Chapter 7

Some of the symbols of this day, found in the Fejervary Codex, one of which is shown in LXVIII, 41, appear to favor Seler's idea.[250-2]

THE FIFTEENTH DAY

Maya, _men_; Tzental, _tziquin_; Quiche-Cakchiquel, _tziquin_; Zapotec, _naa_ or _naa_; Nahuatl, _quauhtli_.

Landa's figure is so imperfect in this case that it is not given. The usual forms and variations are shown in plate LXVI, 50 to 54. The last two, which show the widest variation, are from the Dresden Codex.

The Tzental and Quiche-Cakchiquel, _tziquin_, signifies "bird" in general, and the Nahuatl, _quauhtli_, "eagle." The Maya and Zapotec names are more difficult to bring into harmony with the others. Dr Brinton thinks that the Zapotec name is derived from _na_, "to know, to understand, to be able through knowledge." This, he says, "exactly corresponds to the Maya _men_, which means to understand, to be able to do ...; hence in this latter tongue, _ah-men_ means the man of knowledge, the wise one, the master of wisdom." "The bird," he adds, "was the symbol of wisdom and knowledge."

Dr Seler says it is difficult to determine the Yucatan name. However, from the form of the symbol he concludes it is intended to represent an aged face, by which he connects it with an aged goddess, Ixchel, the companion of Itzamna, and with certain Mexican deities. In his subsequent paper he says the Zapotec name furnishes linguistic proof of the above conclusion. "I had concluded," he says, "that the Maya hieroglyph represented the image of the old earth mother, the universally worshipped goddess called Tonantzin, 'our mother,' who is connected in the Codex Vienensis with the eagle symbol." He then adds that the Zapotec term _naa_ or _naa_ signifies "mother," and thus finds the connection between the calendar names.

It is probable we will not be far wrong if we assume that reference to the bird as used in this connection is not so much to it as an animal as an augury, sign, or portent. The birds introduced in the Dresden and Troano codices, especially those on pages 16, 17, and 18 of the former and 18* and 19* of the latter, are supposed to have reference to auguries. In the "Vocabulario Castellano Zapoteco," under "Ave," we find _mani-biici_, "ave agorera." In the Dresden Codex (17b) one of the birds introduced as playing this role is an eagle, or some rapacious species resembling an eagle or vulture. Although Seler believes the symbol to have been derived from the aged wrinkled female face, yet he closes his observations on this day in his first article as follows:

I think the reference to the eagle is very distinctly indicated [referring to a number of glyphs accompanying or indicating an eagle-like bird]. We can understand that these hieroglyphs were annexed as attributes of the deities. But how is it that figures 687-689 [same as our plate LXVIII, 42] serve as a seat for the Chac? Now Chac [he refers to the long-nose god] is not really a god of water, but of rain; the rain-producing storm cloud is his vehicle; the storm bird is his beast of burden on which he rides.

It follows from this, notwithstanding his supposition in regard to the origin of the symbol, that he looks upon it as signifying the eagle, or bird. However, the explanations given by Drs Brinton and Seler of the Maya name fail to make a satisfactory connection between the names in the different calendars.

Not only do we find birds introduced on the pages of the Troano and Dresden codices above referred to, apparently for the purpose of indicating augury, but on Dres. 69b we see the long-nose god (probably Itzamna) sitting on the glyph LXVIII, 42, holding a bird in his arms.

Also on Dres. 73b, where the groups are composed of short columns, each apparently relating to storms, winds, etc, we see in the right-hand group the bird and _men_-like glyph associated. Whether these are in fact _men_ glyphs is a question not yet determined. I am as yet unable to interpret satisfactorily any of the compound characters of which these supposed _men_ glyphs form a part. If the form shown in LXVI, 28, the lower portion of which is substantially the same as Landa's first _l_, is to be accepted as equivalent to LXVI, 55, then it is probable that the symbol of the day does not indicate the phonetic value of the name. This would lead to the supposition that the name _men_ is not the original one applied to the day, or that the symbol has been changed. I am inclined to believe one or the other of these suppositions to be correct. If the symbol could be identified in the inscriptions, I would adopt the first supposition until substantial evidence of its erroneousness could be produced.

