Chapter 2

revolted. All that they had in mind regarding him was the nobility of his birth, and they paid no attention to the fact that he had been a favorite of Tiberius and was a slave to the licentious habits of his former master; or perhaps they thought that on this very account he would suit their purpose all the better. Indeed, Vitellius himself deemed himself of so little account that he made fun of the astrologers and used their prediction as evidence against them, saying: "Certainly they know nothing who declare that I shall become emperor." Nero when he heard it also laughed, and felt such contempt for the fellow that he did not try to injure him.

[Sidenote:--5--] Galba on being informed of his defection adopted Lucius Piso, a youth of good family, affable and prudent, and appointed him Caesar. At the same time Marcus Salvius Otho, angry because _he_ had not been adopted by Galba, brought about once more a beginning of countless evils for the Romans. He was always held in honor by Galba, so much so that on the day of the latter's death he was the only one of the senators to attend him at the sacrifice. And to him most of all was the catastrophe due. For when the diviner declared that Galba would be the victim of conspiracy and therefore urged him by no means to go abroad anywhere, Otho heard it, and hastening down immediately as if on some other errand was admitted within the wall by some few soldiers who were in the conspiracy with him. The next step was the winning over or rather the buying up of the rest, who were displeased at Galba, by means of many promises. From them he received the imperial office at once and later his claim was acknowledged by the others. [Sidenote:--6--] Galba on learning what was taking place thought he could bring the men into a better frame of mind and sent some emissaries to the camp for this purpose. Meanwhile a soldier holding aloft a bare blade covered with blood had approached him and said: "Be of good cheer, emperor: I have killed Otho, and no further danger awaits you." Galba, believing this, said to him: "And who ordered you to do that?" He himself started for the Capitol to offer sacrifice. As he reached the middle of the Roman Forum, horsemen and footsoldiers met him and then and there cut down in the presence of many senators and crowds of plebeians the old man, their consul, high priest, Caesar, emperor. After abusing his body in many ways they cut off his head and stuck it on a pole.--So he was struck by a javelin hurled into the very chair in which he was being carried, was wounded at the very moment he was bending forward from it, and only said: "Why, what harm have I done?" Sempronius Densus, a centurion, defended him as long as he was able, and finally, when he could accomplish nothing, let himself be slain with his sovereign. This is why I have included his name, for he richly deserves to be mentioned. Piso also was killed and numerous others, but not in aiding the emperor.

When the soldiers had done this, they cut off their heads, which they then carried to Otho (who was in the camp) and also into the senate-house; and the senators, though terror-stricken, affected to be glad.

Galba had lived seventy-two years and twenty-three days, out of which he ruled nine months and thirteen days. Piso perished after him, making this atonement for having been appointed Caesar.

[Sidenote:--7--] This was the end that befell Galba. But retribution was destined full soon enough to seek out Otho in his turn, as he at once learned. As he was offering his first sacrifice, the omens were seen to be unfavorable, so that he repented of what had been done and said: "What need was there of my playing on the long flutes?" This is a colloquial and proverbial expression that has reference to those who do anything out of their usual line. Later he was so disturbed in his sleep at night that he fell out of the bed and alarmed the guards who slept at the door. They rushed in and found him lying on the ground. Yet once he had entered upon the imperial office he could not put it off; and he remained in it and paid the penalty, in spite of many temperate acts intended to conciliate people. It was not particularly his nature to behave that way, but since on account of Vitellius his prospects were in a somewhat precarious state, he did not wish to alienate the bulk of the population.

Just at this time, to be sure, he annulled the sentences against some senators and granted various slight favors to others. By way of gaining the public approval he constantly frequented the theatres: he bestowed citizenship upon foreigners and made many other attractive announcements. Yet he did not succeed in winning the attachment of any one save a certain few, like himself. [For his restoration of the images of those under accusation and] his life and habits, his keeping Sporus as a companion and employing the rest of the Neronians, alarmed everybody.

[Sidenote:--8--] Moreover, the senate voted him all the privileges pertaining to his office. He said that he had been forced to do as he did, had been brought within the walls against his will, and had actually risked his life after that by opposing the scheme. He regularly talked in a considerate manner and assumed a kindly expression and attitude; he threw kisses on his fingers to everybody and made many promises. But the fact did not escape men that his rule was sure to be more licentious and oppressive than Nero's. (Indeed, he had immediately applied to himself the latter's name).

[Sidenote:--9--] They hated him most of all, however, because he had demonstrated the fact that the imperial office was for sale and had put the city in the power of the boldest spirits; likewise because he held the senate and the people in slight esteem and had impressed upon the soldiers also this idea,--that they could kill or again create a Caesar. Moreover, he had brought the soldiers into such a daring and lawless condition by his gifts and his immoderate attentions that one day they forced an entrance just as they were into the palace while a number of the senators were dining there with Otho. before departing they rushed into the banquet-room itself, killing those that strove to bar their progress. And they would have slaughtered everybody found there had not the guests jumped up and hid themselves prior to their irruption. For this behavior the men received money, it being assumed that their act was due to their liking for Otho.

About this time also a man was caught pretending to be Nero. His name was unknown to Dio. And at last he paid the penalty.

[Sidenote:--10--] Otho, not succeeding by frequent invitations in persuading Vitellius to come and share the imperial office, eventually plunged into open war against him. And he sent soldiers whom he put in charge of several different leaders; this fact was largely responsible for his reverses.

Valens was so eager for money and gathered it so assiduously from every source that he put to death the decurion, who had concealed him and had saved his life, on account of a thousand denarii which he thought had been purloined from his possessions.

Otho declined battle, saying that he could not see a battle fought between kindred, just as if he had become emperor in some legitimate fashion and had not killed the consuls and the Caesar [Footnote: Piso and Galba are meant.] and the emperor [Footnote: Piso and Galba are meant.] in Rome itself. There fell in the battles which took place near Cremona four myriads of men on both sides. Here, they say, various omens appeared before the battle, most noteworthy being an unusual bird, such as men had never before beheld, that was seen for a number of days.

[Sidenote:--11--] After the forces of Otho had been worsted, a certain horseman brought word of the disaster to Otho. When the bystanders refused to credit his report--it chanced that there were many gathered there--and some set to calling him "renegade" and others "enemy," he exclaimed: "Would that this news were false, Caesar: for most gladly would I have died to secure thy victory. As it is, my demise is determined, that no one may think I fled hither to secure my own safety. But do thou be assured that the enemy will ere long arrive, and debate what must be done." Having finished these words, he despatched himself. [Sidenote:--12--] This act caused all to believe him, and they were ready to renew the conflict. Those present formed a numerous body and there were not a few others at hand from Pannonia. But the most important consideration, as usual in such cases, was that they loved Otho and were quite devoted to him, not in word but in their hearts. When, however, they besought him not to abandon either himself or them, he waited until the rest, at report of the news, had come running together, and then, after some muttered words to himself, he delivered to the soldiers a speech, from which the following is a brief excerpt:

[Sidenote:--13--] "Enough, quite enough, has already been done. I hate a civil war, even though I conquer: and I love all Romans, even though they do not side with me. Let Vitellius be victor, since this has pleased the gods; and let the lives of his soldiers also be spared, since this pleases me. It is far better and more just that one should perish for all, rather than many for one, and that I should refuse on account of one single man to embroil the Roman people and cause so great a mass of human beings to perish. I certainly should prefer to be a Mucius, a Decius, a Curtius, a Regulus, rather than a Marius, a Cinna, or a Sulla,--not to mention other names. Therefore do not force me to become one of these men I hate, nor grudge me the privilege of imitating one of those whom I commend. Do you depart to meet the conqueror and do him reverence. As for me, I shall find means to free myself, that all men may be taught by the event that you have chosen such an emperor as has not given you up to save himself but himself to save you."

[Sidenote:--14--] Of this nature were the words of Otho. Falling upon the ears of the soldiers they aroused both admiration of the man and pity for what might befall him: his troops shed tears of lamentation and mourning, calling him father and terming him dearer than children and parents. ["Upon thee our lives depend," they said, "and for thee we will all die."] This argument continued so for most of the day, Otho begging to be allowed to die and the soldiers refusing to permit him to carry out his wish. Finally, he reduced them to silence and said: "It can not be that I should show myself inferior to this soldier, whom you have seen kill himself for the single reason that he had borne news of defeat to his own emperor. I shall certainly follow in his footsteps, that I may cease to see or hear aught any longer. And you, if you love me in reality, let me die as I desire and do not compel me to live against my will, but take your way to the victor and gain his good graces."

[Sidenote:--15--] At the close of this speech he retired into his apartments and after sending some messages to his intimate friends and some to Vitellius in their behalf he burned all the letters which anybody had written to him containing hostile statements about Vitellius, not wanting them to serve as damaging evidence against anybody. Then he called each one of the persons that were at hand, greeted them, and gave them money. Meantime there was a disturbance made by the soldiers, so that he was obliged to go out and quiet them, and he did not come back until he had sent them to a place of safety, some here, some there. So then, when quiet had been permanently restored, taking a short sword he killed himself. The grief-stricken soldiery took up his body and buried it, and some slew themselves upon his grave. This was the end that befell Otho, after he had lived thirty-seven years lacking eleven days and had reigned ninety days, and it overshadowed the impiety and wickedness of his active career. In life the basest of men he died most nobly. He had seized the empire by the most villainous trick, but took leave of it most creditably.

A series of brawls among the soldiers immediately ensued, and a number of them were slain by one another; afterwards they reached an agreement and set out to meet the victorious party.

DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY 65

Vitellius is proclaimed emperor: feasts his eyes on gladiators and slaughters: drives astrologers from Italy (chapter 1).

Vitellius's excess in banquets, in his home, in furniture, in his almost absurd magnificence (chapters 2-5).

Praiseworthy points in his character (chapters 6, 7).

Portents of ill omen: the soldiers declare Vespasian emperor (chapter 8).

Mucianus is sent by Vespasian against Vitellius: Primus of his own accord takes the lead against Vitellius (chapter 9).

Alienus, put in charge of the war by Vitellius, is the author of a desertion, but is in turn seized by his followers, who change their minds (chapter 10).

The adherents of Vitellius are conquered in battle (chapters 11-14).

Catastrophe befalls the dwellers in Cremona (chapter 15).

Wavering on the part of Vitellius: the Capitol is burned in the course of a siege by Sabinus (chapters 16, 17).

Disaster to the city of Rome, taken by Vespasian's captains (chapters 18, 19).

How Vitellius was taken and perished (chapters 20, 21).

How a brother and son of Vitellius met their fate (chapter 22).

DURATION OF TIME.

(Galba (II) and T. Vinius Coss.): A.D. 69 = a.u. 822, from January 15th. The following _Consules Suffecti_ took office:

On the Calends of March--T. Virginius Rufus, Vopiscus Pompeius.

On the Calends of May--Caelius Sabinus, T. Flavins Sabinus.

On the Calends of July--T. Arrius Antoninus, P. Marius Celsus (II).

On the Calends of September--C. Fabius Valens, A. Alienus Caecinna (also Roscius Regulus, as Caecinna was condemned on the last day of October).

On the Calends of November--Cn. Caecilius Simplex, C. Quintius Atticus.

[Sidenote: A.D. 69 (a.u. 822)] [Sidenote:--1--] The population of Rome when it heard of the downfall of Otho naturally transferred its allegiance immediately. Otho, whom people previously praised and for whose victory they prayed, they now abused as an enemy, and Vitellius, upon whom they had been invoking curses, they praised and declared emperor. So truly there is nothing constant in human affairs. Those who flourish most and those who are lowliest alike choose unstable standards, and construct their praises and their censures, their honors and their degradations to conform to the accidents of their situation.

News of the death of Otho was brought to him [Vitellius] while in Gaul. There he was joined by his wife and child, whom he placed on a platform and saluted as Germanicus and imperator, though the boy was only six years old.

[Vitellius witnessed gladiatorial combats at Lugdunum and again at Cremona, as if the crowds of men who had perished in the battles and were even then exposed unburied to the elements did not suffice. He beheld the slain with his own eyes, for he traversed all the ground where they lay and gloated over the spectacle as if he were still in the moment of victory; and not even after that did he order them to be buried.] Upon reaching Rome and adjusting affairs to suit him, he issued a bulletin banishing the astrologers and commanding them by this particular day (mentioning a given date) to leave the whole country of Italy. They by night put up in turn another document, in which they announced that he should lose his life by the day on which he actually died. So accurate was their previous knowledge of what should come to pass.

[Sidenote:--2--] Vitellius was fond of luxury and licentiousness and cared for nothing else human or divine. He had always been the kind of man that would spend his time in taverns and gaming houses, over dancers and charioteers. Incalculable were the sums he spent on such pursuits, and the consequence was that he had many creditors. Now, when he attained to so great authority, his wantonness only increased, and his expenditures went on most of the day and night alike. He was insatiate in filling himself, yet kept constantly vomiting what he ate, apparently living on the mere passage of food. Yet that was what enabled him to hold out; for his fellow banqueters fared very badly. [He was always inviting numbers of the foremost men to his table and he was frequently entertained at their houses.]

