Chapter 7

[17] Alonso Fernández, _Historia Eclesiastica de Nvestros Tiempos_, Toledo, 1611, pp. 303-4. The book referred to here is called _De los mysterios del Rosario de nuestra Señora_ by Jacques Quétif and Jacques Echard, _Scriptores Ordinis Praedicatorum_, Paris, 1719, II, p. 390; and _Devotion del Santisimo Rosario de la Bienaventurada Virgen_ by Vicente Maria Fontana, _Monvmenta Dominicana_, Rome, 1675, p. 586.

[18] Fernández, _Historia de los insignes Milagros qve la Magestad Diuina ha obrado por el Rosario santissimo de la Virgen soberana, su Madre_, Madrid, 1613, f. 216. I have been unable to locate a copy of this book in the United States, but the passage is printed in Retana, _Aparato Bibliográfico de la Historia General de Filipinas_, Madrid, 1906, I, pp. 64-5. It was first cited in modern times by Pedro Vindel, _Catálogo_, Madrid, 1903, III, no. 2631.

[19] A sketch of the life of Aduarte was added to his history by Gonçalez, II, pp. 376-81, and a notice also appears in Ramon Martínez-Vigil, _La Orden de Predicadores ... seguidas del Ensayo de una Bibliotheca de Dominicos Españoles_, Madrid, 1884, p. 229.

[20] Aduarte, II, pp. 15-18.

[21] Artigas, _op. cit._, pp. 3-22, stresses the part played by him in establishing printing and gives much information regarding this father. There, referring to the _Acta Capitulorum Provincialium provinciae Sanctissimi Rosarii Philippinarum_, Manila, 1874-77, Artigas traces the career of Blancas de San José as follows: in Abucay from May 24, 1598 until April 27, 1602; at San Gabriel in Binondo from April 27, 1602 until May 4, 1604; as Preacher-General of the order at the Convent of Santo Domingo in Manila from 1604 to 1608; back at Abucay from April 26, 1608 until May 8, 1610; and at San Gabriel again from May 8, 1610 until May 4, 1614.

[22] Medina, no. 8, p. 7. A copy of this book and an unique copy of the recently discovered _Ordinationes_ of 1604, see note 127, are in the Library of Congress. Both books are entirely typographical, and the Tagalog in the 1610 volume has been transliterated. These two and the present Doctrina are, so far as I have been able to find out, the only Philippine imprints before 1613 in the United States.

[23] Medina, no. 14, p. 11. The text was written by Thomas Pinpin, who appears as the printer of the former book, and a confessionary by Blancas de San José, who probably edited the volume, is included.

[24] Juan Lopez, _Quinta Parte de la Historia de San Domingo_, Valladolid, 1621, ff. 246-51.

[25] Quétif and Echard, _op. cit._, II, p. 390. This same statement was made in Antonio de León Pinelo, _Epitome de la Biblioteca Oriental y Occidental, Nautica, y Geografica_ (ed. Antonio González de Barcia), Madrid, 1737-38, col. 737, and was reprinted almost word for word by José Mariano Beristain y Sousa, _Bibliotheca Hispano-Americana Septentrional_, Mexico, 1883-97, I, p. 177.

[26] A fairly complete biography is given by Viñaza, pp. 112-7, where he points out that several of the major Jesuit biographers have erroneously stated that Hervas went to America some time before 1767.

[27] Lorenzo Hervas y Panduro, _Origine, formazione, meccanismo, ed armonia degli' idiomi_, Cesena, 1785, p. 88.

[28] Hervas, _Saggio Pratico delle lingue, Con prolegomeni, e una raccolta di orazioni Dominicali in più di trecento lingue, e dialetti_, Cesena, 1787, pp. 128-9. Although Schilling, p. 208, says that Hervas had a copy of the 1593 Doctrina before him, which "had been lent or given" by Bernardo de la Fuente, Hervas merely says that he took his information "from the best documents, which showed the grammar; and the Tagalog and Visayan dictionary were given me by Messrs. D. Antonio Tornos and D. Bernardo de la Fuente." There is no doubt, however, but that Hervas had a copy of the Doctrina, or accurate and extensive transcripts from a copy known to one of his friends.

