Part 3
The result in Japan of the union of the English and Dutch Companies was, as we have seen, that the English factory remained at Firando instead of removing to the far more commodious town of Nagasaki. A combined fleet of English and Dutch ships, sailing under the modest name of the Fleet of Defence, was equipped for the purpose of endamaging the common enemy and of diverting the trade of China from the Philippine Islands to the Dutch and English settlements; in other words, to blockade the Spanish and Portuguese ports and seize as many of the Chinese trading junks as possible. In the two expeditions to the Philippines undertaken by the fleet before the English and Dutch again separated, they captured many prizes; and the Dutch are said to have treated their Chinese prisoners with great cruelty, while their new allies interfered to protect these unfortunate people. All the time, however, that the English were thus engaged at sea, peaceful negotiations were still being carried on by Cocks for establishing trade with China, though it is not surprising that "our joining with the Hollanders to take China junks is ill thought of."
In 1621 the English at Firando, apparently with the idea that trade was now going to flourish, built a new warehouse and wharves, and undertook other works on a large scale. But it was impossible that their relations with the Dutch could be cordial; and dissensions soon broke out. There was ill blood between the sailors of the two nations. In the Philippines they could scarcely be restrained from fighting; and when, at the end of June, the fleet returned to Firando and the crews got ashore, they at once came to blows, and a Dutchman was killed. Then followed the trial and execution of the English sailor who had killed him; and the temper in which his shipmates regarded his condemnation may be judged from the fact that "Captain Robert Adams was forced to put the rope about his neck with his own hands." And it was not only with the English that the Dutch sailors quarrelled. They were drunken and riotous and "brabbled" in the streets, till at last the long-suffering Japanese lost patience and seizing two of them summarily cut off their heads. The English, too, demanded a victim. A Dutchman, who had stabbed an Englishman, was condemned and executed by his own countrymen in a novel fashion, "they having first made the man so drunk that he could scarce stand on his legs, and so cut off his head within their own house." As to the crews of the English shipping, they were perhaps only a degree less turbulent; to maintain discipline and set an example, four runaways were condemned and hanged.
In 1620 the English ship, _Elizabeth_, cruising off the Island of Formosa, captured a Japanese vessel on her way from the Philippines to Japan. On board were found two priests, who, in the end, proved to be Pedro de Zuñiga, an Augustinian, and Luis Flores, a Dominican. They long denied their names; and we find many references in the diary to their examination at Firando. (It was an object to the English and Dutch to convict them, as, in such case, the ship became good prize.) In the end, these two unfortunate men, together with the Japanese captain of the vessel, were, in 1622, put to death by the horrible torture of slow fire, and the crew were beheaded;[35] so that we cannot much regret that the captors were baulked of their prize. With grim humour the shogun appropriated the cargo for himself, "leaving the rotten hull for us and the Hollanders." So, much against their will, the factors had to deliver over the prize goods, after a little hesitation, which, however, they saw it was useless to persist in, when Cocks was told that "they would take it whether we would or no, and that, if we had not absolutely proved the Portingalls to be padres, the Emperor meant to have put Captain Leonard Camps and me to death and to have seized on all we had in the country; and, if any resistance had been made, to have burned all our shipping and put us all to the sword" (ii. 335).
At the end of 1621 Cocks set out on the last visit to the court at Yedo recorded in his diary, the English and their Dutch allies now going in one company. Speck was no longer at the head of the Dutch factory. He had left Japan in the previous October; his successor being Leonard Camps, who was now Cocks's travelling companion. After delivering the customary presents, and after the usual long delay in getting leave to depart, they were dismissed without the shogun's return gifts, which were not ready, "which truly is the greatest wrong or indignity that ever hitherto was offered to any Christians." It is almost unnecessary to add that Cocks and Camps quarrelled. The diary ends on the 24th of March, 1622, in the middle of the journey back to Firando; and in the last entry Cocks tells us how the Hollanders slipped away from him. No phrase could better express the whole course of the dealings of the Dutch with the English in Japan.
The rest of the story of the English factory is soon told. The Council of Defence of the East India Company at Batavia had some time before determined to reduce it to small dimensions. In his letter of the 7th September, 1622, Cocks records the receipt of orders "to leave off our consortship of the Fleet of Defence with the Hollanders, and to send our five ships for Jaccatra with as much speed as conveniently we could"; all money and merchandise was to be withdrawn, except a small "cargezon" or stock worth 5,000 taels, to be left in charge of Osterwick and a couple of assistants; and Cocks, Eaton, and Sayers were to "come along in the said ships for Jaccatra, for lessening charges in the factory." All which directions the cape-merchant piously assured the Company should be followed "as near as we can"; but nevertheless stayed where he was. The difficulty, however, of getting payment of outstanding debts was at least some excuse; and he still fondly clung to the hopes of the China trade.