[Sidenote:--3--] On this point one of them, Vibius Crispus, [Footnote: _Q. Vibius Crispus._] was the author of a most witty remark. Having been compelled for some days by sickness to absent himself from the convivial board, he said: "If I had not fallen ill, I should certainly have died." The entire period of his reign consisted in nothing but carousals and revels. All the most valuable food products were brought together from the ocean itself (not to go farther) from the earth and from the Mediterranean, and were prepared in so costly a fashion that even now some cakes and other dishes are named Vitellian, after him. Why should one go into the details of these affairs? It is admitted by quite everybody that during the period of his reign he expended on dinners two hundred million two thousand five hundred denarii. There came very near being a famine in all costly articles of food, yet it was imperative that they should be provided. Once he had a dish made that cost twenty-five myriads, into which he put a mixture of tongues and brains and livers of fish and certain kinds of birds. As it was impossible to make so large a vessel of pottery, it was made of silver and remained extant for some time, regarded somewhat in the light of a votive offering, until Hadrian finally set eyes on it and had it melted down.

[Sidenote:--4--] Since I have mentioned this fact, I will also add another, namely that not even Nero's Golden House would satisfy Vitellius. He delighted in and commended the name and the life and all the practices of its former owner, yet he found fault with the structure itself, saying that it had been badly built and was scantily and meanly equipped. When he fell ill one time he looked about for a room to afford him an abode; so little did even Nero's surroundings satisfy him. His wife Galeria ridiculed the small amount of decoration found in the royal apartments. This pair, as they spent other people's money, never stopped to count the cost of anything; but those who invited them to meals found themselves in great trouble [save a few whom he compensated for it]. Yet the same persons would not regularly entertain him the entire day, but one set of men furnished breakfast, another lunch, another dinner, and still another certain viands for dessert calculated to stimulate a jaded appetite. [Footnote: This little phrase is taken direct from Plato's _Critias_, 115 B.] [For all who were able were eager to entertain him.] It is said that after the elapse of a few days he spent a hundred myriads upon a dinner. [His birthday celebration lasted over two days and numbers of beasts and of men were slain.]

[Sidenote:--6--] [Though his life was of this kind he was not entirely without good deeds. For example, he retained the coinage minted under Nero and Galba and Otho, evincing no displeasure at their images; and whatever gifts had been bestowed upon any persons he held to be valid and deprived no one of any such possession. He did not collect any sums still owing of former public contributions, and he confiscated no one's property. A very few of those who sided with Otho he put to death but did not withhold even the property of these from their relatives. Upon the kinsmen of those previously executed he bestowed all the funds that were found in the public treasury. He did not obstruct the execution of the wills of such as had fought against him and had fallen in the battles. Furthermore he forbade the senators and the knights to fight as gladiators or to appear in any spectacle in the orchestra. And for these measures he was commended.]

[Sidenote:--7--] He was a constant attendant of the theatres, and this won the attachment of the populace. He ate with the most influential men on free and easy terms, and this gained their favor to an even greater degree. His old companions he never failed to remember and honored them greatly, not (like some others) disdaining to appear to recognize any of them. Many persons have unexpectedly attained to great power feel hate for those who are acquainted with their former humble state. [Vitellius, when Priscus opposed him in the senate and denounced one of the soldiers, called the tribunes to his side as if he had some need of their assistance. He did not himself do Priscus any harm and did not allow the officials to hurt him, but merely said: "Be not indignant, Conscript Fathers, that we two out of your number have had a little dispute with each other." This act seemed to have been due to a kindly disposition. The fact, however, that he wished to imitate Nero and offered sacrifices to his Manes, and that he spent so great sums on dinners, though it caused joy to some, made the sensible grieve, since they were fully aware that not all the money in the whole world would be sufficient for him.]

[Sidenote:--8--] While he was behaving in this way, evil omens occurred. A comet star was seen, and the moon contrary to precedent appeared to have had two eclipses, being obscured by shadows on the fourth and on the seventh day. Also people saw two suns at once, one in the west weak and pale, and one in the east brilliant and powerful. On the Capitol many huge footprints were seen, presumably of some spirits that had descended that hill. The soldiers who had slept there the night in question said that the temple of Jupiter had opened of itself with great clangor and some of the guards were so terrified that they expired. At the same time that this happened Vespasian, engaged in warfare with the Jews, [sent his son Titus to the emperor Galba to give him a message. But when Titus returned, having learned on the way] of the rebellion of Vitellius and of Otho, he deliberated what ought to be done. [For Vespasian was in general not rashly inclined and he hesitated very much about involving himself in such troublous affairs.]

[Sidenote:--9--] But people favored him greatly: his reputation won in Britain, his fame derived from the war under way, his kindheartedness and prudence, all led them to desire to have him at their head. Likewise Mucianus urged him strongly, hoping that Vespasian should get the name of emperor and that he as a result of the other's good nature should enjoy an equal share of power. Vespasian's soldiers on ascertaining all these facts surrounded his tent and hailed him as emperor. Portents and dreams pointing him out as sovereign long before had also fallen to the lot of Vespasian, and these will be recited in the story of his life. For the time being he sent Mucianus to Italy against Vitellius, while he himself, after taking a look at affairs in Syria and entrusting to others the conduct of the war against the Jews, proceeded to Egypt. There he collected money, of which of course he needed a great deal, and grin, which he desired to send in as large quantities as possible to Rome. The soldiers in Moesia, hearing how matters stood with him, would not wait for Mucianus,--they had learned that he was _en route_,--and chose as their general Antonius Primus, [Footnote: _M. Antonius Primus._] who had suffered sentence of exile in Nero's reign but had been restored by Galba and was commander of the legion in Pannonia. This man held supreme authority, although not chosen by the emperor nor by the senate. So great was the soldiers' anger at Vitellius and their zest for plunder. They were doing this for no other purpose except to pillage Italy. And their intention was realized.

[Sidenote:--10--] Vitellius when he heard about it remained where he was and went on with his luxurious living even to the extent of arranging gladiatorial combats. In the course of these it was proposed that Sporus portray the role of a maiden being ravished, but he would not endure the shame and committed suicide. Vitellius gave the charge of the war to Alienus [Footnote: _A. Caevina Alienus._] and certain others. Alienus reached Cremona and occupied the town, but seeing that his own soldiers were out of training as a result of their luxurious life in Rome and impaired by lack of practice, whereas the others were physically well exercised and stout of heart, he was afraid. Subsequently, when friendly proposals came to him from Primus, he called the soldiers together and by indicating the weakness of Vitellius and the strength of Vespasian together with the character of the two men he persuaded them to revolt. Then they removed the images of Vitellius from their standards and took an oath that they would be governed by Vespasian. But, after the meeting had broken up and they had retired to their tents, they changed their minds and suddenly gathering excitedly in force with great outcry they again saluted Vitellius as emperor and imprisoned Alienus for having betrayed them, and they paid no heed to his consular office. Such are the regular practices of civil wars.

[Sidenote:--11--] The great confusion which under these conditions prevailed in the camp of Vitellius was increased that night by an eclipse of the moon. It was not so much its being obscured (though even such phenomena cause fear to men in excitement) as the fact that the luminary appeared both blood-colored and black and reflected still other terrifying shades. Not for this, however, would the men change their attitude or yield: but when they encountered each other they contended most vigorously, although, as I said, the Vitellians were leaderless; for Alienus had been imprisoned at Cremona.

On the following day, when Primus through messengers tried to induce them to come to terms, the soldiers of Vitellius sent a return message to him urging that he espouse the cause of Vitellius. When, moreover, they joined battle with his soldiers they contended most vigorously. The battle was not the result of any concerted plan. Some few horsemen, as often happens when two forces are encamped opposite each other, were out foraging in front of the others and suddenly made an attack. After that reinforcements came from both armies to each of the two parties in whatever order the troops happened to become aware of the situation,--first to one side, then to the other, now of one kind of fighting force, now of another, infantry or cavalry: and the conflict was marked by vicissitudes until all had hastened to the front. Then they got into some kind of regular formation and carried on the struggle with some order even though leaderless. Alienus, as you remember, had been imprisoned.

[Sidenote:--12--] From this point on the battle between them was a well matched and evenly balanced affair, not only during the day but at night as well. For the coming of night did not separate them. They were thoroughly angry and determined, although they were acquainted with each other and talked back and forth. Hence not hunger nor fatigue nor cold nor darkness nor wounds nor deaths nor the remains of men that fell on this field before [nor the memory of the disaster nor the number of those that perished to no purpose] mitigated their fierceness. Such was the madness that possessed both sides alike [and so eager were they, incited by the very memories of the spot, which made one party resolved to conquer this time also, and the other not to be conquered this time either. So they fought as against foreigners instead of kindred, and as if all on both sides were absolutely obliged either to perish at once or thereafter to be slaves. Therefore, not even when night came on, as I stated, would they yield; but though tired out and for that reason often resting and indulging in conversation together, they nevertheless continued to struggle]. As often as the moon shone out (it was constantly being concealed by [numerous] clouds [of all shapes that kept passing in front of it]), one might see them sometimes fighting, sometimes [Sidenote:--13--] standing and leaning on their spears, sometimes sitting down. Now and then they would shout in unison on one side the name of Vespasian and on the other that of Vitellius, and again they would challenge each other with abuse and praise of the two men. At intervals one soldier would have a private chat with an opponent:--"Comrade, fellow-citizen, what are we doing? Why are we fighting? Come over to my side." "Oh, no, you come to my side." But what is there surprising about this, considering that when the women of the city in the course of the night brought food and drink to give to the soldiers of Vitellius, the latter after eating and drinking themselves passed the supplies on to their antagonists? One of them would call out the name of his adversary (for they practically all knew one another and were well acquainted) and would say: "Comrade, take and eat this. I give you not a sword, but bread. Take and drink: I hold toward you not a shield but a cup. For whether you kill me or I you, this will afford us a more comfortable leave-taking, and will save from feebleness and weakness the hand with which either you cut me down or I you. These are the consecrated offerings that Vitellius and Vespasian give us while we are yet alive, that they may sacrifice us to the corpses of the past." That would be the style of their conversation, after which they would rest a while, eat a bit, and then renew the battle. Soon they would stop again, and then once more join in conflict.

[Sidenote:--14--] It went on this way the whole night through till dawn broke. At that time two men of the Vespasian party wrought a notable achievement. Their side was being severely damaged by an engine of some sort, and these two, seizing shields from among the spoils of the Vitellian faction, mingled with the opposing ranks, and made their way to the engine without its being noticed that they did not belong to that side. Thus they managed to cut the ropes of the affair, so that not another missile could be discharged from it. As the sun was rising the soldiers of the third legion, called the Gallic, that wintered in Syria but was now by chance in the party of Vespasian, suddenly according to custom saluted the Sun God. The followers of Vitellius, suspecting that Mucianus had arrived, underwent a revulsion of feeling, and panic-stricken at the shout took to flight. (Another instance of how the smallest things can produce great alarm in men who are completely tired out). They retired within the wall, from which they stretched forth their hands and made supplications. As no one listened to them, they released the consul, and, having arrayed him in his robe of office with the fasces, then sent him as an intercessor. Thus they obtained a truce, for Alienus because of his rank and the way he had been treated easily persuaded Primus to accept their submission.

[Sidenote:--15--] When, however, the gates were opened and an amnesty had been declared for all, suddenly soldiers came rushing in from all directions and began plundering and setting fire to everything. This catastrophe proved to be one of the greatest recorded. The city was distinguished for the size and beauty of its buildings, and great sums of money belonging to natives and to strangers had been accumulated there. The larger portion of the harm was done by the Vitellians, since they knew exactly which were the houses of the richest men and all about the entrances on the alleys. They showed no scruples about destroying the persons in whose behalf they had fought, but dealt blows, committed murder, and acted as if it were they who had been wronged and had conquered. Thus, counting those that fell in battle, five myriads perished altogether.

[Sidenote:--16--] Vitellius, on learning of the defeat, was for a time quite disturbed. Omens had contributed to make him uneasy. He had been offering a certain sacrifice, and after it was addressing the soldiers, when a lot of vultures swooped down, scattered the sacred meats, and nearly knocked him from the platform. Accordingly, the news of the defeat troubled him still more, and he quietly sent his brother to Tarracina, a strong city, which the latter occupied. But when the generals of Vespasian approached Rome he became alarmed and took his departure. He did nothing and formed no plan, but in a state of terror was carried back and forth on the billows of chance. One moment he was for clinging to the sovereignty and he was making definite preparations for warfare: the next he was quite willing to give it up and was definitely getting ready to live as a private person. At times he wore the purple chlamys and girded on a sword: again he assumed dark colored clothing. His public addresses both in the palace and in the Forum were now of one tenor, now of another, first urging battle and next terms of peace. At times he was inclined to surrender himself for the public welfare, and later he would clasp his child in his arms, kiss him, and hold him out to the people as if to arouse their pity. Similarly he would dismiss the Pretorians and then send for them again, would leave the palace to retire to his brother's house and then return: in this way he dulled the enthusiasm of almost everybody interested in him. Seeing him dashing hither and thither so frenziedly they ceased to carry out commands with their usual diligence, and began to consider their own interests as well as his. They ridiculed him a great deal, especially when in the assemblies he proffered his sword to the consuls and to the senators present as if to show that by this act he had divested himself of the imperial office. No one of the above persons dared to take it, and the bystanders jeered.