I am unable to offer any suggestions as to the origin of the symbol. I do not think the suggestion that it is intended to represent an aged face of woman or man of any force or worthy of serious consideration. The symbol would be just as complete so far as its signification is concerned without the eye as with it.

THE SIXTEENTH DAY

Maya, _cib_; Tzental, _chabin_; Quiche-Cakchiquel, _ahmak_; Zapotec, _guilloo_ or _loo_; Nahuatl, _cozcaquauhtli_. In addition to these the following are also given: Pipil, _tecolotl_; Meztitlan, _teotl itonal_ or _temetlatl_.

The forms of this symbol shown in plates LXVI, 56 to 59, and LXVII, 1 to 3, are those usually found in the codices, the slight differences being due to the greater or less degree of perfection with which they have been made. Landa's figure is similar to LXVII, 1. The variants in LXVII, 4 and 5, are from Dres. 46 and 49; but the symbols found in the day columns of Dres. 46 to 50 must not be taken as evidence of peculiar types, as they are to a large extent dashed off without care, one or two of a column being sufficiently exact for determination and the rest mere blotches. I have referred to them here and under other days simply because Dr Seler has noticed them; hence had I failed to allude to them it might be thought an oversight. However, I do not think any of the variations in the day columns of these five plates should be taken into consideration as types.

The Nahuatl name _cozcaquauhtli_ is the "royal zopilote" (_Sarcoramphus papa_ of ornithologists). Drs Seler and Brinton agree in the supposition that the Zapotec name is derived from _balloo_, "the raven or crow." Dr Seler says that the Quiche-Cakchiquel word _ahmak_ seems to signify the vulture, "who pecks out the eyes," "who makes deep holes;" while Dr Brinton maintains that the Quiche _ahmak_ means "the master of evil," referring to the owl, which is esteemed a bird of evil omen and bad fortune. The Pipil _tecolotl_ also denotes "the night bird or owl."

The Maya and Tzental names, however, present a difficulty not so easily explained. The signification of the former is "wax, gum, or copal gum," and also, according to Henderson, "root." According to Brinton the Tzental radical _chab_ means "honey, was, bee, a late meal." He refers, however, to the Cakchiquel, where he finds that _ch'ab_ means "mud, clay, mire," and suggests that "as red and black clays were the primitive pigments this may connect the Tzental day name with the Maya." Seler, however, derives the Maya name from _ci_ or _cii_, "to taste good," "to smell good;" and as _ci_ is also the name of the maguey plant, and likewise refers to the pulque or intoxicating drink from this plant, he concludes that _cib_ must have been formed by the addition of the instrumental suffix, and hence refers to that which is used for wine, "either the honey, or, more correctly, the narcotic root."

This conclusion he thinks is strengthened by the fact that the corkscrew figure, which is the chief element of the _cib_ symbol, is found several times on vases or earthen vessels (see LXVII, 6). Attention is called in this connection to the fact that _loo_ in Zapotec signifies "root," which is also one of the meanings given by Henderson to the Maya _cib_, which would seem to strengthen Dr Seler's conclusion.

The glyph is seldom if ever found in combination with other characters or used otherwise than as a day symbol. This, together with the fact that it is not found except as a day symbol in the beekeeper's calendar in the Troano Codex, would seem to indicate that there has been a change in the name of the day since the origin of the symbol; or, on the other hand, the symbol has been modified from some older form. Nevertheless, there are some indications that it is phonetic and that the corkscrew figure has _b_ as its chief element, whether _cib_ be the word indicated or not.

In the symbol for the day _Caban_ (LXVII, 9) we see the same corkscrew figure, and observe that _b_ is the chief consonant element of the word. In the well-known symbol for woman (LXVI, 49) there appears the same character, usually double, one at the front of the face, the other on the back part of the head. I have usually considered this a mere conventional symbol, taken from the female head, these corkscrew figures indicating the rolls of hair. Nevertheless it is possible that it is phonetic, as we see on the cheek the _c_, _ch_, or _k_ character heretofore referred to. As _chup_, _chupal_, and _chuplal_ are names for "woman, female, or girl," the _p_ may replace the _b_ and represent the corkscrew figure. I am unable, however, to explain the prefix, which should have the _b_ or _p_ sound, or be a determinative. Possibly it may denote _pal_, signifying a young person, though this appears to refer generally to the male sex. Henderson, however, prefixes _x_ to give it the signification "daughter, or girl."