While the English were thus yielding ground, their Dutch rivals were more energetic than ever. They had failed in an attempt to surprise Macao; but had forcibly established themselves in the Pescadore Islands, and they still persisted in their old offence of passing for Englishmen. It was only a few months later that the Amboyna massacre was perpetrated.
At last, at a consultation of the Council at Batavia on the 25th of April, 1623, the dissolution of the English factory in Japan was formally decided. Captain Joseph Cockram was despatched in the ship _Bull_, invested with full powers. It was, however, left to his discretion to allow two juniors to remain to collect debts, if there were any prospect of recovery. He arrived at Firando in July, bearing a letter, dated 22nd May, from the Council, directing all the members of the factory "to come away from thence upon the ship _Bull_ for Batavia; hereby charging you and every of you to fulfil our said order, as you will answer the contrary at your perils." Cocks is ordered to get in all the debts he can; and he is blamed in severe terms for the loss of the "great sums" which he had advanced for the China trade: "The China Nocheda[36] hath too long deluded you, through your own simplicity, to give credit unto him. You have lived long enough in those parts to be better experienced of the fraudulent practices of those people." The English buildings at Firando are to be handed over to the king, to hold in trust "until such time as we shall send thither again to repossess the same." And so, after some other orders, the letter concludes with a caustic admonition that, "because last year, to serve your own turn, you made what construction you pleased of our commission for your coming from thence, we do now iterate our commission in the conclusion of our letter, lest, having read it in the former part thereof, you should forget it before you come to the end."
Preparations for departure were at once made; the ostensible reasons given to the king of Firando being the loss of ships and the bad prospects of the China trade, and not "out of any unkind usage here in his Majesty's [the shogun's] dominions." But, anxious as they now were to shake themselves free of Japan, the factors were still obliged to send up one of their number, Richard Hudson, to deliver the customary present to the shogun; so that it was not till nearly the end of the year that they were ready to quit Firando.
On the 16th of December, in consultation, it was determined to leave no one behind to collect debts; but the Dutch factor was empowered to receive any sums that might come in. The amount owing to the factory was 12,821 taels, about £3,200, out of which Dittis was answerable for 6,636 taels, or £1,659. The following abstract[37] of a lost portion of Cocks's diary gives us particulars of the last days spent by the English in Japan:--
_Abstract_ "_Coppie of some passages at our leaving Jappan and dissolving ye English Factory at Ferando in ye yeare 1623. Taken out of_ MR. RICHARD COCK _his Journall; who was Chiefe these eleven or 12 yeares._"
_December 19._--Tonomon Sarume paid 100 _Tale_ on account of his debt of 500 _Tales_.
_December 20._--Prepared in the Japanese language the accounts of the noblemen indebted to the factory, in order that the parties might sign them as an acknowledgment of the debt to be left with the Dutch chief for recovery; a power of attorney for that purpose, also in Japanese, being signed by all the factors and delivered to him. Copies of these several writings were also prepared for the king.
On the 22nd these writings were delivered to the Dutch chief, Capt. Newrode; and the copies sent to the king. The factors "had much adoe with Tonomon Sama, Semidono, Taccamondono, and others, to give us their bills ... and, when they didd itt, put in what they list."
On the 21st and 22nd sundry small presents in money were given to the Japanese servants and others, few exceeding two or three _Tale_.
On the 22nd many of the townsmen came with their wives and families to take leave of the factors, some weeping at their departure.
On the 23rd the factors went on board the ship _Bull_, intending to set sail; but, the Dutch and many of their Japanese friends coming on board with banquets, they postponed their departure; and, there not being room in the ship to serve up the presents of their friends, more than one hundred being on board, they landed at Cochi. Afterwards Messrs. Cock and Osterwicke proposed, as a return to their friends, to leave 50 _Tales_ as a banquet for them all; but the other factors would not agree to it.
On the 24th, at noon, they set sail for Batavia. The same night in a storm the _Bull_ sprung a leak, and was found to make six inches of water every half-hour.
The _Bull_ reached Batavia on the 27th of January, 1624. And now poor Cocks was indeed in trouble. In their letter of the 24th February to the East India Company the Council of Defence accuse him of culpable carelessness; that he neither kept the accounts himself nor appointed others to do so; that he disobeyed orders in not leaving Japan the year before; that he made a desperate debt of 5,000 taels with the China captain; and that he had brought a store of trash and lumber from Japan. No consultations had been kept, nor decorum nor order observed. They were tempted to deal severely with him and send him home as a malefactor; but, having consideration for his age and position, and allowing for his bad health and testy and wayward disposition, and being also persuaded that harsh treatment might shorten his life, they left him to be dealt with by the Company, only ordering his goods to be seized on his arrival in England.[38] Thus, in disgrace and broken in health, Cocks went on board the _Ann Royal_, and on the 24th of February sailed for England. But he was not to see his country again. A month later, on the 27th of March, he died at sea, and was buried "under a discharge of ordnance."