[Sidenote:--17--] In view of these conditions, when Primus at last drew near, the consuls, Gaius Quintius Atticus and Gnaeus Caecilius Simplex, together with Sabinus (a relative of Vespasian) and the other foremost men held a consultation, the result of which was that they set out for the palace in company with the soldiers that favored their cause, intending to either persuade or force Vitellius to resign his position as emperor. They encountered, however, the Celtae who were guarding him, and getting decidedly the worst of the encounter they fled to the Capitol. Arrived there they sent for Domitian, son of Vespasian, and his relatives, and put themselves in a state of defence. The following day, when their adversaries assailed them, they managed for a time to repulse them; but when the environs of the Capitol were set on fire, its defenders were beaten back by the flame. In this way the soldiers of Vitellius forced their way up, slaughtered many of the resisting party, and after plundering the whole stock of votive offerings burned down with other structures the great temple. Sabinus and Atticus they arrested and sent them to Vitellius. Domitian and the junior Sabinus had made their escape from the Capitol at the first noise of conflict and by concealing themselves in houses had succeeded in eluding observation.

[Sidenote:--18--] Those soldiers of Vespasian that were led by Quintus Petilius Cerialis [Footnote: The epitome of Dio spells uniformly _Cerealius_.] (one of the foremost senators and a relative of Vespasian by marriage) and by Antonius Primus--for Mucianus had not yet overtaken them--were by this time close at hand, and Vitellius fell into the depths of terror. The oncoming leaders through the medium of certain messengers and by placing their letters in coffins with dead bodies, in baskets full of fruit, or the reed traps of bird-catchers, learned all that was being done in the city and formed their plans accordingly. Now, when they saw the blaze rising from the Capitol as from a beacon, they made haste. The first of the two to approach the city with his cavalry was Cerialis, [and he was defeated at the very entrance by being cut off with horsemen in a narrow spot. However, he prevented any harm being done by his opponents. For Vitellius, hoping that his proved superiority would afford him an opportunity to make terms, restrained his soldiers]. And having convened the senate he sent envoys chosen from that body together with the vestal virgins to Cerialis as envoys.

[Sidenote:--19--] Since no one would listen to them and they came very near losing their lives, the emissaries visited Primus, who was also at last approaching; from him they secured an audience, but accomplished nothing. For at this juncture his soldiers came angrily toward him and overcame with ease the guard at the Tiber bridge. (When the latter took their stand upon it and disputed their passage, the horsemen forded the stream and fell upon them from the rear). After this various bodies of men made assaults at various points and committed some of the most atrocious deeds. All the behavior for which they censured Vitellius and his followers, behavior which they pretended was the cause of the war between them, they themselves repeated, slaying great numbers. Many of those killed were struck with pieces of tiling from the roof or cut down in alleyways while jostled about by a throng of adversaries. Thus as many as fifty thousand human beings were destroyed during those days of carnage.

[Sidenote:--20--] So the city was being pillaged, and the men were some fighting, some fleeing, some actually plundering and murdering by themselves in order that they might be taken for the invaders and so preserve their lives. Vitellius in dread put on a ragged, dirty, little tunic and concealed himself in an obscure alcove where dogs were kept, intending to run off during the night to Tarracina and join his brother. But the soldiers found him after a short search, for he could not long be sure of remaining hid, seeing that he had been emperor. They seized him, a mass of shavings and blood--for the dogs had done him some harm already--and stripping off his clothes they bound his hands behind his back, put a rope around his neck and dragged from the palace the Caesar who had reveled there. Down the Sacred Way they hauled the emperor who had frequently paraded past in his chair of state. Then they conducted the Augustus to the Forum, where he had often addressed the people. Some buffeted him, some plucked at his beard, all ridiculed him, all insulted him, laying especial stress in their remarks on his intemperance, since he had an expansive paunch. [Sidenote:--21--] When in shame at this treatment he kept his eyes lowered, the soldiers would prick him under the chin with their daggers, to make him look up even against his will. A certain Celt who saw this would not endure it, but taking pity on him cried: "I will help you, as well as I can alone." Then he wounded Vitellius and killed himself. However, Vitellius did not die of the wound but was haled to the prison, as were also his statues, while many amusing and many disgraceful remarks were made about them. Finally, grieved to the heart at the way he had been treated and what he was compelled to hear, he was heard to exclaim: "Yet I was once your emperor!" At that the soldiers flew into a rage and took him to the top of the Scalae Gemoniae, where they struck him down. His head was cut off and carried about all over the city.

[Sidenote:--22--] Subsequently his wife saw to his burial. He had lived fifty-four years [and eighty-nine days] and had reigned for a year lacking ten days. His brother had started from Tarracina to come to his assistance, but learned while _en route_ that he was dead. He also encountered a detachment of men sent against him and made terms with them on condition that his life should be spared. In spite of this he was murdered not long afterward. The son of Vitellius, too, perished soon after his father, notwithstanding that Vitellius had killed no relative either of Otho or of Vespasian. After all these various events had taken place, Mucianus came up and administered necessary details in conjunction with Domitian, whom he also presented to the soldiers and had him make a speech, boy though he was. Each of the soldiers received twenty-five denarii.

DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY 66

Vespasian is made Emperor: is also designated as such by portents (chapter 1).

The arrogance of Mucianus and Domitian (chapter 2).

Revolt of the Germans (chapter 3).

About the taking of Jerusalem by Titus (chapters 4-7).

Vespasian levies money in Egypt (chapter 8).

He treats the Romans considerately: drives philosophers from the capital (chapters 9-13).

He gathers money by the efforts of his concubine Caenis, as well as by his own (chapter 14).

The Temple of Peace and the Colossus are erected: Berenice is dismissed: the Cynics are punished (chapter 15).

The punishment of Julius Sabinus: likewise of the conspirators, Alienus and Marcellus (chapter 16).

How Vespasian met his death (chapter 17).

The mildness of character of Titus Caesar Augustus (chapters 18, 19).

War in Britain, which is ascertained to be an island (chapter 20).

How Mount Vesuvius flamed forth: conflagration at Rome (chapters 21-24).

Spectacles: death of Titus (chapters 25, 26).

DURATION OF TIME.

Fl. Vespasianus Aug. (II), Titus Caesar. (A.D. 70 = a.u. 823 = Second of Vespasian, from July 1st).

Fl. Vespasianus Aug. (III), M. Cocceius Nerva. (A.D. 71 = a.u. 824 = Second of Vespasian).

Fl. Vespasianus Aug. (IV), Titus Caesar (II). (A.D. 72 = a.u. 825 = Third of Vespasian).

Domitianus Caesar (II), M. Valerius Messalinus. (A.D. 73 = a.u. 826 = Fourth of Vespasian).

Fl. Vespasianus Aug. (V), Titus Caesar (III). (A.D. 74 = a.u. 827 = Fifth of Vespasian).

Fl. Vespasianus Aug. (VI), Titus Caesar (IV). (A.D. 75 = a.u. 828 = Sixth of Vespasian).

Fl. Vespasianus (VII), Titus Caesar (V). (A.D. 76 = a.u. 829 = Seventh of Vespasian). Fl. Vespasianus (VIII), Titus Caesar (VI). (A.D. 77 = a.u. 830 = Eighth of Vespasian).

L. Ceionius Commodus, D. Novius Priscus. (A.D. 78 = a.u. 831 = Ninth of Vespasian).

Fl. Vespasianus (IX), Titus Caesar (VII). (A.D. 79 = a.u. 832 = First of Titus, from June 23rd).

T. Vespasianus (VIII), Domitianus (VII). (A.D. 80 = a.u. 833 = Second of Titus).

L. Fl. Silva Nonius Bassus, Asinius Pollio Verrucosus. (A.D. 81 = a.u. 834 = Third of Titus, to September 13th).

[Sidenote: A.D. 70 (a.u. 823)] [Sidenote:--1--] Such was the course of events on the heels of which Vespasian was declared emperor by the senate and Titus and Domitian were given the title of Caesars. The consular office was assumed by Vespasian and Titus while the former was in Egypt and the latter in Palestine. Vespasian had seen portents and dreams that long beforehand indicated that he was destined to rule. As he was eating dinner in the country, where most of his time was spent, a cow approached him, knelt down, and put her head beneath his feet. Another time, when he was taking food, a dog threw a human hand under the table. And a conspicuous cypress tree, which had been uprooted and overthrown by a violent wind, on the next day stood upright again by its own power and continued to flourish. From a dream he learned that when Nero Caesar should lose a tooth, he should be emperor: and this matter of the tooth became a reality on the following day. Nero himself in his slumbers thought he was bringing the chariot of Jupiter to Vespasian's house. These occurrences, of course, needed interpretation. But in addition a Jew named Josephus, who had previously been disliked by him and imprisoned, gave a laugh and said: "You may imprison me now, but a year later when you become emperor you will release me."

[Sidenote:--2--] Thus had Vespasian, like some others, been born for the position. While he was as yet absent in Egypt Mucianus administered all the details of government with the help of Domitian. Mucianus feeling that he had himself given the sovereignty to Vespasian exulted greatly at these facts above all,--that he was called "brother" by him, and that he had authority to decide every question that he liked without the emperor's express approval and could issue written orders by merely adding his superior's name. For this purpose, too, he wore a finger ring that had been sent him, which was intended to impress the imperial seal upon documents requiring authorization. [Indeed, Domitian himself gave offices and procuratorships to many persons, appointing prefect after prefect and even consuls.] In fine, they behaved in every way so much like absolute rulers that Vespasian once sent the following message to Domitian: "I thank you, my child, for letting me hold office and that you have not yet dethroned me."

Now Mucianus gathered into the public treasury from every possible quarter vast sums of money, showing an entire readiness to relieve Vespasian of the censure which such a proceeding caused. He was forever declaring that money was the sinews of sovereignty; and in accordance with this belief he was constantly urging Vespasian to obtain funds from every quarter, and for his own part he continued from the outset to collect revenue, thus providing a large amount of money for the empire and acquiring a large amount himself.

[Sidenote:--3--] In Germany various uprisings against the Romans took place which are not worth mentioning for my purposes, but there was one incident that must cause us surprise. A certain Julius Sabinus, one of the foremost of the Lingones, collected by his own efforts a separate force and took the name of Caesar, declaring that he was a descendant of Julius Caesar. He was defeated in several engagements, whereupon he fled to a field and plunged into a subterranean vault beneath a monument, which he first burned to the ground. His pursuers thought he had perished in the conflagration, but as a matter of fact he hid himself there with his wife for nine years and had two male children by her. The troubles in Germany were settled by Cerialis in the course of a number of battles, in one of which so great a multitude of Romans and barbarians both were slain that the river flowing near by was held back by the bodies of the fallen. Domitian stood in fear of his father because of what he did and still more because of what he intended, for his plans were on no small scale. He happened to be spending most of his time near the Alban Mount, devoting himself to his passion for Domitia, the daughter of Corbulo. Her he took away from her husband, Lucius Lamia Aelianus, and at this time he had her for one of his mistresses, but later he actually married her.

[Sidenote:--4--] Titus, who was assigned to take charge of the war with the Jews, [undertook to win them over by certain conferences and offers; as they would not yield, he proceeded to direct hostilities. The first battles he fought were rather close; finally he prevailed and took up the siege of Jerusalem. This town had three walls including that surrounding the temple. The Romans accordingly heaped up mounds against the fortifications and brought their engines to bear: then collecting in a dense force they repulsed all sallying parties and with their slings and arrows kept back all the defenders of the wall. Many persons that had been sent by some of the barbarian kings they kept prisoners. The Jews who came to the assistance of their countrymen were many of them from the immediate region and many from kindred districts, not only in this same Roman empire but from beyond the Euphrates, and they, too, kept directing missiles and stones with considerable force on account of the higher ground, some being flung from the hand and some hurled by means of engines. They likewise made night and day sallies as often as occasion offered, set fire to the engines, slew numerous combatants, and by digging out under the wall took away earth from beneath the mound. As for the rams, they lassoed some of them and broke the ends off, others they seized and pulled up with hooks, while by means of thick boards well fastened together and strengthened with iron, which they let down against the face of the wall, they turned aside the assaults of the remainder. The Romans' chief cause of discomfort was the lack of water; their supply was of poor quality and had to be brought from a distance.

The Jews found their underground passages a source of strength. They had these affairs dug from within the city out under the walls to distant points in the country, and going out through them they would attack parties in search of water and harass scattered detachments. Consequently Titus stopped them all up.]