That the symbol on vessels as shown in LXVII, 6, indicates liquid, or drink of some kind, is more than probable. It may refer to _balche_ (or _baleze_), the ceremonial drink, the symbol indicating the phonetic element _b_.

The upper portion of the figure shown in LXVII, 7, from Tro. 3*b and 4*b (in the space) I was at first inclined to regard as a reptile of some kind, but the fact of its presence in the section relating to bees and honey, and the corkscrew markings, render it probable that it is beeswax. To this evidence may be added the fact that the symbol over which it is placed contains some of the elements of the _cib_ glyph. There are a number of places where quite similar markings appear on seats and other things, but these are distinguished by the added line of dots, showing it, as will be seen hereafter, to be in these cases the _cab_ or _caban_ symbol.

The facts which have been mentioned, together with the form of the symbol, may possibly lead to a correct understanding of its origin. It seems probable that the corkscrew figure, which is the chief, and apparently only, essential element, is taken from the root of a plant and was the conventional method of representing that object. As it appears from Henderson's Lexicon that "root" was one signification of _cib_ (probably from _cibah_, "to follow, succeed," which also signifies "born, manifested, root," alluding to origin), and also that in Zotzil _yib_ or _yibel_ is "root" (raiz de arbol, _yibel-te_), we find the reason why this was selected as the symbol to express the sound _cib_. The fact that in the Zapotec _loo_ signifies "root" strengthens this conclusion and indicates that the symbol is not used simply for the sound indicated--that is, phonetically or ikonomatically--but also with reference to the signification.

THE SEVENTEENTH DAY

Maya, _caban_; Tzental, _chic_; Quiche-Cakchiquel, _noh_; Zapotec, _xoo_; Nahuatl, _ollin_. In addition to these, the following are also sometimes given: In Meztitlan, _nahui olli_; Pipil, _tecpila nahuatl_.

This character, as is apparent from plate LXVII, 8-13, is subject to no material variation; in fact, to no variation which would prevent us from at once identifying it. That shown in LXVII, 8, is Landa's figure. The change in position of the black spot and lines with reference to one another does not appear to have any significance. In the Troano and Cortesian codices the black dot is sometimes on one side and sometimes on the other. In the Dresden Codex, however, it is nearly always on the left. The one shown in LXVII, 13, in which there is introduced a new element, is found several times in the last part of the Dresden Codex.

This character is used very frequently otherwise than as a day symbol, being found separate and in combination, also as a mark on a number of articles. As it is possible to determine with reasonable, and in fact satisfactory, certainty its signification in a number of instances where used otherwise than as a day symbol, some of these will be noticed, as they seem to furnish strong evidence of phoneticism. But I repeat here the statement made at the commencement of this paper, that in using this term "phoneticism," I include that which may, in a strict classification, be called ikonomatic. However, before referring to these, it is best to give the interpretations of the names which have been suggested, as the bearing of our interpretations of the symbols will then be better understood.