[29] Franz Carl Alter, _Ueber die Tagalische Sprache_, Vienna, 1803, p. vii. Alter speaks of having had extensive correspondence with Hervas.

[30] Johann Christoph Adelung, _Mithridates oder allgemeine Sprachenkunde mit dem Vater Unser als Sprach probe in beynahe fünfhundert Sprachen und Mundarten_, Berlin, 1806, I, pp. 608-9.

[31] Beristain, _op. cit._, II, p. 464. The first edition was published in 1819-21, but we have used the second for our quotations.

[32] Juan de Grijalva, _Cronica de la orden de N.P.S. Augustin de Nueva Espana_, Mexico, 1624, f. 199v.

[33] Nicolás Antonio, _Bibliotheca Hispana Nova_, Madrid, 1783, I, p. 764. The first edition was Rome, 1672, but I could locate no copy in this country.

[34] San Agustin, p. 352. On pp. 443-4 referring to Grijalva and Herrera, he says merely that Quiñones "was very learned in the Tagalog language, and wrote a grammar and dictionary of it."

[35] "He succeeded in learning that language with such perfection that he composed a treatise, as a light and guide for the new missionaries, and a vocabulary, with which in a short time they could instruct those islanders in the mysteries of the faith," Medina, p. xxvii, assumed that this referred to José Sicardo, _La Cristiandad del Japon_, Madrid, 1698, where he could find nothing about Quiñones, but Beristain cited specifically his _Historias de Filipinas y Japon_, which Santiago Vela, VI, p. 441, thinks must be his additions to Grijalva, including a life of Quiñones, which San Agustin used and quoted from. The quotation here is from San Agustin, p. 442, where Sicardo is given as the source.

[36] Tomas de Herrera, _Alphabetvm Avgvstinianvm_, Madrid, 1644, I, p. 406, according to P. & G., p. xxiv.

[37] Schilling, p. 204.

[38] Pedro Bello, _Noticia de los escritores y sus obras impresas y manuscritas en diferentes idiomas por los religiosos agustinos calzados hasta 1801_, unpublished MS., from which the citation is given by Santiago Vela, VI, p. 441.

[39] P. & G., pp. xxv-xxvi.

[40] Medina, p. xxviii, who gives as source the A. of I. and _Libro de provisiones reales_, Madrid, 1596, I, p. 231. In his note Medina says that this cedula was not in the _Recopilacion_, but referring back to the note on p. xxiv, we find that he there prints a law of the same content and date, cited as Law 3, Title XXIV, Book 1 of the _Recopilacion_, where we have seen it, with the extremely significant addition, "it shall not be published, _or printed_, or used." If this phrase was not included in the original cedula sent to Manila, but added when printed as applying to all the Indies, it is important evidence that the King felt an admonition against printing unnecessary where no facilities for printing existed.

[41] Retana, col. 10, cited from the original MS. in the A. of I. (68-1-42), Torres, II, no. 3211, p. 150.

[42] San Antonio, II, p. 297. This work, treated at length by San Antonio, is proof of the high esteem in which Plasencia was held as a Tagalist. It was incorporated in a document of Governor Francisco Tello, dated July 13, 1599, now in the A. of I. (67-6-18), and first printed in the appendix to Santa Inés, II, pp. 592-603, and translated in B. & R., VII, pp. 173-96.

[43] Santiago Vela, VI, pp. 442-3. His study of the questionable _Arte_ of 1581 is the most thorough and detailed yet written.

[44] Schilling, p. 205.

[45] Pardo de Tavera, _op. cit._, pp. 8-9. After quoting the latter part of this passage, Medina, p. xviii, adds a quizzical note, "I want to cite the opinion of so distinguished a student of the Philippines because it shows how tangled and confused is the information concerning the primitive Philippine press, even among men best informed on the subject."

[46] Medina, nos. 1 and 2, p. [3].

[47] Medina, p. xix.