[Sidenote:--5--] In the course of these operations many on both sides were wounded and killed. Titus himself was struck on the left shoulder by a stone, and as a result of this accident the arm was always weaker. After a time the Romans managed to scale the outside circle, and, pitching their camps between the two encompassing lines of fortification, assaulted the second wall. Here, however, they found the conditions confronting them to be different. When all the inhabitants had retired behind the second wall, its defence proved an easier matter because the circuit to be guarded was so much less. Titus, accordingly, made anew a proclamation offering them immunity. They, however, even under these circumstances held out. And the captives and deserters from the enemy so far as they could do so unobserved spoiled the Roman water supply and slew many men that they could cut off from the main force, so that Titus refused to receive any of them. Meantime some of the Romans, too, growing disheartened, as often happens in a prolonged siege, and furthermore suspecting that the city was really, even as report declared, impregnable, went over to the other side. The Jews although they were short of food treated them kindly, in order to be able to exhibit deserters to their own ranks.

[Sidenote:--6--] Though a breach in the wall was effected by engines, still the capture did not immediately follow; the defenders killed great numbers that tried to crowd through the opening. Next they set fire to some of the buildings near by, expecting in this way to check the onward progress of the Romans, even should the latter make themselves masters of the entire circuit. In this way they damaged the wall and unintentionally burned down the barrier encompassing their sacred precinct. The entrance to the temple was now laid open to the Romans. The soldiers on account of their superstition would not immediately rush in, but at last, as Titus forced them, they made their way inside. Then the Jews carried on a defence much more vigorous than before, as if they had discovered a rare and unexpected privilege in falling near the temple, while fighting to save it. The populace was stationed in the outer court, the senators on the steps, and the priests in the hall of worship itself. And though they were but a handful fighting against a far superior force they were not subdued until a section of the temple was fired. Then they went to meet death willingly, some letting themselves be pierced by the swords of the Romans, some slaughtering one another, others committing suicide, and others leaping into the blaze. It looked to everybody, and most of all to them, apparently, [that so far from being ruin, it was victory and salvation and happiness to perish along with the temple]. [Sidenote:--7--] Even under these conditions many captives were taken, among them Bargiora, [Footnote: Properly Simon Bar-Giora (patronymic).] the commander of the enemy: he was the only one punished in the course of the triumphal celebration.

Thus was Jerusalem destroyed on the very day of Saturn, which even now the Jews reverence most. To commemorate the event it was ordered that the conquered, while still preserving their own ancestral customs should annually pay a tribute of two denarii to Capitoline Jupiter. As a reward for this success both generals received the title of imperator, but neither had that of _Iudaicus_, although all the other privileges (including arches bearing trophies) that were proper after so great a victory were voted to them.

[Sidenote:--8--] Hard upon Vespasian's entrance into Alexandria the Nile overflowed, and rose in one day a palm higher than usual; indeed, such an occurrence, it was said, had taken place only once before. Vespasian himself healed two persons who had come to him because of a vision seen in dreams. One of them, who had a weak hand, he cured by treading upon that member, and the other one, who was blind, by spitting upon his eyes. His divine power herein shown gave him great repute, yet the Alexandrians, far from enjoying his society, detested him heartily; not only in private but in public they were forever making fun of and abusing him. They had expected to receive some great reward from him because they had taken the first steps in making him emperor, but instead of securing anything they had additional contributions levied upon them. Large were the sums he gathered from them, for he omitted not a single source of revenue, no, not even the first that might offer itself, though its character were reprehensible, but he sought money from everybody alike, of secular or religious profession. As for taxes, he renewed many that had been abolished and increased those that were usual [and introduced still other new ones]. And he adopted this same course later in the rest of the subject territory, [in Italy] and in Rome itself. Hence the Alexandrians [both for the reasons mentioned and because most of the royal possessions had been sold were vexed and] threw out various derogatory remarks about him, one of them being: "You want six obols more." Vespasian, consequently, although the most affable of men, became indignant and gave orders that the six obols per man should be levied, and thought seriously about taking vengeance upon them. [The words themselves contained an insult, and of their many undignified and anapaestic rhythms there was not a single one but aroused his anger.] Titus, however, begged them off and Vespasian accordingly spared them. Yet they would not let him alone, and in some assembly they all together shouted at Titus these very words: "We forgive him. He doesn't understand being Caesar."

So they continued to be foolhardy, took their thorough fill of that license which is always working to their detriment, and abused the good nature of the emperor. [Sidenote:--9--] Vespasian soon ceased to notice them. He sent a despatch to Rome rescinding the disfranchisement of such persons as had been condemned for so-called acts of maiestas by Nero and succeeding rulers. His action included living and dead alike, and he moreover stopped the indictments made upon such complaints.--The astrologers he banished from Rome, yet he consulted all of them who were distinguished, and through the influence of Barbillus, a man of that profession, allowed the Ephesians to celebrate some sacred games. This was a privilege he granted to no other city.

He soon had Egypt subdued and sent from there a large supply of grain to Rome. He had left his son Titus at Jerusalem to sack the town, and awaited its capture that he might return to Rome in his son's company. But, as time dragged in the conduct of the siege, he left Titus in Palestine and took passage himself on a merchantman; he sailed in this manner as far as Lycia, and from that country partly by overland journeys and partly by seafaring he came to Brundusium.

After this he came to Rome, meeting Mucianus and other prominent men at Brundusium and Domitian at Beneventum. In consequence of the consciousness of his own designs and of what he had already done, Domitian was ill at ease, and moreover he occasionally feigned madness. He spent most of his time on the Alban estate and did many ridiculous things, one of them being to impale flies on pencils. Even though this incident be unworthy of the dignity of history, yet because it shows his character so well and particularly in view of the fact that he continued the same practice after he became emperor, I have been obliged to record it. Hence that answer was not without wit which some one made to a person who enquired what Domitian was doing. "He is living in retirement," he said, "without so much as a fly to keep him company." [Sidenote:--10--] Vespasian though he humbled this upstart's pride greeted all the rest not like an emperor but like a private person, for he remembered his previous experience.

On reaching Rome he bestowed gifts upon both soldiers and populace; he made repairs in the sacred precincts and upon those public works which showed signs of wear and tear; such as had already crumbled to decay he restored; and when they were completed he inscribed upon them not his own name but the names of the persons who had originally reared them.

He immediately began to construct the temple on the Capitoline, being himself the first to carry away some of the soil; and, as a matter of course, he urged the other most prominent men to do this same thing in order that the rest of the populace might have no excuse for shirking this service.

The property of his opponents who had fallen in one conflict or another he delivered to their children or to other kin of theirs; furthermore, he destroyed contracts of long standing representing sums due and owing to the public treasury.

Though he invariably expended in munificent fashion all that was requisite for the public welfare and arranged the festivals on a most sumptuous scale, his own living was very far from costly, and he sanctioned no greater outlay than was absolutely necessary. Therefore even in the taverns he allowed nothing cooked to be sold except pulse. Thus he made it quite plainly evident that he was amassing riches not for his own enjoyment but for the needs of the people.

Vespasian got laughed at every time that he would say, when spending money: "I am making this outlay from my own purse."

He was neither of noble family nor rich.

The general routine of life that he followed was this. He lived but little in the palace, spending most of his time in the so-called Sallustian Gardens. There he received anybody who desired to see him, not only senators but people in general. With his intimate friends he would converse also before dawn while lying in bed; others could greet him on the streets. The doors of the royal residence were open all day long and no guard was stationed at them. He was a regular visitor in the senate, whose members he consulted in regard to all projects, and he frequently tried cases in the Forum. Whatever measures he was prevented by old age from reading aloud, as well as any communications that he sent to the senate when absent, he usually caused to be read by his sons, showing honor by this course to the legislative body. Every day he had many of the senators and others join him at table, and he himself often dined at the houses of his intimate friends. [Sidenote:--11--] In general, his forethought for public interests caused him to be regarded as a real emperor. In his ordinary existence he was sociable and lived on a footing of equality with his subjects. He joked in unconventional manner and rather liked jokes upon himself. In case any anonymous documents were posted,--as happens to every emperor,--containing statements insulting to himself, he showed no signs of disturbance but posted in turn a suitable reply.

One day Phoebus approached him to make an apology. It seemed that once, during Nero's reign, Vespasian when in the theatre in Greece had frowned at the misconduct of the emperor (of which he was a witness), whereupon Phoebus had angrily bidden him "Go!" And upon Vespasian's enquiring "Where to?" the other had responded "to the devil." [Footnote: This sentiment is expressed in the Greek by "to the crows."] Now when Phoebus apologized for this speech the monarch did him no harm, in fact vouchsafed him no answer at all, save a curt "Go to the devil yourself!"--Again, when Vologaesus forwarded a letter to the emperor addressed as follows: "Arsaces, King of Kings, to Flavius Vespasian, Greeting," the recipient did not rebuke him but wrote a reply couched in the same terms and added none of his imperial titles.

[Sidenote:--12--] Helvidius Priscus, the son-in-law of Thrasea, had been brought up in the doctrines of the Stoics and imitated Thrasea's bluntness, though there was no occasion for it. He was at this time praetor and instead of doing aught to increase the honor due to the emperor he would not cease reviling him. Therefore the tribunes once arrested him and gave him in charge of their assistants, at which procedure Vespasian was overcome by emotion and went out of the senate-house in tears, uttering this single exclamation only: "A son shall be my successor or no one at all."

[Sidenote: A.D. 71 (a.u. 824)] After Jerusalem had been captured Titus returned to Italy and celebrated a triumph, both he and his father riding in a chariot. Domitian, now in his consulship, also took part in the festivities, mounted upon a charger. Vespasian next established in Rome teachers of both Latin and Greek learning, who drew their pay from the public treasury.

[Sidenote:--12--] It became strikingly clear that Vespasian hated Helvidius Priscus not so much for personal affronts or on account of the friends that the man had abused as because he was a turbulent fellow that cultivated the favor of the rabble, was forever denouncing royalty and praising democracy. Helvidius's behavior, moreover, was consistent with his principles; he banded various men together, as if it were the function of philosophy to insult those in power, to stir up the multitudes, to overthrow the established order of things, and to incite people to revolution. He was a son-in-law of Thrasea and affected to emulate the latter's conduct: his failure to do so was striking. Thrasea lived in Nero's time and disliked the tyrant. Even so, however, he never spoke or behaved toward him in any insulting way: he merely refused to share in his practices. But Helvidius had a grudge against Vespasian and would not let him alone either in private or in public. By what he did he invited death and for his meddlesome interference he was destined ultimately to pay the penalty.

Mucianus desired to be honored by all and beyond all, so that he was displeased not merely if a man insulted him but even if any one failed to extol him greatly. Hence, just as he was never tired of honoring those who assisted him to even the slightest extent, so his hatred was most cruel for all who did not so conduct themselves.

Mucianus made a great number of remarkable statements to Vespasian against the Stoics, as, for instance, that they are full of empty boasting, and if one of them lets his beard grow long, elevates his eyebrows, wears his fustian cape thrown carelessly back and goes barefoot, he straightway postulates wisdom, bravery, righteousness as his own. He gives himself great airs, even though he may not understand (as the proverb says) either letters or swimming. They view everybody with contempt and call the man of good family a mollycoddle, the ill-born a dwarfed intellect, a handsome person licentious, an ugly person comely, the rich man an apostle of greed, and the poor man a servile groveler.

And Vespasian did immediately expel from Rome all the philosophers except Musonius: Demetrius and Hostilianus he confined upon islands. Hostilianus would not stop, to be sure,--he happened to be conversing with somebody when he heard about the sentence of exile against him and merely inveighed all the more strongly against monarchy,--yet he straightway withdrew. Demetrius even now would not yield, and Vespasian bade it be told him: "You are working every way to have me kill you, but I am not slaughtering barking dogs."

[Sidenote:--13--] Before long many others who followed the so-called Stoic system made themselves prominent, among whom was Demetrius the cynic. These men, abusing the title of philosophy, kept teaching their disciples publicly many pernicious doctrines, and in this way were gradually corrupting [Footnote: Reading [Greek: hypodiephtheiron] (Dindorf).] some. Under these circumstances Mucianus, influenced more by anger than by fondness for speaking, uttered many charges against them and persuaded Vespasian to expel all such persons from the city.

[Sidenote:--14--] This period saw also the demise of Vespasian's concubine, Caenis. I have mentioned her because she was exceedingly faithful and possessed naturally a most excellent memory. For instance, her mistress Antonia, the mother of Claudius, had had her write secretly to Tiberius about Sejanus and later had ordered the message erased, that no trace of the same might be left. Thereupon she replied: "It is in vain, mistress, that you have issued this command. All of this and whatever else you dictate to me I always carry with me in my soul and it can never be erased." This is one thing I have admired about her and a second is that Vespasian should have been so much pleased with her. This fact gave her the greatest influence, and she collected untold wealth, so that it was even thought that she obtained money by her independent efforts. She received vast sums from all sources and sold to some persons offices, to others procuratorships, the command of campaigns, priesthoods, and to some actually imperial decisions. For Vespasian killed no one to get his money and took care to preserve large numbers of those who freely gave it. The person who secured the funds was his concubine, but it was suspected that Vespasian willingly allowed her to do as she did; and this belief was strengthened by his other acts, a few of which, for the sake of illustration, I shall relate. When certain persons voted to erect to him a statue costing twenty-five myriads, he stretched out his hand and said: "Give me the money; this [Footnote: i.e., the hollowed hand (compare Suetonius Vespasian, chapter 23).] will serve as its pedestal."--And to Titus, who was angry at the tax on urinating [Footnote: This refers to conveniences in the public streets.], which was appointed along with the rest, he replied, as he picked up some gold pieces that were the product of it: "See, my child, if they smell at all."