The Mexican name _ollin_ or _olin_ is generally interpreted "motion or movement," with special reference to the earthquake. Dr Seler, however, adds "caoutchouc ball." In his first paper, heretofore referred to, he remarks in regard to the Maya, Tzental, and Quiche-Cakchiquel names: "There is not much to be drawn from these words." In his subsequent paper he apparently relies upon the usual signification of the Mexican term, and from this and the signification of the Zapotec _xoo_, "powerful, strong, violent," concludes that the Tzental name may be consistently rendered by "large, powerful," and the Maya name by "that which is brought down, which is above," reference being made to ascending and descending. Dr Brinton derives the Maya term from _cab_, "might or strength," on the authority of the _Motul Dicc._, and says that in this sense it corresponds precisely with the Tzental _chic_ (equal Maya _chich_, "cosa fuerta y dura"), the Quiche-Cakchiquel _noh_, "strong, great," and the Zapotec _xoo_, "force, power, or might." Dr Seler, however, concludes that the Zapotec name is here to be interpreted "earth," or to be understood as referring to the earth. He thinks that the day symbol is an abbreviated form of, or derived from, LXVI, 49, which he takes to be a symbol of the goddess Chiribias or Ixchebelyax, whom he identifies with Zaczuy, "the white maiden." As will be observed, we have expressed the opinion that this glyph is a symbol for woman in the general sense, which conclusion appears to be confirmed by its connection with different female figures. There are, however, certain prefixes and suffixes which may serve to give it a specific application; for example, in LXVII, 14, from Dres. 16c, the prefix, according to my interpretation, contains the _z_ sound as its chief phonetic element. It is possible that in this case a particular person may be referred to by the prefix, the woman symbol being here simply a determinative. Dr Brinton, in his explanation of the month name _Zip_, remarks: "This was _Zuhuy Zip_, the virgin _Zip_, her name being properly _Dzip_, 'to skin, to dress slain animals.'" I prefer, however, to interpret the symbol by "maiden," or "young woman," the prefix signifying _zuhuy_. Nevertheless, the suffix in some instances, as LXVII, 15, from Dres. 18b, may indicate that a sacred or mythological personage is referred to, as it is added as a suffix in some cases to deity symbols; however, as it is often found in other relations, where it can have no such signification, I am not inclined to give it this interpretation, as the evident female deities are denoted by quite different glyphs.

The evidence that the Caban symbol is in some sense phonetic appears to me to be too strong to be rejected. In the first place, one of its chief elements is the corkscrew figure, which, as shown under the preceding day, appears to have _b_ as its consonant element, this sound being a prominent element of both _cib_ and _caban_. It also has been shown that it is not out of place in the woman glyph, under the supposition that this is also phonetic, as _chup_ or _chupal_ is the Maya name for woman, and the change from _b_ to _p_ is not uncommon. It is found in several places as that out of which plants are growing, as LXVII, 16, from Tro. 32b, which appears to represent some leguminous plant supported by a stake driven into the ground. It is that on which persons are sitting Indian fashion, and on which others are lying; again, it is that out of which a serpent is arising. As "earth," "ground," will furnish an entirely satisfactory explanation in all these cases, there is no apparent reason why it should not be accepted. As _cab_ has "earth" as one of its leading significations, we not only find therein a connection with the day name, but also an indication of phoneticism.

In Cort. 30a is the figure shown at LXVII, 17. The animal represented, notwithstanding the quadruped head, is conceded to be intended for the serpent. The shading around the vessel, a blotch of which is on the serpent's nose, I take for the clay or paste out of which the vessel is being formed, or to be formed. In the division immediately below is a representation of what appears to be some step in the manufacture of vessels. May this not be correctly interpreted by _kancab_, "la terra roja o amarilla," or "red clay?" Henderson gives _cancan_ as an equivalent term of _kankan_. As I have not seen a copy of the colored edition of this codex, I can not say whether this interpretation is borne out by the color of the shading. If this interpretation be correct, the serpent figure must be used symbolically or as a true rebus.

In Tro. 9*c an individual is represented lifting what is supposed to be honey or honeycomb out of a box-shape object on which is the _caban_ symbol. This symbol is presumed to indicate the contents--"honey." If this supposition be correct, then, as _cab_ is the Maya name for "honey," we have in this coincidence in sound and glyph another indication of pboneticism. Support is given to this interpretation by the fact that this is found in what is known as the "bee section," and that on the upper division of the same plate the same figure, with the _caban_ symbol upon it, is seen in the hands of an individual who holds it to a bee.