No doubt many of the charges brought against Cocks were true. Traces of confusion in his money accounts are to be found in his diary; and he was too easy-going for the position of head of a factory which had so many obstacles in the way of its development. There can be no question of his want of firmness. His many quarrels with companions and subordinates, and the somewhat helpless way in which he records them, afford sufficient indications of this failing. But he was perfectly honest; he died poor; and his very weaknesses render him a not unamusing diarist. This last qualification makes us his friend; and we cannot accompany him through these pages without feeling good will towards him. We note his quaint phrases; his sharp eye for "trix" and "legerdemayne" of enemies, or for the "playing the gemeny" of doubtful friends; how this man is angry and "takes pepper in the nose", while another loses temper and takes a proposal "in snuff", and a third in a rage "falls into terms"; and we see him reduced to "Hodgson's choice" long before he ought to be, if Cambridge Hobson gave his name to the proverb.[39] He had a taste for planting and gardening; he grew the first potatoes in Japan; "forget not my pigeons and fishes" is an injunction in one of his letters, when away from home; his gold fish, presents from China, were dearly prized and not willingly given away to the great men in Firando who coveted them--all these are pleasant traits. Nor was he, though "unlettered" and a little unsteady when he quoted Latin, without some taste for books. He had a _Turkish History_[40] and a _St. Augustyn Citty of God_[41] to lend a friend (i. 118); and he received a present of an English book of _Essaies_ (i. 230). But we need not assume that he had read Chaucer because he calls a long rambling statement a Canterbury Tale (i. 282).
His property was only worth 1,500 reals, about £300; but, in accordance with the advice of the Council of Defence quoted above, it was seized on the arrival of the _Ann Royal_ in England. We learn from the minutes of the East India Company that a petition was afterwards presented respecting Cocks's small estate:--
"_24th Nov. 1626._--Mr. Cox, brother unto Capt. Cox that dyed homewarde bound in the _Anne_, presented himselfe in Court, and desired by peticion the favor of the Comp. concerning his brother's estate, to whom the Court related the debaust carriage of his brother and the evill service performed by him at Japan, where he had lived long contrarie to the Companies mind and had expended 40,000 pounds, never returning anything to the Comp. but consuming whatsoever came to his hands in wastfull unnecessarie expences; nay, for 3 yeares togeather refused to come away when by expresse order from the Comp. he was called thence; insoemuch that at last the President and Councell [of Batavia] were inforced to send for him with a ship sent purposelie. And for his estate he had at the time of his death, the Court told him, it was very little or none at all, and, if any, yett not sufficient to answer the Comp. what he ought them, haveing confessed upon foote of his accompt at Jaccatra that he was indebted to the Companie £900.
"Mr. Cox was sorry to heare this report of his brother and desired the Court to deale favorably with him. In the end the Court wished him to informe himself concerning the truth of these things from those that are come home; and, because the Comp. at presente have no leisure to examine his proceedings, they therefore willed Mr. Cox to returne home and leave the buisnes to Mr. Woodward to effect yt one his behalfe."[42]
In the end, the money was paid over by the Company to Cocks's relatives.
Scarcely anything was ever recovered from the debts owing to the Company in Japan. The Council at Batavia, writing home on the 6th February, 1626, announce that the Dutch factor at Firando had informed them of the death of the Chinaman, Andrea Dittis, who had left only a small estate to satisfy his creditors, out of which the Company was to receive its share. All other debts were bad, and no return was to be expected but by mere accident.
