty to the King, ii. 44 His Sermon at St. Paul's, 437
Arminianism in time of Stuarts, i. 17, 45, 52
Arrowsmith, Dr. John, Master of St. John's, ii. 274
Ash, Simeon, Chaplain to Lord Brooke, i. 241 Preaches to the Soldiers, 250 Attended Love on the Scaffold, ii. 48 Died in 1646, 187
Ash, Edward, i. 529
Ashmole, Elias, at Oxford, ii. 257
Assembly of Divines, Ordinance for convening it, i. 271 Members, 272 Appointed by Secular Authority, 273 Controlled by Parliament, 274 Their First Meeting, 275 Assemble again, 278 Present a Petition to the Two Houses, 287 Appoint Deputation to accompany Commissioners to Scotland, 289 Follow Pym to the Grave, 302 Invited to the City Banquet, 308 Advise Destruction of Popish Relics, 313 Their Exhortation respecting the Solemn League and Covenant, 320 They meet in Jerusalem Chamber, 326 Baillie's Description of Assembly, 327 Propose Committee for Ordination, 391 Debate the subject of a Directory, 405 Debates on Ordination, 417 On Presbyterian Discipline, 418 Touching "The Power of the Keys," 439 Toleration, 443 Divine Right of Presbyterianism, 446 On the _Jus Divinum_, 447 Assembly threatened with a _Præmunire_, 448 They submit to Parliament, 448 Conclusion of their History, 448 Their Confession of Faith, 449 Catechisms, 450 Revision of Psalmody, 451 The Assembly not treated with Justice, 452 Talents and Attainments of the Divines, 453
Astley, Sir Jacob, i. 254
Atkins, Robert, ii. 228
Ayscue, Sir George, ii. 469-472
Bacon, Sir Nicholas, i. 351
Bagshawe, i. 85, 103, 113
Baillie, Visits London, i. 107 Present at City Banquet, 311 At the Hague, ii. 23 His Speech to Charles, 24 See also i. 264, 269, 289, 298, 327, 418, 437
Baines, Captain, ii. 147
Baltimore, Lord, Governor of Maryland, ii. 450, 478, 482
Bampfield, ii. 150, 363
Bancroft, i. 6, 17, 42
Baptists, ii. 121 In Elizabeth's Reign, 230 Their Publications, 232 Imprisoned, 234 Arminian and Calvinistic Baptists, 235 Their Controversy with Calamy, 236 Their Polity and Discipline, 238 Ministers, 238 Baptists in Wales, 243 In Ireland and Scotland, 244
Barksdale, ii. 296
Barlow, ii. 258
Barnardston, Sir Nathaniel, ii. 422
Barrow, Isaac, ii. 267
Barrowe, Henry, i. 353
Barrowists, Bill against them, i. 355
Barton, i. 451; ii. 393
Barwick, John, i. 384
Basire, Isaac, ii. 321
Bastwick, i. 26, 79
Bates, William, ii. 185
Battles. Edge Hill, i. 253 Newbury, 296 Long Marston Moor, 425 Naseby, 428 Dunbar, ii. 37 Worcester, 43
Baxter, Richard, at Alcester, i. 254 His Dislike to Covenant, 325 With the Army, 456 Draws up an Agreement, ii. 187 At Kidderminster, 189 Preaches before Oliver Cromwell, 194 His Correspondence with Howe, 223 See also i. 315, 452; ii. 48, 100, 312, 366, 385
Beal, Thomas, i. 221
Bedell, Bishop of Kilmore, i. 216
Bedford, Samuel, ii. 133
Behmen, Jacob, ii. 367
Bere, Sidney, his Letters, i. 149, 167, 183, 198, 229
Berry, Major-General, i. 464; ii. 115, 119
Berry, Daniel, i. 434
Bibles, Misprinted, ii. 150
Biddle, ii. 102, 367
Bishops, i. 76 Attempts to Remove them from the Peerage, 126 Thirteen impeached, 163 Bishops Promoted, 186 Insulted, 199 Protest of Twelve Bishops, 203 Impeached, 205 Unpopularity, 205 Bishops who died before 1650, 209 Irish Bishops, 216 Bishops with the King at Oxford, 378 Those who were Deprived, ii. 302 Those who Survived the Return of Charles II., 308