As the character when used otherwise than a day symbol is frequently, perhaps most generally, drawn with a suffix, as shown in LXVII, 18, I suggest that it is possible it is a conventional method of representing earth or soil. By reference to the Borgian Codex, plate 11, also 19a and 61b, it will be seen that where earth is introduced into the picture it is indicated by heavy and wavy lines, as shown in LXVII, 19. This bears a very strong resemblance to the suffix of LXVII, 18. The corkscrew or root figure is added as appropriate, as an element, in forming an earth figure. Such, I am inclined to believe, is the origin of the symbol which, when used to indicate anything else than earth, is used phonetically or ikonomatically. The figure shown in LXVII, 20, from Dres. 30a, which Seler calls a serpent, is merely the representation of a clay image and the seat or oratorio in which it is placed. It is probably from something of comparatively small size, burnt in one piece. The mark of the earth symbol, to distinguish the substance of which it is made, is certainly appropriate. In Tro. 6b we see another on which is quite a different symbol, indicating, as will hereafter be shown, that the material is wood.

The compound character in LXVII, 21, is found in Tro. 9*b and 10*c. It occurs in the latter twice, the parts, however, reversed in the parallel groups, while in that of 9*b one is above the other. These variants do not necessarily indicate a difference in the signification, as can readily be ascertained by comparing characters in the numerous parallel groups. Omitting the prefix, this maybe rendered _mak-cab_, "to eat honey without chewing (that is, by sucking); to break into a hive and steal the honey." By reference to the plates on which the symbols are found the appropriateness of this rendering will be apparent, if I rightly interpret the figures below the text. There we see the twisted red symbols denoting the fire kindled beneath the hives, or beehouses, by which to drive out or destroy the busy little workers. In one of the fires we observe bone symbols, probably denoting a method of giving to the smoke an unpleasant odor, as rags were formerly used in some sections of our country for the same purpose.

The characters shown in LXVII, 22 and 23, are from the upper part of Cort. 22, which is supposed to be the right half of the so-called "title page" of the Tro. Codex. These are interpreted by Seler, and probably correctly, as indicating "above" and "below" (LXVII, 22, the former, and LXVII, 23, the latter). By following the line in which these characters are found, through the two pages, beginning at the left of the plate of the Tro. Codex, the result appears to be as follows, giving the signification of the characters so far as known: First, the four cardinal points in one direction, then two characters apparently corresponding with the two we have figured, one of which is partly obliterated; next the cardinal points in an opposite direction, after which follow the two characters shown in LXVII, 22 and 23. As the right half of the first (22) is the _cab_ or _caban_ symbol, it is presumable that it has here substantially the same phonetic value. It is probable, therefore, that the whole compound character maybe rendered _yokcabil_ (or _okcabil_), "above the earth," or as Henderson, who gives two words of this form, interprets the first, "over, above the earth, above." The second (LXVII, 23) has also as its chief part the _cab_ symbol, and the upper right-hand portion appears to have _x'm_ as its chief phonetic elements. It is possible that _cabnix_; "a stair," "downward," given by Henderson, furnishes the phonetic equivalent of the compound character. These six directions, according to Dr J. W. Fewkes,[257-1] were noted by the Tusayan Indians in some of their religious ceremonies. Mr Cushing says the same thing is true in regard to some of the Zuni ceremonies.

Plate LXVII, 24, is a compound character from Dres. 39b, below which the long-nose deity holds in his hand a peculiar article (LXVII, 25), "as if," says Seler, "pouring out of a bottle." That the prefix has the interior cross-hatched when complete appears from a number of other places, as, for example, in the upper division of the same plate. This, as heretofore stated, gives the _x_ or _ch_ sound. It is possible, therefore, that the symbol, omitting the right portion, should be interpreted _xachcab_, "abrir de par en par," or _hechcab_, "to open little by little, to develop, discover it" (Henderson). As the right portion has a character resembling the _Muluc_ symbol as its chief element, and below it the _u_ glyph, we may translate it _muyal_, "cloud." This would give as the meaning of the entire symbol "open the cloud"--that is, "to pour out the rain." As this is connected with a rain series, and we see a similar glyph (though with different prefix) on plate 38b, where the same deity is in the midst of a rain storm and holding in his hand a similar object, the rendering appears to be, at least, appropriate. It is to be further observed that this combined _Caban_ and _Muluc_ symbol is found frequently in connection with rain storms and cloud symbols.