[48] Retana had published many of his findings in _La Politico de España en Filipinas_, Madrid, 1891-98; in his edition of Joaquín Martínez de Zuñiga, _Estadismo de las Islas Filipinas_, Madrid, 1893; and in the _Archivo del Bibliófilo Filipino_, Madrid, 1895-97.

[49] Retana, cols. 7-8. We shall speak of Juan de Vera later.

[50] Thomas Cooke Middleton, _Some Notes on the Bibliography of the Philippines_, Philadelphia, 1900, pp. 32-33.

[51] Pardo de Tavera, _Biblioteca Filipina_, Washington, 1903, pp. 9-10.

[52] Medina, _La Imprenta en Manila desde sus Orígenes hasta 1810 Adiciones y Ampliacones_, Santiago de Chile, 1904.

[53] P. & G., pp. xxi-xxvi.

[54] B. & R., LIII, p. 11.

[55] Artigas, _op. cit._ He admitted that the celebration should have been held in 1902.

[56] Retana, _Orígenes de la Imprenta Filipina_, Madrid, 1911. Retana had also published between 1897 and 1911 several other books which contained some information about the early Philippine press, the _Aparato Bibliográfico_ in 1906 and his edition of Morga in 1909, both of which have already been cited.

[57] Antonio Palau y Dulcet, _Manuel del Librero Hispano-Americano_, Barcelona, 1923-37, III, p. 72.

[58] Schilling, _op. cit._

[59] Chirino, p. 3, writes that he was "the first who made converts to Christianity in the Philippines, preaching to them of Jesus Christ in their own tongue--of which he made the first vocabulary, which I have seen and studied;" and Juan de Medina (who originally wrote his history in 1630), p. 54, says that in visiting Cebú in 1612 he "saw a lexicon there, compiled by Father Fray Martin de Rada, which contained a great number of words." Grijalva, _op. cit._, f. 124V, writes that Rada "by the force of his imaginative and excellent ability learned the Visayan language, as he had learned the Otomi in this land [Mexico], so that he could preach in it in five months."

[60] Pérez, p. 5.

[61] Juan González de Mendoza, _The Historie of the great and mightie kingdom of China ... Translated out of Spanish by R. Parke_, London, 1588, p. 138. The original edition of 1585 said he made an "arte y vocabulario." We must take the phrase "in few daies" in a comparative sense, but that an Augustinian, probably Rada, knew some Chinese as early as July 30, 1574 is shown by a letter from Governor Lavezaris to the King from Manila, sending him "a map of the whole land of China, with an explanation which I had some Chinese interpreters make through the aid of an Augustinian religious who is acquainted with the elements of the Chinese language," B. & R., III, p. 284, from the original MS. in the A. of I. (67-6-6), Torres, II, no. 1868, p. 10-11. Antonio de León Pinelo, _Epitome de la Biblioteca Oriental i Occidental, Nautica i Geographica_, Madrid, 1629, p. 31, also records Rada's Chinese grammar and dictionary. Santiago Vela, VI, pp. 444-60, gives a full history of Rada and his writings. He went to China a second time in May 1576, and in 1578 accompanied La Sande on his expedition to Borneo, dying on the way back to Manila in June of that year.

[62] González de Mendoza, _op. cit._, pp. 103-5.

[63] Diego Ordoñez Vivar came to the Philippines in 1570, filled various ministries there, and according to Agustin Maria de Castro was in Japan in 1597, where he witnessed the martyrdom of the Franciscans; he died in 1603, Pérez, p. 10. Juan de Medina, p. 74, says, "Father Diego de Ordoñez learned this language [Tagalog] very quickly." Alonso Alvatado had been on the unsuccessful 1542 expedition of Villalobos, and returned to the Philippines in 1571. Pérez, p. 11, records that he became familiar with the Tagalog language, was the first prior of Tondo, ministered to the Chinese there, and was the first Spaniard to learn the Mandarin dialect. He was elected provincial in 1575, and died at Manila the following year. Jéronimo Marín came to the islands with Alvarado, acquired skill in the Visayan, Tagalog and Chinese languages, accompanied Rada on his first expedition to China, was in Tondo in 1578, and later returned to Spain to recruit new missionaries for the province, dying in Mexico in 1606, Pérez, pp. 11-12.