Blair, i. 107
Blake, Robert, i. 430, 437; ii. 215
Bodurda, ii. 146
Bolton, i. 53
Book of Sports, i. 13, 52, 93
Booth, Sir George, his Insurrection, ii. 168
Boteler, Major-General, ii. 114
Bramhall, Bishop of Derry, his account of Irish Church, i. 216 His flight from Ireland, ii. 309 Extracts from his Works, 311
Brayne, ii. 477
Brent, Sir Nathaniel, i. 68, 121, 386, 484
Bridge, William, i. 332, 371; ii. 219
Briscoe, Colonel, ii. 147, 149
Broghill, Lord, ii. 117, 226
Brooke, Lord, i. 77, 246 Enlists Volunteers, 240 Exhortation to Londoners, 255 His Death, 280
Brooke, Basil, i. 304
Brooks, Thomas, ii. 219
Browne, Robert, i. 349, 351 In Scotland, ii. 225
Brownism, i. 177, 351
Brownists, i. 255, 343, 355, 365; ii. 226
Brownrigg, Bishop of Exeter, i. 186; ii. 277 Member of Assembly, i. 272, 278 Remainder of his days, ii. 307
Bulkeley, i. 409
Bull, George, ii. 294, 436
Bunyan, i. 428; ii. 241
Burdett, i. 50
Burgess, Dr. Cornelius, i. 91, 102, 143, 170, 292, 312, 328; ii. 229 Chaplain to Earl of Essex, i. 241 Appointed Assessor to Assembly, 279
Burleigh, Lord, i. 349, 351
Burnet, ii. 276, 279, 503
Burroughs, Jeremiah, i. 332, 333, 422
Burroughs, Edward, ii. 359
Burton, i. 26, 79, 369
Busby, Richard, ii. 292
Busher, Leonard, i. 346; ii. 231
Butler, ii. 147
Button, Ralph, ii. 254
Byfield, i. 278, 328
Cabot, ii. 443
Calamy, Edmund, Presbyterian Preacher, i. 259 His Popularity, 260 See also i. 329; ii. 48, 139, 175, 182, 236
Calvin, i. 99
Calvinism, i. 17, 46
Cambridge University--Opposition to Parliament, i. 490 Commissioners, 491 Revival of Puritanism, 493 Engagement enforced, ii. 265 Military Visitors, 268 Evelyn's Visit, 273 Studies at Cambridge, 281 Compared with Oxford, 284
Canne, John, ii. 234, 245
Carbery, Lady--Sketch of her Character, ii. 423
Cartwright, i. 43, 100
Cary, Lucius, Viscount Falkland, i. 72, 113, 127, 185, 267 His Character and Policy, 225 Created Secretary of State, 231 Killed at Newbury, 296
Caryl, Joseph, i. 527; ii. 216
Cathedrals, those that suffered from Destruction of Popish Relics, i. 316
Cawdry, i. 329
Cawton, a Presbyterian Minister, ii. 12
Charles I. opens Long Parliament, i. 1 Attached to Episcopacy, 76 Attempts to Establish it in Scotland, 104 Summons both Houses to Whitehall, 111 Assents to Bill rendering Parliament Indissoluble, 135 His Perplexity when sanctioning the Death of Strafford, 139 Assents to Scotch Treaty, Starts for Scotland, 166 Attempts to conciliate Scotch, 169 His Return and Reception in London, 187 Grand Remonstrance presented to him, 191 His Answer, 192 Attempts to seize the Five Members, 193 His Flight from London, 229 Attempts at Mediation between him and Parliament, 231 Parliamentary Propositions, 236 His Answer, 236 Denied Entrance to Hull, 246 Sets up his Standard, 247 On his way to London, 254 Quarrel between King and City, 256 Scotch Commissioners treat with him, 264 Parliament sends an Embassy, 265 Success of his Army, 283 His Duplicity, 300 Intrigues with Independents, 306 His Mock Parliament, 330 At Oxford, 372 Accused of Popish Tendencies, 374 Agrees to Truce with Ireland, 376 Treaty at Uxbridge, 412 His Double-dealing, 415 His Debate with Henderson, 469 Joins Scotch Camp at Newark, 469 His Letters to the Queen, 470, 474 Parliament Propositions to him, 472 His Dislike of Presbyterianism, 473 His Intrigues with Independents and Papists, 475 In hands of Parliamentary Commissioners, 513 Taken from Holdenby by Independents, 519 Newport Treaty, 526 His Removal from Carisbrook to Hurst Castle, 529 On the Scaffold, 531 His Burial, 535 Regarded as a Martyr, ii. 20