[Sidenote: A.D. 75 (a.u. 828)] [Sidenote:--15--] In the sixth year of Vespasian as magistrate and the fourth of Titus the precinct of Peace was dedicated and the so-called Colossus was set up on the Sacred Way. It is said to have been one hundred feet high, and to have had--according to one account--the figure of Nero, according to others that of Titus. Vespasian would often have beasts slain in the theatres. He did not particularly enjoy gladiatorial combats of men, although Titus during the youthful sports which were celebrated in his own land had once had a sham fight in heavy armor with Alienus. The Parthians, who fell into a war with some peoples, asked for an alliance with him, but he did not go to their aid, saying that it was not proper for him to interfere in other persons' business.

Berenice was at the height of her power and consequently came to Rome along with her brother Agrippa. [Footnote: This Agrippa, known also as Herodes II, was an intimate friend of the Jewish historian Josephus and a companion of Titus at the siege of Jerusalem. It was before him, moreover, that the apostle Paul made his defence in A.D. 60.] The latter was accorded pretorial honors, while she dwelt in the Palace and cohabited with Titus. She expected to be married to him and behaved in all respects as if his wife. But when he perceived that the Romans were displeased at the situation he sent her away; for various reports were in circulation. At this time, too, certain sophists of the cynic school managed somehow to slip into the city: first, Diogenes entered the theatre when it was full of men and denounced them in a long, abusive speech, for which he was flogged; after him Heras, who showed no greater disposition to be obedient, gave vent to many senseless bawlings in the true cynic (dog-like) manner,--and for this behavior was beheaded.

[Sidenote: A.D. 79 (a.u. 832)] [Sidenote:--16--] About the same period that these events took place it happened that at a certain inn such a quantity of overflowed the vessels that it ran out into the street. Moreover, Sabinus the Gaul, already mentioned, the person who had once named himself Caesar, had later taken up arms, had been defeated and had hidden himself in the monument, was discovered [Footnote: The meaning is clear. Cobet (Mnemosyne, N.S.X). thinks that ephorathae expresses the idea more accurately than the commonly accepted ephanerothae (Boissevain also ephorathae).] and brought to Rome. With him perished also his wife Peponila, who had previously saved his life. She had presented her children before Vespasian and had delivered a most pitiful speech in their behalf: "These little ones, Caesar, I both brought forth and reared in the monument, that we might be a greater number to supplicate you." She caused both him and the rest to weep; no mercy, however, was shown to the family. Meantime the emperor was also the object of a conspiracy on the part of Alienus and Marcellus, although he considered them among his best friends and bestowed honors upon them quite unstintedly. They did not succeed in killing him, though. Upon their being detected, Alienus was slain at once, in the imperial residence itself, as he rose from a meal with his intended victim. Titus issued this order to prevent his carrying his rebellion any further during the night; Alienus had already made arrangements with not a few of the soldiers. Marcellus was brought to trial before the senate and was condemned, whereupon he cut his own throat with a razor. Not even benefits, it may be remarked, can subdue those who are naturally vicious, as is shown by the plotting of these men against him who had done them so many kindnesses.

[Sidenote:--17--] It was after the episode just narrated that Vespasian fell sick, not, if the truth be known, of his ordinary gout but of fever and passed away at Aquae Cutiliae, [Footnote: These are mineral springs, chiefly sulphurous in nature, both hot and cold, situated near the town of Cutiliae, famous for its pool with the "floating island." Celsus (On Medicine, Book Four, chapter 5 (=12)) recommends bathing and standing in such cold mineral springs as those at Cutiliae in cases where a patient suffers from inability of the stomach to assimilate food.--The town itself is between Reate and Interocrea among the Sabines. (And compare Suetonius, Vespasian, chapter 24).] so-called, in Sabine territory. Some, who endeavor falsely to incriminate Titus (among them the emperor Hadrian) have spread a report that he was poisoned at a banquet. Portents had occurred in his career indicating his approaching end, such as the comet star which was seen for a considerable period and the opening of the monument of Augustus of its own accord. When the sick man's physician chided him for continuing his usual course of living and attending to all the duties that belonged to his office, he answered: "The emperor ought to die on his feet." To those who said anything to him about the comet he responded: "This is an omen not for me but for the Parthian king. He has flowing hair like the comet, whereas I am baldheaded." When he at length came to the belief that he was to die, he said only: "Now I shall become a god." He had lived to the age of sixty-nine years and eight months. His reign lasted ten years lacking six days. Accordingly, it results that from the death of Nero to Vespasian's becoming emperor a year and twenty-two days elapsed. I have recorded this fact to prevent a misapprehension on the part of any persons who might reckon the time with reference to the men who were in power. They, however, did not legitimately succeed one another, but each of them while his rival was alive and still ruling believed himself to be emperor from the moment that the thought first entered his head. One must not enumerate all the days of their reigns as if those days had followed one after another in orderly succession, but make a single sweeping calculation with the exact time, as I have stated it, in mind.

[Sidenote:--18--] At his death Titus succeeded to the imperial power. Titus as a ruler committed no act of murder or passion, but showed himself upright, though the victim of plots, and self-controlled, though Berenice came to Rome again. Perhaps this was because he had undergone a change. (To share a reign with somebody else is a very different thing from being one's self an independent ruler. In the former case persons are heedless of the good name of the sovereignty and enjoy greedily the authority it gives them, thus doing many things that make their position the object of envy and slander. Actual monarchs, on the other hand, knowing that everything depends on their decision, have some eye to good repute as well as to other matters. So Titus said to somebody whose society he had previously affected: "It is not the same thing to desire something from another as to decide a case yourself, nor to ask something from another as it is to give it to some one yourself.") Perhaps his satisfactory conduct was also due to his surviving so short a time compared with most rulers, for he was thus given little opportunity for wrongdoing. For he lived after this only two years, two months and twenty days in addition to his thirty-nine years, five months and twenty-five days. People compare this feature of Titus's career with the fullness of years of Augustus, and say that the latter would never have won affection if he had lived a shorter time, nor the former, if he had lived longer. Augustus, though at the outset he had shown himself rather harsh because of the wars and the political factions, was able later in the course of time to become distinguished for his kindnesses: Titus ruled with forbearance and died at the summit of his glory, whereas if he had enjoyed a longer life, it might have been proved that he owes his present fame more to good fortune than to virtue.

[Sidenote:--19--] It is worth noting that Titus during his reign put no senator to death, nor was any one else slain by him all the time that he was emperor. Cases involving maiestas he would never entertain himself nor allow others to entertain, for he said: "It is impossible for me to be insulted or outraged in any way. I do naught that deserves censure and I care not for what is falsely reported. As for the emperors that are dead and gone, they will avenge themselves in case any one does them wrong, if in very truth they be heroes and possess some power."--He also made various arrangements to render men more secure and free from trouble. One of these was the posting of a notice confirming all gifts bestowed upon any person by the former emperors. This also enabled him to avoid the nuisance of having people petition him individually about the matter.--Informers he banished from the city.

In money matters he was frugal and sanctioned no unnecessary expenditure, yet he did not punish any one for opposite tendencies.

In his reign also the False Nero appeared, who was an Asiatic and called himself Terentius Maximus. He resembled Nero in form and voice: he even sang to the zither's accompaniment. He gained a few followers in Asia and in his onward progress to the Euphrates he secured a far greater number and at length sought a retreat with Artabanus, the Parthian chief, who, out of the anger that he felt toward Titus, both received the pretender and set about preparations for restoring him to Rome. (Compare John of Antioch, frag. 104 Mueller).

[Sidenote:--20--] Meantime war had again broken out in Britain, and Gnaeus Julius Agricola overran the whole of the hostile region. He was the first of the Romans whom we know to discover that Britain was surrounded by water. Some soldiers had rebelled and after killing centurions and a military tribune had taken refuge in boats. In these they put out to sea and sailed around to the western portion of the country just as the billows and the wind bore them. And without knowing it they came around from the opposite side and stopped at the camps on this side again. At that Agricola sent others to try the voyage around Britain and learned from them, too, that it was an island.

As a result of these events in Britain Titus received the title of imperator for the fifteenth time. Agricola for the rest of his life lived in dishonor and even in want because he had accomplished greater things than a mere general should. Finally he was murdered on this account by Domitian, in spite of having received triumphal honors from Titus.

[Sidenote:--21--] In Campania remarkable and frightful occurrences took place. A great fire was suddenly created just at the end of autumn. It was this way. The mountain Vesuvius stands over against Naples near the sea and has unquenchable springs of fire. Once it was equally high at all points and the fire rose from the center of it. This is the only portion of it that is in a blaze, for the outside parts of the mountain remain even now unkindled. Consequently, as the latter are never burned, while the interior is constantly growing brittle and being reduced to ashes, the surrounding peaks retain their original height to this day, but the whole section that is on fire, as it is consumed in the course of time, has grown hollow from continual collapse. Thus the entire mountain, if we may compare great things to small, resembles a hunting-theatre. The outlying heights of it support both trees and vines,--many of them,--but the crater is given over to fire and sends up smoke by day, flame by night. It looks as if quantities of incense of all sorts were being burned in it. This goes on all the time, sometimes more, sometimes less. Often it throws up ashes, when there is a general settling in the interior, or again it sends up stones when the air forces them out. It echoes and bellows, too, because its vents are not all together but are narrow and hidden.

[Sidenote:--22--] Such is Vesuvius, and these phenomena regularly occur there at least once a year. But all the other happenings that took place in former time, though they may have seemed great and unusual to those who on each occasion observed them, nevertheless would be reckoned as but slight in comparison with what now occurred even though they should all be rolled into one. This was what befell. Numbers of huge men quite surpassing any human stature,--such creatures as giants are depicted to be,--appeared now on the mountain, now in the country surrounding it, and again in the cities, wandering over the earth day and night and also traversing the air. After this fearful droughts and earthquakes sudden and violent occurred, so that all the level ground in that region undulated and the heights gave a great leap. Reverberations were frequent, some subterranean resembling thunder and some on the surface like bellowings. The sea joined the roar and the sky resounded with it. Then suddenly a portentous crash was heard, as if the mountains were tumbling in ruins. And first there were belched forth stones of huge size that rose to the very summits before they fell; after them came a deal of fire and smoke in inexhaustible quantities so that the whole atmosphere was obscured and the whole sun was screened from view as if in an eclipse. [Sidenote:--23--] Thus night succeeded day and darkness light. Some thought the giants were rising in revolt (for even at this time many of their forms could be discerned in the smoke and moreover a kind of sound of trumpets was heard), while others believed that the whole world was disappearing in chaos or fire. Therefore they fled, some from the houses into the streets, others from without into the house; in their confusion, indeed, they hastened from the sea to the land or from the land to the sea, deeming any place at a distance from where they were safer than what was near by. While this was going on an inconceivable amount of ashes was blown out and covered the land and the sea everywhere and filled all the air. It did harm of all sorts, as chance dictated, to men and places and cattle, and the fish and the birds it utterly destroyed. Moreover, it buried two whole cities, Herculaneum and Pompeii, while the populace was seated in the theatre. The entire amount of dust was so great that some of it reached Africa and Syria and Egypt, and it also entered Rome, where it occupied all the air over the city and cast the sun into shadow. There, too, no little fear was felt for several days, since the people did not know and could not conjecture what had happened. They like the rest thought that everything was being turned upside down, that the sun was disappearing in the earth and the earth was bounding up to the sky. This ashes for the time being did them no great harm: later it bred among them a terrible pestilence.