[64] Cano, p. 12. Santiago Vela, I, p. 85, expresses the opinion that Cano's statement was an overenthusiasm, and is not valid.

[65] Retana, col. 9.

[66] Juan de Medina, p. 156.

[67] Santiago Vela, I, p. 85, where he cites the first book of the _Gobierno_ of the Augustinian province.

[68] Santiago Vela, I, pp. 84-6 treats of the whole question in detail.

[69] A Doctrina in Tagalog, attributed to Alburquerque by Agustin Maria de Castro in his unpublished _Osario_, is said by Santiago Vela, I, p. 85, to have been arranged and perfected by Quiñones, and was probably that presented by him to the Synod of 1582, if indeed he did present such a work then. For an account of the MS. _Osario_, see Schilling, p. 205n.

[70] Pérez, p. 20n, quotes Vicente Barrantes, _El teatro tagalo_, Madrid, 1890, p. 170, as saying that "according to the Augustinian writers" Alburquerque compiled an _Arte de la Lengua Tagala_ between 1570 and 1580, the manuscript of which disappeared when the English sacked Manila in 1762. It may be that Barrantes referred to Cano or possibly Castro, but it must be emphasized that no contemporary historian, as far as has been discovered up to this time, has made such a statement.

[71] Quiñones came to the Philippines in 1577 and spent his time in missions in and about Manila. He was named prior of Manila in 1586, and provincial vicar in 1587 in which year he died, Pérez, p. 19, and Santiago Vela, VI, pp. 433-4.

[72] Again Castro, as cited by Santiago Vela, VI, p. 435, is the only authority for this, although San Agustin, p. 391, lists Quiñones' name among those present at the Synod.

[73] San Agustin, p. 381. It should be noted that this statement is in direct contradiction to those we shall cite later in connection with the controversy between the Augustinians and Dominicans over the Chinese ministry. The convent at Tondo had been founded in 1571, so San Agustin here must refer specifically to the Chinese mission.

[74] Pérez, p. 22.

[75] Pérez, p. 29.

[76] Huerta, pp. 443 & 500-01. In 1580, under the influence of Plasencia, Talavera took the habit of the Franciscan order and preached throughout the Philippines until his death in 1616. Huerta lists six works in Tagalog by him, all of them devotionary tracts, the last of which he notes was printed at Manila in 1617, and is listed by Medina, no. 20, pp. 14-5. His works are also recorded by Leon Pinelo, _op. cit._, 1737-38, II, f. 919r.

[77] Santa Inés (written originally in 1676), p. 211. Virtually the same information is given by San Antonio, I, pp. 532-3 & 563.

[78] Juan de la Concepcion, _Historia general de Philipinas_, Manila, 1788-92, II, pp. 45-6. Schilling, p. 203n, maintains that the early writers were mistaken in believing that the Synod was held in 1581. On October 16, 1581 the Bishop called a meeting of ten priests at the Convent of Tondo to discuss the execution of the decree about slaves, Torres, II, pp. cxliv-v. No laymen were present and no other topic was discussed. The decisions of this meeting were sent in a letter from Salazar to the King, dated from Tondo, October 17, 1581, translated in B. & R., XXXIV, pp. 325-31, from the original MS. in the A. of I. (68-1-42), Torres, II, no. 2686, p. 95. The following year a real Synod was held, this time including lay government officials as well as priests, at which was discussed a variety of subjects. Robert Streit, _Bibliotheca Missionum_, Aachen, 1928, IV, pp. 327-31, cites a MS. account of it by the Jesuit father Sanchez who was present; and Valentín Marín, _Ensayo de una Síntesis de los trabajos realizados por las Corporaciones Religiosas Españoles de Filipinas_, Manila, 1901, I, pp. 192 et seqq., cites another MS., then in the Archives of the Archiepiscopal Palace of Manila, _Memoria de una junta que se hizo a manera de concilio el año de 1582, para dar asiento a las cosas tocantes al aumento de la fe, y justificacíon de las conquistas hechas y que adelante se hicieron por los espanoles_, from which he quotes extensively. With reference to the Synod see further Lorenzo Pérez, _Origen de las Misiones Franciscanas en el extremo oriente_, in Archivo Ibero-Americano, 1915, III, pp. 386-400.