Charles II. in Holland, ii. 21 Scotch Commissioners sent to treat with him, 23 His Policy, 25 Papers disclosing secrets, 25 Signs Covenant and goes to Scotland, 31 Crowned in Scotland, 39 His Life there, 40 Comes to England, 42 His Treachery, 43 Defeated at Worcester, 43
Charnock, ii. 227
Cheynell, Francis, i. 286; ii. 100 His Connection with Chillingworth, i. 381
Chidley, Catherine, ii. 392
Chillingworth, William, i. 286, 335 At Oxford, 380, 381 His Death, 382
Cholmeley, Sir Hugh, i. 489
Christina of Sweden, her Conversation with Whitelocke, i. 466
Clarke, Samuel, ii. 185
Clarkson, David, i. 284
Clotworthy, Sir John, i. 212, 401
Cogan, his Letters, i. 212, 222
Coke, George, Bishop of Hereford, i. 210
Coke, Secretary, ii. 484
Coleman, Thomas, i. 330
Colfe, Abraham, ii. 204
Collinge, Dr., ii. 427
Collins, Dr., i. 495
Colonies, State of Religion before the Commonwealth, ii. 443 Virginia, 446 Bermudas, 449 Maryland, 450 Pilgrim Fathers, 451 Massachusetts, 452 During Civil Wars, 459 Barbadoes, 460 Maryland, 461 United Colonies of New England, 462 During the Commonwealth, 463 Society for Propagation of Gospel in New England, 464 Rhode Island, 467 Barbadoes, 469 Virginia, 472 Bermudas, 474 West Indies, 475 Maryland, 477 East Indies, 480
Commons, Petitions, i. 79 Debates on Religion, 83 Appoint Committee to prepare Remonstrance, 86 Committee to draw up charges against Strafford, 89 Petitions, 108 Debate on Root and Branch Petition, 112 Resolution for Reforming Pluralities, 126 Bill for removal of Star Chamber and High Commission Courts, 127 Solemn Vow and Protestation, 133 Bill rendering Parliament indissoluble, 135 Deans and Chapters, 142 Bill for Restraining Bishops, 144 Bill for Abolition of Bishops, 147 Sabbath Legislation, 151 Abolition of Cathedral Chapters, 154 Petition the King to delay his journey to Scotland, 166 Send Commissioners after him, 166 Press Church Reforms, 170 New Bill for Excluding Bishops, 176 Grand Remonstrance Debated, 179 Arrest of the five Members, 193 Impeach twelve Bishops, 204 Return of the five Members, 229 Bill for Abolition of Episcopacy, 262 Corporation Banquet, 307 Ordinances for Destruction of Popish Relics, 313 Endorse Directory, 406 Fresh Members in the House, 437 Debates on the _Jus Divinum_, 447 Decide that Rouse's Psalms should be sung, 451 Ordinance against Heresies and Blasphemies, 523 Newport Treaty, 526 Pride's Purge, 531
Conant, Dr. John, ii. 256
Convocation, i. 95, 98, 108, 274
Corbet, Edward, i. 386, 529
Cosin, Dr., i. 493, 495; ii. 318
Courten, Lady Catherine, her Christian Character, ii. 426
Crisp, Dr., ii. 368