Thus was severed our connection with Japan, not to be re-united until our own day. But the re-occupation of our factory was often proposed and more than once attempted. Even when writing their letter just referred to, the Council at Batavia spoke of it. Again in 1627 they proposed it. In 1633 a freeman of the Company, named Smithwick, again raised the question; and again in 1635 it was debated. In 1658 the Company actually fitted three ships to re-open the trade, but the lateness of the season and the prospect of a Dutch war caused them to abandon the expedition. In 1664 the Company again seriously thought of the undertaking and wrote to Bantam for information respecting the late settlement at Firando; and it is remarkable that so soon after our retirement so little was remembered. The reply was that "in this factory here is not the least remembrance of your servants acting in Japan formerly; only your agent hath procured a jornall of a voyage made thither in 1615; but it mentions only the acting of the mariner, nothing of the factor."[43] In 1668 a committee was appointed to consider how trade could be re-opened, and in the next year enquiries were again addressed to Bantam. From thence was announced a rumour that the Dutch had tried to purchase the English buildings at Firando, but were refused by the daimio, who was in expectation of our return! In 1670 the ship _Advance_ was sent out to Bantam, to be used in reopening trade, if thought convenient; but she was despatched to Persia. But in 1671 two ships, the _Crown_ and _Bantam_, were actually commissioned to make a voyage from Bantam to Taiwan and thence to Nagasaki; the supercargoes receiving instructions to find out where the English formerly resided at Firando and why they were removed. These vessels were lost. The same year the agent at Bantam reported that "there are some Scotch, Irish, etc., there [at Firando], although wee know not by what occasion there", an interesting remark, probably referring to descendants of the old settlers. At last the matter was seriously taken in hand, and ships were despatched from England in 1672 with a letter from Charles II to the emperor of Japan, every care being taken to escape the attention of the Dutch. Those wary traders, however, did not fail to discover the English designs; so that, when at length the ship _Return_ arrived at Nagasaki on the 29th of June, 1673, it was found that her coming was expected. The crew were well treated and allowed provisions while a message was despatched to the shogun; but the new-comers were closely watched and sharply questioned about their religion. Again, as in Cocks's days, the cross of St. George in the English flag gave trouble. It is interesting to find it noticed that one of his old interpreters was still living. At last, on the 28th of July, the shogun's decision was announced. The Dutch had taken care to inform the Japanese of Charles's marriage with a princess of the Roman Catholic family of Portugal; and the shogun refused to accept the friendship of one who had allied himself with a daughter of the enemies of Japan. So the _Return_ sailed away on the 28th of August; and, after this, only indirect attempts to open negotiations by the mediation of the princes of Bantam, Amoy, Taiwan, Tonquin, and Siam were made in 1681 and 1683.[44]
* * * * *
The social relations of the English with their Japanese neighbours were on the whole friendly. Periodical exchanges of presents and courtesies were the rule, although an occasional quarrel or street row was only to be expected where so many elements of turbulence were present in drunken sailors and factory-men. The domestic arrangements of the English are patent enough in the pages of the diary, and appear to have given no offence to the natives. Only on one occasion do we read of "rhymes cast abroad and sung up and down" against the native women at the English factory; which, moreover, Cocks attributed to the instigation of the Dutch, "songs having been made against them to like effect before, but not against us." They were even allowed to hold slaves, although they were afterwards forbidden to export them. They also appear to have kept on good terms with the princes of the neighbouring provinces; the daimio of Satsuma being specially noticed for his friendliness. The Dutch, on the other hand, were not so conciliatory; and we have seen that the natives of Firando sided with the English against them, when they attacked the English factory. But they were richer and could afford handsomer presents; and thus had always friends at court.
Many of the notices of native customs are interesting. The reader will at once remark several instances of the Japanese severity in punishing offences which our modern code regards as comparatively trivial. Death was the penalty for the most petty theft. Cocks tells us of a boy of sixteen who was cut in pieces with great cruelty for stealing a little boat and taking it to another island; and again, of a man who was "roasted to death, running round about a post, fire being made about him", the offence being also theft of a "small bark of little or no value" (i. 291). A curious form of degradation is mentioned in connection with an execution on a certain occasion, when the brother of a criminal "had the lock of his hair cut off by the hangman with the same cattan which cut his brother in pieces" (i. 156). The difference in European and Japanese ideas of justice was well exemplified when the Dutch factor, complaining of an assault on one of his countrymen, demanded that "the parties which offered the abuse might be brought to the place where they did it and be beaten with cudgels. At which the king smiled and said it could not be, but, if he would have them cut in pieces, he would do it."
The custom of suicide of friends and retainers at the funeral of a great man is referred to more than once. Saris mentions the mint-master of Iyéyasu as "one that hath vowed that, whensoever the Emperor shall die, he will cut his own guts and die with him."[45] No doubt he was one of the two nobles who "killed themselves to accompany Ogosho Sama in another world, as they think", and whose monument Cocks saw at Yedo in 1618. In his letter of 10th December, 1614, Cocks also reports that, at the death of old Foyne Sama, "Ushian Dono, his governor, and two other servants, cut their bellies to bear him company";[46] and in the curious account of the funeral of Foyne's brother, in 1621, we are told that "one bose or priest hanged himself in a tree hard by the place of funeral ... for boses may not cut their bellies, but hang themselves they may". Some of the dead man's servants too were only restrained from self-sacrifice by the king's orders; and "many others, his friends, cut off the two foremost joints of their little fingers and threw them into the fire to be burned with the corpse" (ii. 202).
The practice of hara-kiri, or self destruction to avoid disgrace, is mentioned as occurring at Firando on two occasions (i. 337; ii. 136).