[79] Santa Inés, p. 212. Again similar accounts are to be found in San Antonio, I, pp. 563-6, in far more detail and phrased in even more laudatory terms, and the fullest early biography of Plasencia is given by San Antonio, II, pp. 512-79. Modern surveys appear in Marín, _op. cit._, II, pp. 573-82, and Lorenzo Pérez, _op. cit._, pp. 378 et seqq.

[80] Chirino, _Primera parte_, quoted by Retana, col. 24, implied that Quiñones and Plasencia wrote at about the same time: "The first who wrote in these languages were, in Visayan, P. Fr. Martin de Rada, and in Tagalog, Fr. Juan de Quiñones, both of the Order of St. Augustine, and at the same time Fr. Juan de Oliver and Fr. Juan de Plasencia of the Order of St. Francis, of whom the latter began first, but the former [wrote] many more things and very useful ones." However, San Antonio, I, p. 532, wrote perhaps with bias in favor of his own order, "Although the Augustinian fathers had come earlier and did not lack priests fluent in the idiom, the language had not yet been reduced to a grammar, so that it could be learned by common grammatical rules, nor was there a general vocabulary of speech; except that each one had his own notes, to make himself understood, and everything was unsystematized."

[81] _Entrada de la seraphica Religion de nuestro P. S. Francisco en las Islas Philipinas_, MS. of 1649, first published in Retana, _Archivo_, I, no. III, translated in B. & R., XXXV, p. 311.

[82] Medina, p. 15, quoting from Martínez whom we are unable to trace.

[83] Huerta, pp. 492-3. Oliver died in 1599. San Antonio, II, p. 531, says that Plasencia was the first to write a catechism (called in Tagalog "Tocsohan"), and Oliver was the first to translate the explanation of the Doctrina. Oliver's works are noted by León Pinelo, _op. cit._, 1737-38, II, col. 730, and Barrantes, _op. cit._, p. 187.

[84] Sebastian de Totanes, _Arte de la Lengua Tagala_, Manila, 1850, p. v, (first edition printed in 1745) says of Oliver that "up to the present day our province reveres him as the first master of this idiom."

[85] See note 42.

[86] Huerta, p. 517. Nothing is known of Diego de la Asuncion except that he wrote five works in Tagalog including an _Arte_ and _Diccionario_. Huerta was unable to find any record of him in the mission lists, the capitularies or the death records, but that he was in the Philippines before 1649 we can be sure of from the notice of him in the manuscript of that date.

[87] Huerta, p. 495. Montes y Escamilla came to the islands in 1583 and remained there until his death in 1610. Five works in Tagalog are attributed to him, an _Arte_, _Diccionario_, _Confesionario_, _Devocional tagalog_, and a _Guia de Pecadores_. The _Devocional_ is listed by Medina, no. 16, p. 12.

[88] Pablo Rojo, _Fr. Juan de Plasencia_, _Escritor_, Appendix 3 of Santa Inés, II, p. 590. An early reference by Fernández, _Historia Eclesiastica_, p. 300, speaking of the Franciscan missionary successes among the natives, says, "They learned the Doctrina Christiana which the priests translated into Tagalog."

[89] Rojo, in Santa Inés, II, pp. 590-1, says that the Doctrina then being used among the Tagalogs was the same as that written by Plasencia except for modernization in accordance with the changes which had taken place in the language since his time.

[90] Medina, no. 15, p. 11.

[91] Chirino, p. 14.

[92] Colin, II, p. 325.

[93] Chirino, p. 27.

[94] Chirino, chaps. XV-XVII, pp. 34-41.

