Part 3
Having examined some of the plans or projects proposed for our adoption, we will now estimate the probably cost attending them. It is to be recollected that the proposition is to change the vital principles of our government--to displace our present rulers and to fill their places with men who never enjoyed the public confidence. To determine whether these objects are worth accomplishing, it is necessary to COUNT THE COST.
1. One part of this cost will be an increase of the violence of parties. Men who regard their property, their liberty and their lives, will not yield them a willing sacrifice to the demands of the ambitious and unprincipled--men who faced danger and braved death during a seven years war--men whose veins are warm with the blood of their venerable ancestors who planted this happy state, and defended it amidst innumerable hardships and calamities--men who deem their birthright sacred--their own freedom valuable, and their children dear as their own blood, will not calmly, nor cowardly suffer those who have no claims but their impudence, to storm their fortress and to capture them. They will defend it in all lawful ways.-Bishop and Wolcott, and a thousand other mercenary hirelings may attempt to subdue or terrify them--a proud and haughty leader who under the guise of patriotism, is attempting to undermine the happiness of the best regulated and freest State in the Union, with a thousand sycophants, conspiring to bring us under the yoke of Virginia, may exhaust their ingenuity and malice, still Connecticut will remain unshaken. She will never crouch like Isachar to chains and fetters while any portion of the noble spirit of her ancestors who transmitted this fair inheritance at a mighty expense, remains to impel them to noble exertions.--It is ardently to be wished that the passions of those who seek to overturn the venerable institutions of Connecticut, my subside, and that a spirit of reconciliation and moderation may succeed to that madness which threatens our peace.--If however the controversy is to be continued and a mob insist on the right to rule, freemen will protect their lives and their liberties.--And is not the peace and tranquility of the State of importance? We have been told with more truth than sincerity that "life itself is a dreary thing" without "harmony in social intercourse." Happy would it have been if the author of that just and pertinent remark had not contributed more than any other man in the United States to embitter parties, and to render life indeed a "dreary thing."
2. Another item in the expense of accomplishing these projects, is a corruption of morals. To revolutionize Connecticut it will be necessary to circulate, without any intermission, many gross falsehoods respecting the men in power, the judges, legislators and magistrates, and the acts and proceedings of the General Assembly. We have seen the columns of the Mercury and the Republican Farmer filled with vile libels.--WE have seen Abraham Bishop followed by hundreds enter a temple devoted to the service of God, and we have heard him there utter the most malignant slanders on the Clergy, the Legislature and the Courts of law.--We have seen him publicly denounce one class and another of his fellow citizens as hypocrites, old tories and traitors.--We have seen him receiving for this, the applause of a wretched collection of disappointed, ambitious and corrupt men. This has been borne and the author despised, and indignantly hissed from the society of the respectable and virtuous--but the end is not gained--new themes of reviling--new subjects of abuse must be sought, and the party who wish to effect a revolution, are pledged to uphold and protect the agents however wicked. What then may now be expected? That dreadful declaration "Truth is fallen in their streets" will soon be but an inconsiderable part of our miserable character. It need not be added that such a condition evinces great corruption of morals.
3. Another part of this expense will be the elevation of men to office who are unworthy of public confidence. What can a nation or state expect from such men? What could now be expected from these men but that they become immediately the creatures of a party--the tools of a faction? Is it worthy of no consideration that judges who are to be the arbiters of controversies--who are to adjudicate on the lives of their fellow citizens, and to whom is committed the dearest and highest interests of society, should be men of virtue--of wisdom and of unsullied reputation? Can a Court be a shield against the proud oppressor when a daring leader can crush them with his nod? Be not deceived my fellow citizens--no nation hath yet made such an experiment without feeling its bitter and dreadful effects. See the revolutionary tribunals of France--See in them a melancholy picture of corrupt courts and unprincipled judges--The cruelty of that nation hath appeared no where more infernal than through their forms of law and in their sanctuaries of justice--a corrupt judgment seat is the greatest curse with which a people can be punished. In the mean time all subordinate tribunals will partake of the same character.--Thus instead of a government of laws, there will be the tyranny of a desperate faction.--Let no one reply that there is no danger of such evils in Connecticut. We now see a few leaders controul a party of several thousands--We have seen six hundred meet and applaud the purchase of Louisiana when not one in five of them could form any opinion on the merits of the bargain--WE have seen a few leaders direct the offering of incense to Burr while the great body of their followers cursed him--We see a party suffering the pride of Virginia to controul the government of the Union and to oppress New-England with a heavy impost because she would not submit to internal taxes--We see a few leaders direct a convention of about two hundred to issue an address to the people of Connecticut, which address contains on the face of it many palpable falsehoods.--And cannot these same leaders controul a Court?