Cromwell, Oliver, i. 63, 70, 115, 149, 185, 231 Member for Cambridge, 64 His Ironsides, 241 Governor of Ely, 319 Suggests Committee of Accommodation, 421 At Marston Moor, 425 His Letter about Naseby, 429 His Jealousy of Presbyterian Power, 436 Preaches to Soldiers, 464 His desire for Toleration, 520 Aims at Reconciling Presbyterians and Independents, 520 Anecdote of him, 520 His Character and Religion, ii. 3, 5 Goes to Scotland, 35 Victories at Dunbar, 37, and Worcester, 43 Dissolves Long Parliament, 50 His Speech at opening of Little Parliament, 53 Members resign their powers into his hands, 65 Made Lord Protector, 73 His Portrait, 73 His National Church, 79 His Ecclesiastical Policy, 80 State Recognition, 81 State Control, 83 State Support, 88 State Protection, 89 State Penalties, 90 Originality of his Policy, 92 His Establishment not a Church, 93 His First Protectorate Parliament, 96 His Speech at the Opening, 97 Speech on Dissolving Parliament, 103 His dislike to Episcopal Royalists, 110 Major-Generals, 113 His Second Parliament, 128 His Speech, 131 His Letters, 134 Refusal of the Crown, 139 Accepts Petition and Advice, 141 His Speech, 141 Religious Toleration under him, 144 His Second Installation, 153 His Speech at Re-assembling of Parliament, 157 Last Speeches, 160 His Order Book, 162 His Broad Church, 165 His Interview with Baxter, 194 Makes Howe Court Chaplain, 221 His Liberality to those who Differed from him, 222 Receives Academic Honours at Oxford, 247 Visits Cambridge, 265 His Ordinance for another Collegiate Establishment, 286 His Establishment, 294 Anecdotes of him and Ussher, 304 His Interview with Fox, 358 Character of his Court, 400 His Chaplains, 402 His interference on behalf of the Piedmontese, 492 Writes to Louis XIV., 499 His Foreign Policy, 503 His Treatment of the Jews, 504 At Hampton Court, 508 Death of his Daughter, 508 His last Interview with Fox, 510 His Last Days, 511 Last Words, 517 Death, 520
Cromwell, Henry, ii. 121
Cromwell, Richard, ii. 155
Cudworth, Dr. Ralph, i. 339; ii. 275
Culpeper, i. 85, 97, 148
Curie, Walter, Bishop of Winchester, i. 210
Dalston, Sir George, ii. 413
Davenant, Bishop of Salisbury, i. 163
Deans and Chapters, i. 142 Their History, 155 Surveys of their Possessions, ii. 9 Abolition and sale of Possessions, 9
Dell, William, ii. 269
Denn, ii. 297
Dering, Sir Edward, i. 74, 157, 178, 181, 191, 270; ii. 159 Presents Bill for Abolition of Bishops, i. 146 His Conduct, 149 A Seceder from Popular Party, 224
Desborough, Major-General, ii. 55, 134, 149
Digby, Lord, i. 63, 75, 85, 97, 112
Directory, Established, i. 404 Debated in Assembly, 405 Sent to Scotland, 406 Ordinance for its Establishment, 406 Penalties for Refusing it, 407 Its Fate in Ireland, 409
Donne, Dr., i. 9, 46, 53
Dorset, Earl of, i. 365
Douglas, ii. 39
Downings, William, i. 315
Duncan, Dr., i. 495
Duppa, Bryan, Translated from Chichester to Salisbury, i. 186 With the King at Oxford, 378 Endeavours to Revive Episcopal Church, ii. 309
Durie, John, ii. 490 his Labours for Protestant Union, 484-489
Eaton, i. 360, 364
Edwards, ii. 365
Eliot, Sir John, i. 28, 36, 67
Eliot, John, ii. 464
Elizabeth, i. 6, 41, 45, 214; ii. 4, 230
Episcopacy, i. 99 Rooted out of Scotland, 104 Charles I. Attempts to Restore it, 104 Defended in the House, 114 Its Divine Right, 116 Plans for its Reformation, 124 Controversy Concerning it, 128 Bill for Restraining Bishops, 144 Bills for the Abolition of Episcopacy, 147, 176, 262 Petitions Concerning it, 197 No Bishop Riots, 199 Bill for Exclusion from Upper House, 208 Its Opponents, 227 Sequestration of Property, 385 New Bill Relative to it, 480