[95] On May 13, 1579, Philip II wrote to the Governor of the Philippines, "Fray Domingo de Salazar, of the Dominican order, and bishop of the said islands, has reported to us that he is going to reside in these islands; and that he will take with him religious of his order to found monasteries, and to take charge of the conversion and instruction of the natives," B. & R., IV, p. 141, translated from the original MS. in the Archivo-Historico Nacional, _Cedulario indico_, t. 31, f. 132V, no. 135. Twelve of the twenty who set out from Europe with Salazar died before reaching Mexico, and the others were so sick that all but one remained there, so when Salazar landed at Manila in March 1581 he was accompanied by twenty Augustinians, eight Franciscans, and only one Dominican, Christoval de Salvatierra.

[96] For these and other general facts I have used Aduarte and Remesal where they are supported by the other historians, Juan de la Concepcion, San Antonio, San Agustin, Juan de Medina and Santa Inés. It should be noted that Remesal acknowledged as his source for much of the material on the Philippines the unpublished MS. history of the Franciscan, Francisco de Montilla. The fifteen Dominicans were Juan de Castro, Alonso Ximenez, Miguel de Benavides, Pedro Bolaños, Bernardo Navarro, Diego de Soria, Juan de Castro the younger, Marcos Soria de San Antonio, Juan de San Pedro Martyr (or Maldonado), Juan Ormaza de Santo Tomás, Pedro de Soto, Juan de la Cruz, Gregorio de Ochoa, Domingo de Nieva, and Pedro Rodriguez.

[97] By a bull of October 20, 1582 Pope Gregory XIII confirmed the appointment already obtained from Pablo Constable de Ferrara, General of the Dominican Order, making Juan Chrisóstomo vicar-general of the Philippine Islands and China, and giving him authority to establish a province there, B. & R., V, pp. 199--200, translated from Hernaez, _Coleccion de bulas_, Brussels, 1879, I, p. 527, where it is printed from the original MS. in the Vatican, Bular. Dom., t. 15, p. 412.

[98] In 1580 the Dominicans of Mexico had begun plans for the establishment of a province in the Orient, and sent Juan Chrisóstomo to Europe to obtain the necessary permission from lay and ecclesiastical authorities. The Jesuit Alonso Sanchez, who had been sent to Spain to explain the situation in the Philippines, was at court, and told the King and Council of the Indies--quite subverting his mission--that there was no need for more priests and particularly no need for a new order there. Chrisóstomo was discouraged, but the scheme was revivified by Juan de Castro who finally secured a letter from Philip II on September 20, 1585 endorsing the plan. Twenty-two volunteers sailed from Spain on July 17, 1586. In Mexico the Dominicans again found Sanchez propagandizing against the mission and also encountered the efforts of the Viceroy to persuade the friars to remain there. Notwithstanding, twenty friars subscribed to a set of ordinances at the Convent of Santo Domingo in Mexico on December 17, 1586. Of the twenty, fifteen went to the Philippines, three went directly to China, and Juan Chrisóstomo, who was ill and weak, and Juan Cobo, who had business there, stayed behind in Mexico.

[99] Aduarte, I, p. 9.

[100] Aduarte, I, p. 70.

[101] Juan Cobo had stayed behind in Mexico on business, and during his stay had been so moved by the scandals of the government there that he preached publicly against them, as a result of which he was banished by the Viceroy. He brought with him from Mexico a fellow-reformer and exile, Luis Gandullo, and four other recruits for the Philippine mission.

[102] These are printed in the _Ordinationes_ of 1604, see note 127, and by Remesal, pp. 677--8, who says that "these ordinances were printed in as fine characters and as correctly as if in Rome or Lyon, by Francisco de Vera, a Chinese Christian, in the town of Binondo in the year 1604 through the diligence of Fr. Miguel Martin."

[103] Sangley, a term used by the natives to designate Chinese, was derived from the Cantonese _hiang_ (or _xiang_) and _ley_ meaning a "travelling merchant." It was adopted by the Spaniards and in most instances used interchangeably with Chinese. If any distinction existed it was that a Sangley was a permanent resident of the Philippines--quite contrary to the derivation of the word--or a Chinese of partially native blood. See San Agustin, p. 253.