[Sidenote: A.D. 80 (a.u. 833)] [Sidenote:--24--] Another fire, above ground, in the following year spread over a very large portion of Rome while Titus was absent on business connected with the catastrophe that had befallen in Campania. It consumed the temple of Serapis, the temple of Isis, the Saepta, the temple of Neptune, the Baths of Agrippa, the Pantheon, the Diribitorium, the theatre of Balbus, the stage-building of Pompey's theatre, the Octavian buildings together with their books, and the temple of Capitoline Jupiter with its surrounding temples. Hence the disaster seemed to be not of human but of divine contrivance. Any one can estimate from the list of buildings that I have given, how many more must have been destroyed. Titus, accordingly, sent two exconsuls to the Campanians to supervise the founding of settlements and bestowed upon the inhabitants money that came (besides various other sources) from those citizens that had died without heirs. As for himself, he took nothing from individual or city or king, although many kept offering and promising him large sums. In spite of this, he restored everything from funds already at hand. [Sidenote:--25--] Most of his deeds had no unusual quality to mark them, but in dedicating the hunting-theatre and the baths that bear his name he produced many remarkable spectacles. Cranes fought with one another, and four elephants, as well as other grazing animals and wild beasts, to the number of nine thousand, were slaughtered, and women (not of any prominence, however,) took part in despatching them. Of men several fought in single combat and several groups contended together in infantry and naval battles. For Titus filled the above mentioned theatre suddenly with water and introduced horses and bulls and some other tractable creatures that had been taught to behave in the liquid element precisely as upon land. He introduced also human beings on boats. These persons had a sea-fight there, impersonating two parties, Corcyreans and Corinthians: others gave the same performance outside in the grove of Gaius and Lucius, a spot which Augustus had formerly excavated for this very purpose. There, on the first day, a gladiatorial combat and slaughter of beasts took place; this was done by building a structure of planks over the lake that faced the images and placing benches round about it. On the second day there was a horse-race, and on the third a naval battle involving three thousand men. Afterwards there was also an infantry battle. The Athenians conquered the Syracusans (these were the names that were used in the naval battle), made a landing on the islet, and having assaulted a wall constructed around the monument took it. These were the sights offered to spectators, and they lasted for a hundred days.

Titus also contributed some things that were of practical use to the people. He would throw down into the theatre from aloft little wooden balls that had a mark, one signifying something to eat, another clothing, another a silver vessel, or perhaps a gold one, or again horses, pack-animals, cattle, slaves. Those who snatched them had to carry them back to the dispensers of the bounty to secure the article of which the name was inscribed.

[Sidenote: A.D. 81 (a.u. 834)] [Sidenote:--26--] When he had finished this exhibition, he wept so bitterly on the last day that all the people saw him, and after this time he performed no other great deed; but the following year, in the consulship of Flavius [Footnote: L. Flavius Silva Nonius Bassus.] and Pollio, [Footnote: Asinius Pollio Verrucosus.] subsequent to the dedication of the buildings mentioned, he passed away at the same Aquae that was the scene of his father's demise. The common report had it that he was done to death by his brother, for he had previously been the object of that person's plot: but some writers state that a disease carried him off. The tradition is that, while he was still breathing and had a possible chance of recovery, Domitian, to hasten his end, put him in a box packed with a quantity of snow, pretending that the disease required a chill to be administered; and, before his victim was dead, he rode off to Rome, entered the camp, and received the title and authority of emperor, having given the soldiers all that his brother had been wont to give them. Titus, as he expired, said: "I have made but one error." What this was he did not reveal, and no one else feels quite sure about it. Some have conjectured one thing and some another. The prevailing impression, according to one set of historians, is that he referred to keeping his brother's wife, Domitia. Others (whom I am for following) say what he meant was that, after finding Domitian openly plotting against him, he had not killed him, but had chosen rather himself to suffer that fate at his rival's hands and to surrender the government of Rome to a man whose nature will be portrayed in the continuation of my narrative. Titus had ruled for two years, two months, and twenty days, as has been previously stated.

DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY 67

Domitian's cruel character: his hatred of his father and brother (chapters 1, 2).

He puts aside Domitia: falls in love with Julia: slays the Vestals (chapter 3).

The German war (chapters 4, 5).

Dacian war with Decebalus (chapters 6, 7).

Domitian's nocturnal spectacles and entertainments (chapters 8, 9).

Events of the Dacian war (chapter 10).

Antonius, governor of Germany, rebels: many are slain (chapters 11-14).

How Domitian was killed through snares laid by certain men (chapters 15-18).

DURATION OF TIME.

L. Fl. Silva Nonius Bassus, Asinius Pollio Verrucosus Cosa. (A.D. 81 = a.u. 834 = First of Domitian, from Sept. 13th).

Domitianus Aug. (VIII), T. Flavius Sabinus. (A.D. 82 = a.u. 835 = Second of Domitian).

Domitianus Aug. (IX), Q. Petilius Rufus (II). (A.D. 83 = a.u. 836 = Third of Domitian).

Domitianus Aug. (X), T. Aurelius Sabinus. (A.D. 84 = a.u. 837 = Fourth of Domitian).

Domitianus Aug. (XI), T. Aurelius Fulvus. (A.D. 85 = a.u. 838 = Fifth of Domitian).

Domitianus Aug. (XII), Ser. Cornelius Dolabella. (A.D. 88 = a.u. 839 = Sixth of Domitian).

Domitianus Aug. (XIII), A. Volusius Saturninus. (A.D. 87 = a.u. 840 = Seventh of Domitian).

Domitianus Aug. (XIV), L. Minucius Rufus. (A.D. 88 = a.u. 841 = Eighth of Domitian).

T. Aurelius Fulvus (II), A. Sempronius Atratinus. (A.D. 89 = a.u. 842 = Ninth of Domitian).

Domitianus Aug. (XV), M. Cocceius Nerva (II). (A.D. 90 = a.u. 843 = Tenth of Domitian).

M. Ulpius Traianus, Manius Acilius Glabrio. (A.D. 91 = a.u. 844 = Eleventh of Domitian). Domitianus Aug. (XVI), Q. Volusius Saturninus. (A.D. 92 = a.u. 845 = Twelfth of Domitian).

Sex. Pompeius Collega, Cornelius Priscus. (A.D. 93 = a.u. 846 = Thirteenth of Domitian).

L. Nonius Asprenas, M. Arricinius Clemens. (A.D. 94 = a.u. 847 = Fourteenth of Domitian).

Domitianus Aug. (XVII), T. Flavius Clemens. (A.D. 95 = a.u. 848 = Fifteenth of Domitian).

Manlius Valens, Antistius Vetus. (A.D. 96 = a.u. 849 = Sixteenth of Domitian, to Sept. 18th).

[Sidenote: A.D. 81 (a.u. 834)] [Sidenote:--1--] Domitian was both, bold and passionate, both treacherous and given to dissembling. Hence, from these two characteristics, rashness on the one hand and craftiness on the other, he did much harm, falling upon some persons with the swiftness of a thunderbolt and damaging others by carefully prepared plots. The divinity that he chiefly revered was Minerva, so that he was wont to celebrate the Panathenaea on a magnificent scale: on this occasion he had contests of poets and chroniclers and gladiators almost every year at Albanum. This district, situated below the Alban Mount, from which it was named, he had set apart as a kind of acropolis. He had no genuine affection for any human being save a few women, but he always pretended to love the person whom at any time he was most determined to slay. He could not be relied upon even by those who did him some favor or helped him in his most revolting crimes, for whenever any persons furnished him with large sums of money or lodged information against numbers of men, he was sure to destroy these benefactors, being especially careful to do so in the case of slaves who had given information against their masters. [Accordingly, such individuals, though, they received money and honors and offices all at once from him, lived in no greater honor and security than other men. The very offences to which they had [Sidenote: A.D. 82 (a.u. 835)] been urged by Domitian commonly were made pretexts for their destruction, the emperor's object being to have the actual perpetrators appear solely responsible for their wrongdoing. It was the same intention which led him once to issue a public notice to the effect that, when an emperor does not punish informers he is the cause of the existence of such a class.]

[Sidenote:--2--] Though this was his behavior to all throughout the course of his reign, still he quite outdid himself in dealing dishonor and ruin to his father's and brother's friends. [To be sure, he himself posted a notice that he would ratify all the gifts made to any persons by them and by other emperors. But this was mere show.] He hated them because they did not supply all his demands, many of which were unreasonable, as also because they had been held in some honor. [Whatever had enjoyed their affection and the benefit of their influence beyond the ordinary he regarded as hostile to him.] Therefore, although he himself had a passion for a eunuch named Earinus, nevertheless, because Titus had also shown great liking for castrated persons, he carried his desire to cast reflections on his brother's character to the extent of forbidding any one thereafter in the Roman empire to be castrated. In general, he was accustomed to say that those emperors who failed to punish large numbers of men were not good, but merely fortunate. [Personally, he paid no attention to those who praised Titus for not causing a single senator's death, nor did he care that the senate frequently saw fit to pass decrees that the emperor should not be permitted to put to death any of his peers. The emperor, as he believed, was far and away superior to them and might put any one of them out of the way either on his own responsibility or with the consent of the rest; it was ridiculous to suppose that they could offer any opposition or refuse to condemn a man. Some would praise Titus, only not in Domitian's hearing; for such effrontery would be deemed as grave an offence as if they were to revile the emperor in his presence and within hearing: but [Lacuna] [Footnote: A gap must probably be construed here. Bekker (followed by Dindorf) regarded it as coming after "secretly" and consisting of but a word or two (e.g. "he hated them") but Boissevain locates it as indicated above and believes that considerably more is missing.] because he understood that they were doing this secretly [Lacuna] Then there was another thing] that resembled play-acting. Domitian pretended that he too loved his brother and mourned him. He read, with tears, the eulogies upon him [and hastened to have him enrolled among the heroes], pretending just the opposite of what he really wished. (Indeed, he abolished the horse-race on Titus's birthday). People in general were not safe whether they sympathized with his indignation or with his joy. In one case they [Footnote: Reading [Greek: emellon] (Dindorf, Boissevain).] were sure to offend his feelings and in the other to let their lack of genuineness appear.

[Sidenote: A.D. 83 (a.u. 836)] [Sidenote:--3--] His wife, Domitia, he planned to put to death on the ground of adultery, but, having been dissuaded by Ursus, he sent her away and midway on the road murdered Paris, the dancer, because of her. And many people paid honor to that spot with flowers [Sidenote: A.D. 83 (a.u. 836)] and perfumes, he gave orders that they, too, should be slain. After this he took into his house, quite undisguisedly, his own niece,--Julia, that is to say. [Then on petition of the people he became reconciled, to be sure, with Domitia, but continued none the less his relations with Julia.]

He was removing many of the foremost men on many pretexts and by means of murders and banishments. [He also conveyed many to some out-of-the-way place, where he got rid of them; and not a few he caused to die in some way or other by their own acts that they might seem to have suffered death by their own wish and not through outside force.] He did not spare even the vestal virgins, but punished them on charges of their having had intercourse with men. It is further reported that since their examination was conducted in a harsh and unfeeling manner, and many of them were accused and constantly being punished, one of the pontifices, Helvius Agrippa, could not endure it, but, horror-stricken, expired there in the senate where he sat. [Domitian also took pride in the fact that he did not bury alive, as was the custom, the virgins he found guilty of debauchery, but ordered them to be killed by some different way.]

After this he set out for Gaul and plundered some of the tribes across the Rhine enjoying treaty rights,--a performance which filled him with conceit as if he had achieved some great success. Presumably on account of the victory he increased the soldiers' wages, so that whereas each had been receiving seventy-five denarii he commanded that a hundred be given them. Later he thought better of it, but instead of diminishing the amount he curtailed the number of men-at-arms. Both of these steps entailed great injury to the public weal: he had made the defenders of the State too few, while rendering their support an item of great expense.

[Sidenote: A.D. 84 (a.u. 837)] [Sidenote:--4--] Next he made a campaign into Germany and returned without having seen a trace of war anywhere. And what need is there of mentioning the honors bestowed upon him at this juncture for his exploit or from time to time upon the other emperors who were like him? For the object in any case was simply not to arouse the rage of those despots by letting them suspect, in consequence of the small number and insignificance of the rewards, that the people saw through them. Yet Domitian had this worst quality of all, that he desired to be flattered, and was equally displeased with both sorts of men, those who paid court to him and those who did not. He disliked the former because their attitude seemed one of cajolery and the latter because it seemed one of contempt. Notwithstanding [he affected to take pleasure in the honorary decrees voted him by the senate. Ursus he came near killing because he was not pleased with his sovereign's exploits, and then, at the request of Julia, he appointed him consul.] Subsequently, being still more puffed up by his folly, he was elected consul for ten years in succession, and first and only censor for life of all private citizens and emperors: and he obtained the right to employ twenty-four lictors and the triumphal garb whenever he entered the senate-house. He gave October a new name, Domitianum, because he had been born in that month. Among the charioteers he instituted two more parties, calling one the Golden and the other the Purple. To the spectators he gave many objects by means of balls thrown among them; and once he gave them a banquet while they remained in their seats and at night provided for them wine that flowed out in several different places. All this caused pleasure seemingly to the populace, but was a source of ruin to the powerful. For, as he had no resources for his expenditures, he murdered numbers of men, bringing some of them before the senate and accusing others in their absence. Lastly, he put some out of the way by concocting a plot and administering to them secret drugs.

Many of the peoples tributary to the Romans revolted when contributions of money were forcibly extorted from them. The Nasamones are an instance in point. They massacred all the collectors of the money and so thoroughly defeated Flaccus, [Footnote: Probably _Cn. Suellius Flaccus._] governor of Numidia, who attacked them, that they were able to plunder his camp. Having gorged themselves on the provisions and the wine that they found there they fell into a slumber, and Flaccus becoming aware of this fact assailed and annihilated them all and destroyed the non-combatants. Domitian experienced a thrill of delight at the news and remarked to the senate: "Well, I have put a ban on the existence of the Nasamones."