Episcopalians--How they regarded Solemn Vow and Protestation, i. 134 Blame Twelve Protesting Bishops, 205 Not excluded from Westminster Assembly, 272 Exasperated by League and Covenant, 325 Their views of the Assembly, 452 At Norwich, 505 Their Dislike to the Scotch, ii. 33 Commissioners for approbation of godly preachers, 104 For ejecting scandalous ones, 107 Persecution of their clergy, 111 Those who continued to use the Common Prayer, 294 Those who held Livings without using it, 298 Those who did not Conform, 301 Their Sufferings, 311 Prayers read by them during Commonwealth, 340 Their Patriotism, Loyalty, and Sufferings, 342
Erastians, i. 330, 439, 447 Theses by Erastus, 331
Erbery, ii. 271
Erle, Sir Walter, i. 135
Essex, Earl of, i. 77 Commander of Parliamentary Army, 241 At Edge Hill, 254 Raises Siege of Gloucester, 287 At Newbury, 296 Capitulates to the King, 426 His Death, 517
Evelyn, John, ii. 258, 273, 337, 418
Ewes D', Sir Symonds, i. 114, 148, 152, 184, 529
Ewins, Thomas, ii. 240
Fairclough, Richard, ii. 420
Fairfax, in Yorkshire, i. 283 At Somerset, 430 Punishes Disorderly Soldiers, 455 Receives Academic Honours, ii. 247
Falkland, (see Cary)
Farindon, ii. 299, 436
Feake, ii. 65, 70, 183
Featley, Dr., i. 25
Fell, Vice-Chancellor of Oxford, i. 498; ii. 249, 253
Ferrendail, Orthro, ii. 225
Fielding, Lady Barbara, i. 12
Fiennes, Nathaniel, i. 62, 70, 75, 112; ii. 156, 159
Fifth Monarchy Men, ii. 61, 63, 65, 70, 91, 120
Finch, Lord Keeper, i. 2
Fitz, Richard, i. 348
Flavel, John, ii. 220
Fleetwood, i. 522; ii. 512
Fortescue, ii. 477
Fox, George, His Early Life, ii. 350 Character, 351 His Mysticism, 352 Mighty in Prayer, 354 His Peculiarities, 355 His Interview with Cromwell, 358 His Followers, 359 His Last Interview with Cromwell, 510
Frampton, Robert, ii. 481
Frewen, Dr., Accepted, i. 209
Fuller, Thomas, i. 48, 277, 326, 376; ii. 202-204 Chaplain to Lord Hopton, i. 380 His Piety, ii. 412
Gale, Theophilus, ii. 255
Garroway, Alderman, i. 257, 409
Gataker, ii. 199
Gauden, Dr. John, ii. 201
Geddes, Jenny, i. 105
Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, ii. 445
Giles, Dr., i. 281
Gillespie, i. 329, 406; ii. 226
Gilpin, Bernard and Richard, ii. 288
Glynne, i. 60, 330
Godeman, Casper, ii. 483
Goffe, Major-General, ii. 116
Goodman, Godfrey, ii. 302
Goodwin, Thomas, i. 332, 343, 418; ii. 97, 100, 255, 284
Gookin, Captain, ii. 466
Gouge, Dr., i. 295
Gourney, Alderman, i. 188
Grand Remonstrance debated by Commons, i. 179, 180 Discussion about Printing, 183 Presented to the King, 191
Greenhill, i. 217, 375
Greenwood, Congregational Pastor, i. 353-355
Greenwood, Dr. Daniel, ii. 256
Grenville, Sir B., ii. 416
Greville, i. 77
Grimston, Sir Harbottle, i. 82, 85, 97, 113, 529
Grindal, i. 21, 41, 42, 319
Grotius, Hugh, i. 401
Gunning, Peter, ii. 297
Hacket, Dr. John, i. 142 Forbidden to use Prayer Book, ii. 296
Hale, Edward, ii. 121
Hales, John, i. 336; ii. 300
Hall, Joseph, i. 322 His Tract on Episcopacy, 128 His Speech, 144 Translated from Exeter to Norwich, 186 His Account of Riots, 203 Remainder of his Life, ii. 305
Hall, Thomas, ii. 197
Hammond, i. 519, 527 His Friendship for Sanderson, ii. 324 His Letters, 330 His Death, 333 His Piety, 411, 436
Hampden, John, i. 63, 66, 68, 72, 75, 82, 152, 184, 221, 241, 455;