Even as early as this he was insisting upon being regarded as a god and took a huge pleasure in being called "master" and "god." These titles were used not merely orally but also in documents.

[Sidenote:--5--] Chariomerus, king of the Cherusci, had been driven out of his kingdom by the Chatti on account of his friendship for the Romans. At first he gathered some companions and was successful in his attempt to return. Later he was deserted by these men for having sent hostages to the Romans and so became the suppliant of Domitian. He was not accorded an alliance but received money.

In Moesia, [Footnote: An error of the excerptor. The Lygians lived north of Moesia.] the Lygians, who had been at war with some of the Suebi, sent envoys, asking Domitian for an alliance. They obtained one that was strong, not in numbers, but in dignity: in other words, they were granted only a hundred knights. The Suebi, indignant at this, added to their contingent the Iazygae and began to prepare well in advance to cross the Ister.

Masyus, king of the Semnones, and Ganna, a virgin (she was priestess in Celtica after Veleda), came to Domitian and having been honored by him returned.

[Sidenote: A.D. 86 (a.u. 839)] [Sidenote:--6--] The greatest war that the Romans had on their hands at this time was one against the Dacians. Decebalus was now king of the latter [since Douras, to whom the sovereignty belonged, had voluntarily withdrawn from it in favor of Decebalus, because]. He had a good comprehension of the rules of warfare and was good at putting them in practice, displayed sagacity in advancing, took the right moment for retreating, was an expert in ambuscades, a professional warrior, knew how to make good use of a victory and to turn a defeat to advantage. Hence he showed himself for a long time a worthy antagonist of the Romans.

I call the people Dacians, just as they name themselves and as the Romans do; but I am not ignorant that some of the Greeks refer to them as Getae, whether that is the right term or not. I myself know Getae that live along the Ister, beyond the Haemus range.

Domitian made an expedition against them, to be sure but did not enter into real conflict. [Instead, he remained in a city of Moesia, rioting, as was his wont.] (Not only was he averse to physical labor and timorous in spirit, but also most profligate and lewd toward women and boys alike). But he sent others to officer the war and for the most part he got the worst of it.

[Sidenote: A.D. 87(?)] Decebalus, king of the Dacians, carried on negotiations with Domitian, promising him peace. Domitian sent against him Fuscus [Footnote: _Cornelius Fuscus_, pretorian prefect.] with a large force. On learning of it Decebalus sent an embassy to him anew, sarcastically proposing to make peace with the emperor in case each of the Romans should choose to pay two asses as tribute to Decebalus each year; if they should not choose to do so, he affirmed that he should make war and afflict them with great ills.

Dio [Lacuna] 67th Book [Lacuna] "When the soldiers making the campaign with Fuscus asked him to lead them."

[Sidenote: A.D. 90 (a.u. 843)] [Sidenote:--7--] Meantime he conceived a wish to take measures against the Quadi and the Marcomani because they had not assisted him against the Dacians. So he entered Pannonia to make war upon them, and the second set of envoys that they sent in regard to peace he killed.

[Sidenote:--8--] The same man laid the blame for his defeat, however, upon his commanders. All the superior plans he claimed for himself, though he executed none of them, but for the inferior management he blamed others, even though it was through his orders that some accident had taken place. Those who succeeded incurred his hatred and those who failed his censure.

Domitian, being defeated by the Marcomani, took to flight and by hastily sending messages to Decebalus, king of the Dacians, induced him to make a truce with him. The monarch's frequent previous requests had always met with refusal. Decebalus now accepted the arrangement, for he was indeed hard pressed, yet he did not wish personally to hold a conference with Domitian, but sent Diegis with other men to give him the arms and a few captives, whom he pretended were the only ones he had. When this had been accomplished, Domitian set a diadem on the head of Diegis, just as if he had in very truth conquered and could make some one king over the Dacians. To the soldiers he granted honors and money. Like a victor, again, he sent on ahead to Rome, besides many other things, envoys from Decebalus, and something which he affirmed was a letter of his, though rumor declared it had been forged. He graced the festival that followed with many articles pertaining to a triumph, though they did not belong to any booty he had taken;--quite the reverse: and besides allowing the truce he made an outlay of a great deal of money immediately and also presented to Decebalus artisans of every imaginable profession, peaceful and warlike, and promised that he would give him a great deal more. These exhibits came from the imperial furniture which he at all times treated as captive goods, because he had enslaved the empire itself.

[Sidenote: A.D. 91 (a.u. 844)] So many rewards were voted him that almost the whole world (so far as under his dominion) was filled with his images and statues of both silver and gold. He also gave an extremely costly spectacle in regard to which we have noted nothing that was striking for historical record, save that virgins contended in the foot-race. After this, in the course of holding what seem to have been triumphal celebrations, he arranged numerous contests. First of all, in the hippodrome he had battles of infantry against infantry, and again battles of cavalry, and next he gave a naval battle in a new place. And there perished in it practically all the naval combatants and numbers of the spectators. A great rain and violent storm had suddenly come up, yet he allowed no one to leave the spectacle; indeed, though he himself changed his clothing to a thick woolen cloak, he would not permit the people to alter their attire. As a result, not a few fell sick and died. By way of consoling them for this, he provided them at public expense a dinner lasting all night. Often, too, he would conduct games at night, and sometimes he would pit dwarfs [Footnote: Reading [Greek: nanous] (Dindorf)] and women against each other.

[Sidenote:--9--] So at this time he feasted the populace as described, but on another occasion he entertained the foremost men of the senate and the knights in the following fashion. He prepared a room that was pitch black on every side, ceiling, walls and floor, and had ready bare couches, all alike, resting on the uncovered ground; then he invited in his guests alone, at night, without their attendants. And first he set beside each of them a slab shaped like a gravestone, bearing a person's name and also a small lamp, such as hangs in tombs. Next well-shaped, naked boys, likewise painted black, entered after the manner of phantoms, and, after passing around the guests in a kind of terrifying dance, took up their stations at their feet. After that, whatever is commonly dedicated in the course of offerings to departed spirits was set before them also, all black, and in dishes of a similar hue. Consequently, every single one of the guests feared and trembled and every moment felt certain that he was to be slain, especially as on the part of everybody save Domitian there was dead silence, as if they were already in the realms of the dead, and the emperor himself limited his conversation to matters pertaining to death and slaughter. Finally he dismissed them. But he had previously removed their servants, who stood at the doorway, and gave them in charge of other, unknown slaves, to convey either to carriages or litters, and by this act he filled them with far greater fear. Scarcely had each one reached home and was beginning to a certain extent to recover his spirits, when a message was brought him that some one was there from the Augustus. While they were expecting, as a result of this, that now at last they should surely perish, one person brought in the slab, which was of silver, then another something else, and another one of the dishes set before them at the dinner, which proved to be made of some costly material. Finally came [Footnote: Verb supplied by Xylander.] that particular boy who had been each one's familiar spirit, now washed and decked out. Thus, while in terror all night long, they received their gifts.

Such was the triumph or, as the crowd said, such was the expiatory service that Domitian celebrated for those who had died in Dacia and in Rome. Even at this time, too, he killed off some of the foremost men. And he took away the property of whoever buried the body of any one of them, because the victim had died on ground belonging to the sovereign.

[Sidenote:--10--] Here are some more events worth recording, that took place in the Dacian War. Julianus, assigned by the emperor to take charge of the war, made many excellent regulations, one being his command that the soldiers should inscribe their own names and those of the centurions upon their shields, in order that those of them who committed any particular good or bad action might be more readily observed by him. Encountering the enemy at Tapai, [Footnote: Pape thinks that the proper Latin form of this word be _Tabae_.] he killed a very great number of them. Among them Vezinas, who ranked next to Decebalus, since he could not get away alive, fell down purposely as if dead. In this way he escaped notice and fled during the night. Decebalus, fearing that the Romans now they had conquered would proceed against his residence, cut down the trees that were on the site and attached weapons to the trunks, to the end that his foes might think them soldiers, and so be frightened and withdraw. This actually took place.

[Sidenote:--11--] Antonius, a certain commander of this period in Germany, revolted against Domitian: him Lucius Maximus overcame and overthrew. For his victory he does not deserve any remarkable praise; [for many others have unexpectedly won victories, and his soldiers contributed largely to his success:] but for his burning all the documents that were found in the chests of Antonius, thus esteeming his own safety as of slight importance in comparison with having no blackmail result from them, I do not see how I may celebrate his memory as it deserves. But Domitian, as he had got a pretext from that source, proceeded to a series of slaughters even without the documents, and no one could well say how many he killed. [Indeed, he condemned himself so for this act that, to prevent any remembrance of the dead surviving, he prohibited the inscribing of their names in the records. Furthermore, he did not even make any communication to the senate regarding those put out of the way, although he sent their heads as well as that of Antonius to Rome and exposed them in the Forum.] But one young man, Julius Calvaster, who had served as military tribune in the hope of getting into the senate, was saved in a most unexpected fashion. Inasmuch as it was being proved that he had frequent meetings with Antonius alone and he had no other way to free himself from the charge of conspiracy, he declared that he had met him for amorous intercourse. The fact that he was of an appearance to inspire passion lent color to his statement. In this way he was acquitted.

After just one more remark about the events of that time, I will cease. Lusianus Proculus, an aged senator, who spent most of his time in the country, had come out with Domitian from Borne under compulsion so as to avoid the appearance of deserting him when in danger and the death that might very likely be the result of such conduct. When the news came, he said: "You have conquered, emperor, as I ever prayed. Therefore, restore me to the country." Thereupon he left him without more ado and retired to his farm. And after this, although he survived for a long time, he never came near him.

During this period some had become accustomed to smear needles with poison and then to prick with them whomsoever they would. Many persons thus attacked died without even knowing the cause, and many of the murderers were informed against and punished. And this went on not only in Rome but over practically the entire civilized world.

[Sidenote:--12--] To Ulpius Trajan and to Acilius Glabrio, who were consuls then, the same signs are said to have appeared. They foretold to Glabrio destruction, but to Trajan the imperial office. [Numerous wealthy men and women both were punished for adultery, and some of the women had been debauched by _him_. Many more were fined or executed on other charges.] A woman was tried and lost her life because she had stripped in front of an image of Domitian [and another for having had dealings with astrologers]. Among the many who perished at this time was also Mettius Pompusianus, whom Vespasian had refused to harm in any way after learning from some report that he would one day be sole ruler, but [Footnote: Reading [Greek: halla](Dindorf).] rather honored, saying: "You will certainly remember me and will certainly honor me in return." But Domitian first exiled him to Corsica and later put him to death, one of the complaints being that he had the inhabited world painted on the walls of his bedchamber and another that he had excerpted and was wont to read the speeches of kings and other eminent men that are written in Livy. Also Maternus, a sophist, met his death because in a practice speech [Footnote: Hartman (Mnemosyne, N. S. XXI, p. 395) would read [Greek: hasteion] for [Greek: haschon]. "Maternus met his death because he had made some witty remark against tyrants." H. maintains that Domitian could not know what Maternus said in his closet; but to the present translator the MS. tradition seems to lend to this incident a greater homogeneousness of detail with the preceding, and he retains it simply on that basis.] he had said something against tyrants. The emperor himself used to visit both those who were to accuse and those who were to give evidence for condemnation, and he would frame and compose everything that required to be said. Often, too, he would talk to the prisoners alone, keeping tight hold of their chains with his hands. In the former case he would not entrust to others what was to be said, and in the latter he feared the men even in their bonds.

[Sidenote: A.D. 93 (a.u. 846)] [Sidenote:--13--] As censor, likewise, his behavior was noteworthy. He expelled Caecilius Rufinus from the senate because he danced, and restored Claudius Pacatus, though an ex-centurion, to his master because he was proved to be a slave. What came after, to be sure, can not be described in similar terms,--his deeds, that is to say, as emperor. _Then_ he killed Arulenus Rusticus for being a philosopher and for calling Thrasea sacred, and Herennius Senecio because in his long career he had stood for no office after the quaestorship and because he had compiled the life of Helvidius Priscus. Many others also perished as a result of this same charge of philosophizing, and all remaining members of that profession were again driven from Rome. One Juventius Celsus, however, who had been conspicuous in conspiring with certain persons against Domitian and had been accused of it, saved his life in a remarkable way. When he was on the point of being condemned, he begged that he might speak a few words with the emperor in private. Having gained the opportunity he did obeisance before him and after repeatedly calling him "master," and "god" (terms that were already being applied to him by others), he said: "I have done nothing of the sort. And if I obtain a respite, I will pry into everything and both inform against and convict many persons for you." He was released on these conditions, but did not report any one; instead, by advancing different excuses at different times, he lived until Domitian was killed.

[Sidenote: A.D. 95 (a.u. 848)] [Sidenote:--14--] During this period the road leading from Sinuessa to Puteoli was paved with stones. And the same year Domitian slew among many others Flavius Clemens the consul, though he was a cousin and had to wife Flavia Domitilla, who was also a relative of the emperor's. [Footnote: His sister's daughter.] The complaint brought against them both was that of atheism, under which many others who drifted into Jewish ways were condemned. Some of these were killed and the remainder were at least deprived of their property. Domitilla was merely banished to Pandateria; but Glabrio, colleague of Trajan in the consulship, after being accused on various regular stock charges, and also of fighting with wild beasts, suffered death. This ability in the arena was the chief cause of the emperor's anger against him,--an anger prompted by jealousy. In the victim's consulship Domitian had summoned him to Albanum to attend the so-called Juvenalia and had imposed on him the task of killing a large lion. Glabrio not only had escaped all injury but had despatched the creature with most accurate aim.

As a consequence of his cruelty the emperor was suspicious of all mankind and ceased now to put hopes of safety in either the freedmen or the prefects, whom he usually caused to be tried during their very term of office. Moreover, Epaphroditus, who belonged to Nero, he first drove out and then slew, censuring him for not having defended Nero; his object was by the vengeance that he took in this person's case to terrify his own freedmen long enough in advance to prevent their ever attempting a similar deed. [Sidenote: A.D. 96 (a.u. 849)] It did him no good, however, for he became the object of a conspiracy in the following year and perished in the consulship of Gaius [Footnote: An error, possibly emanating from Dio. The man's right name is _T. Manlius Valens._] Valens (who died after holding the consular office in his ninetieth year) and of Gaius Antistius. [Sidenote:--15--] Those who attacked him and prepared the undertaking were Parthenius his cubicularius (though he was the recipient of such marks of imperial favor as to be allowed to wear a sword) and Sigerus, [Footnote: Probably the person who is called Saturius in Suetonius, Domitian, chapter 17.] who was also a member of the excubiae, as well as Entellus, the person entrusted with the care of the state documents, and Stephanus, a freedman. The plot was not unknown to Domitia, the emperor's wife, nor to the prefect Norbanus, nor to the latter's partner in office, Petronius Secundus: at least, this is the tradition. Domitia was ever an object of the imperial hatred and consequently stood in terror of her life; the rest no longer loved their sovereign, some of them because complaints had been lodged against them and others because they were expecting them to be lodged. For my part, I have heard also the following account,--that Domitian, having become suspicious of all these persons, conceived a desire to kill them, and wrote their names on a two-leaved tablet of linden wood, and put it under his pillow on the couch where he was wont to repose; and one of the naked prattling [Footnote: Compare Book Forty-eight, chapter 44.] boys, while the emperor was asleep in the daytime, filched it away and kept it without knowing what it contained. Domitia then chanced upon it and reading what was written gave information of the matter to those involved. As a result, they changed their plans somewhat and hastened the plot; yet they did not proceed to action until they had determined who was to succeed to the office. Having conversed with various persons, when they found that no one would accept it (everybody was afraid of them, thinking that they were simply testing people's loyalty) they betook themselves to Nerva. He was of most noble birth and most suitable character and had, besides, encountered danger through being slandered by astrologers [who declared that he should be sovereign.] Thus they the more easily persuaded him to be the next to receive the power. In truth, Domitian, who conducted an investigation of the days and the hours when the foremost men had been born, had consequently ere this despatched not a few even of those who entertained no hopes of gaining any power. [Footnote: As the MS tradition of this sentence is corrupt, the emendations of Polak have been adopted.] And he would have slain Nerva, had not one of the astrologers who favored the latter declared that he would die within a few days. [Believing that this would really prove true, he did not desire to be guilty of this additional murder, inasmuch as Nerva in any event was to meet death so very soon.]

[Sidenote:--16--] Since no occurrence of such magnitude is without previous indications, various unfavorable tokens appeared in his case, too. In a vision he himself beheld Rusticus approaching him with a sword; and he thought that Minerva, whose statue he kept in his bedchamber, had thrown away her weapons and, mounted upon a chariot drawn by black horses, was being swallowed up in an abyss. But the feature which of all claims our wonder is connected with the name of Larginus Proculus. He had publicly foretold in Germany that the emperor should die on the day when he actually did die, and was, therefore, sent on to Rome by the governor. Brought before Domitian he declared once more that this should be so. A death sentence was postponed in order that he might be put to death after the emperor had escaped the danger. Meanwhile Domitian was slain, his life was saved, and he received a hundred thousand denarii from Nerva. Some one else had on a previous occasion told the ruler both when and how he should perish, and then being asked what manner of death he, the prophet, should meet, he answered that he would be despatched by dogs. Thereupon command was given that the fellow should be burned alive, and the fire was applied to him. But just then there was a great downpour of rain, the pyre was extinguished, and later dogs found him lying upon it with his hands bound behind him and tore him to pieces.

[Sidenote:--17--] I have one more astonishing fact to record, which I shall touch on after I have given the account of Domitian's end. As soon as he rose to leave the courthouse and was ready to take his afternoon nap, as was his custom, first Parthenius took the blade out of the sword, which always lay under his pillow, so that he should not have the use of that. Next he sent in Stephanus, who was stronger then the rest. The latter smote Domitian, and though it was not an opportune blow the emperor was knocked to the ground, where he lay. Then, fearing an escape, Parthenius leaped in, or, as some believe, he sent in Maximus, a freedman. Thus both Domitian was murdered, and Stephanus perished likewise in a rush that those who had not shared in the conspiracy made upon him.

[Sidenote:--18--] The matter of which I spoke, saying that it surprises me more than anything else, is this. A certain Apollonius of Tyana on the very day and at that very hour when Domitian was being murdered (this was later confirmed by other events that happened in both places) climbed a lofty stone at Ephesus (or possibly some other town) and having gathered the populace, uttered these words: "Bravo, Stephanus! Good, Stephanus! Smite the wretch! You have struck, you have wounded, you have killed him!!" This is what really took place, though there should be ten thousand doubters. Domitian had lived forty-four years, ten months, and twenty-six days. His reign had lasted fifteen years and five days. His body was stolen away and buried by his nurse, Phyllis.

DIO'S ROMAN HISTORY 68

Most of Domitian's measures are annulled (chapter 1).

The excellencies of Nerva Augustus Caesar: his kindness to Verginius (chapter 2).

The conspiracy of Crassus: rebellion of the Pretorians: adoption of Trajan (chapter 3).

Birthplace and praise of Trajan: Nerva dies (chapter 4).

How Trajan entered upon his sovereignty (chapter 5),

He undertakes a war against Decebalus, proving himself formidable to the latter but worthy the affection of his own people (chapters 6, 7).

He conquers the Dacians and holds a triumph over them (chapters 8-10).

A second war against the Dacians (chapters 11, 12).

How Trajan saddled the Danube with a stone bridge (chapter 13).

With the disappearance from the scene of Decebalus the Dacians are reduced to the condition of a province: Arabia is taken (chapter 14).

Embassies: the Pontine marshes filled: statues to the well-deserving: the column of Trajan (chapters 15, 16).

Campaign against the Parthians on account of the expulsion of Exedares from Armenia and the introduction there of Parthomasiris (chapters 17, 18).

Parthomasiris gains access to Trajan and Armenia is taken away from him (chapters 19, 20).

How Abgarus the Osrhoenian obtained pardon from Trajan (chapter 21).

About the envoys of Mannus and Manisarus sent to Trajan (chapter 22).

Trajan is named Optimus, and, after the capture of Nisibis and Batnae, Parthicus (chapter 23).

About the huge earthquake at Antioch (chapters 24, 25).

After the bridging of the Tigris he reduces Adiabene, Mesopotamia, and Ctesiphon (chapters 26-28).

He loses and regains several districts: he bestows a king upon the Parthians (chapters 29, 30).

He besieges the Atreni without result (chapter 31). The Jews in Cyrene, Egypt, and Cyprus rebel, and are crushed, chiefly through the activity of Lusius (chapter 32).

The Parthians cast out the king imposed upon them: Trajan dies (chapter 33).

DURATION OF TIME.

C. Manlius Valens, C. Antistius Vetus. (A.D. 96 = a.u. 849 = First of Nerva, from Sept. 18th).

Nerva Caes. Aug. (III), L. Verginius Rufus (III). (A.D. 97 = a.u. 850 = Second of Nerva).

Nerva Caes. Aug. (IV), Nerva Traianus Caes. (II). (A.D. 98 = a.u. 851 = Third of Nerva, to January 27th).

C. Sosius Senecio (II), A. Cornelius Palma. (A.D. 99 = a.u. 852 = Second of Trajan).

Nerva Traianus Aug. (III), Sex. Iul. Frontinus (III). (A.D. 100 = a.u. 853 = Third of Trajan).

Nerva Traianus Aug. (IV), Sex. Articuleius Paetus. (A.D. 101 = a.u. 854 = Fourth of Trajan).

C. Sosius Senecio (III), L. Licinius Sura (II). (A.D. 102 = a.u. 855 = Fifth of Trajan).

Nerva Traianus Aug. (V), Q. Messius Maximus (II). (A.D. 103 = a.u. 856 = Sixth of Trajan).

Suburanus (II), P. Neratius Marcellus. (A.D. 104 = a.u. 857 = Seventh of Trajan).

Ti. Iulius Candidus (II), A. Iulius Quadratus (II). (A.D. 105 = a.u. 858 = Eighth of Trajan).

L. Ceionius Commodus Verus, L. Cerealis. (A.D. 106 = a.u. 859 = Ninth of Trajan).

C. Sosius Senecio (IV), L. Licinius Sura (III). (A.D. 107 = a.u. 860 = Tenth of Trajan).

Ap. Trebonius Gallus, M. Atilius Bradua. (A.D. 108 = a.u. 861 = Eleventh of Trajan).

A. Cornelius Palma (II), C. Calvisius Tullus (II). (A.D. 109 = a.u. 862 = Twelfth of Trajan).

Clodius Priscinus, Solenus Orfitus. (A.D. 110 = a.u. 863 = Thirteenth of Trajan).

C. Calpurnius Piso, M. Vettius Bolanus. (A.D. 111 = a.u. 864 = Fourteenth of Trajan). Nerva Traianus Aug. (VI), C. Iulius Africanus. (A.D. 112 = a.u. 865=Fifteenth of Trajan).

L. Celsus (II), Clodius Crispinus. (A.D. 113 = a.u. 866=Sixteenth of Trajan).

Q. Ninnius Hasta, P. Manilius Vopiscus. (A.D. 114 = a.u. 867=Seventeenth of Trajan).

L. Vipsanius Messala, M. Pedo Virgilianus. (A.D. 115 = a.u. 868=Eighteenth of Trajan).

L. Aelius Lamia, Aelianus Vetus. (A.D. 116 = a.u. 869 = Nineteenth of Trajan).

Quinctius Niger, C. Vipsanius Apronianus. (A.D. 117 = a.u. 870=Twentieth of Trajan, to Aug. 11th).

[Sidenote: A.D. 96 (a.u. 849)] [Sidenote:--1--] After Domitian, the Romans appointed Nerva Cocceius emperor. The hatred felt for Domitian caused his images, many of which were of silver and many of gold to be melted down; and from this source large amounts of money were obtained. The arches, too, of which more had been erected to the late emperor than previously to any one man, were torn down. Nerva also released such as were on trial for maiestas and restored the exiles. All the slaves and freedmen that had conspired against their masters he put to death, and allowed that class of persons to lodge no complaint whatever against their masters. Others were not permitted to accuse anybody for maiestas or for "Jewish living." Many who had been sycophants were condemned to death, among whom was Seras [Lacuna] [Footnote: The name is suspicious and possibly a corrupt reading.] the philosopher. Now, as a quite extraordinary disturbance arose from the fact that everybody was accusing everybody else, Fronto, the consul, is said to have remarked that it was bad to have an emperor under whom no one could do anything, but worse to have one under whom any one could do everything. Nerva, on hearing this, prohibited the future recurrence of such scenes. But Nerva, as a result of old age and sickness (which was always making him vomit his food), was rather weak.

[Sidenote:--2--] He also forbade gold statues being made in his honor. He paid back to such as under Domitian had been causelessly deprived of their property all that was still found in the imperial treasury. To the very poor Romans he granted allotments of land worth in the aggregate fifteen hundred myriads, and put certain senators in charge of their purchase and distribution. When he ran short of funds he sold many robes and plate, both silver and gold, besides furniture, both his own and what belonged to the imperial residence, many fields and houses,--in fact, everything save what was quite necessary. He did not, however, haggle over the prices of them, and in this very point benefited many persons. He abolished many sacrifices, many horse-races, and some other spectacles, in an attempt to reduce expenses as far as possible. In the senate he took oath that he would not cause the death of any of the senators and he kept his pledge in spite of plots. And he did nothing without the advice of prominent men. Among his various laws were those prohibiting any one from being made a eunuch and from marrying one's niece. When consul he did not hesitate to take as his colleague Verginius Rufus, though the latter had been frequently saluted as emperor. [Footnote: Compare Book Sixty-three,