4. Another part of the cost of these projects, is the loss of all our institutions of religion.--It is not here intended that these institutions will be at once abolished--Such a measure would alarm some honest men of the party--a gradual but sure destruction is the evil to be feared. The constitution of the United States was first attacked by an unconstitutional repeal of a law, and now the independence of the Supreme Court is to be destroyed, by impeachments of the judges. So will it fare with your institutions. The principle openly advocated is that none shall be obliged to contribute for the support of religious institutions. This once established destroys the vitals of the system, and the residue of its existence will be misery and wretchedness. Shall a party avowing this sentiment and seeking by every artifice to give it effect, receive the support of a people who have derived such substantial benefits from these institutions? Shall we look in vain thro' the ranks of that party for one to lift up his voice against this daring and dangerous innovation? Are there not many who either do not believe this to be the object of their leaders, or if such shall be their object, who are determined to resist them? Yes, there are many who act with them, who still intend to progress to no such excesses. Let such view the conduct of similar parties--Let such not be deceived--This is indeed their object--They do not avow it to you, they know you would reject it, but they have made a vow that the influence of the Clergy shall be destroyed--this can be done in no other way. Nor can you resist them--they regard you now because they wish your assistance to confer on them power, but will they regard you when your exertions can neither aid nor defeat their designs?--surely not--such has been the conduct of all factions.--It will be theirs should they prevail--The world has not furnished one solitary exception, nor can you expect one in this case. They seek their own good, and not the good of others, if inspiration is to be credited.
In return for these losses what good is to acrue to the people? Will you hazard these evils without a fair and reasonable expectation of some solid benefits? Is it then unreasonable to enquire what good is to be obtained? Do the characters of these men elevate your hopes? You know many of them in private life--do they there abound in good works? Shall they be heard and regarded when they demand of you to displace your faithful and approved rulers, and commit to them your all? Modest men will wait your notice and rise at your request. Shall the impudent, banish them from your affections and usurp their places in your hearts?
Let it again be asked what good will result to Connecticut by a new Constitution, by the prevalence of revolutionary principles? France, Switzerland, the Netherlands, Italy and Holland, have seen revolution after revolution, one new Constitution after another, and liberty has a thousand times been immovably established. Altars have been demolished --Temples polluted, Kings, Queens, Nobles and Priests murdered in the cause of liberty--millions have perished--religion banished, and the worship of God prohibited--projectors have exhausted their ingenuity --the treasures of wealth have been wasted and the peace of the world sacrificed! What is the result? An accumulation of misery which baffles all description. Not an individual is more happy or more virtuous. Not a nation more prosperous--not a tittle added to human felicity. Ye reformers, look at France--behold the crimes which have risen up to demand the vengeance of God--see the woes which you have brought on the race of man, and tremble lest your works should follow you?
If this picture is too glaring, look at our sister states in which revolutions have been effected, and shew us the benefit. A noisy or seditious individual has obtained a lucrative office--an ambitious leader is in the char of state satiating his pride, or like Abraham Bishop gratifying his passion for ignoble pelf, upon his thousands.--He drives his carriage by his industrious neighbor who has toiled for him at an election, cracks his whip, and laughs at the folly of his dupe, and will laugh till he may need his services again, and then he will again cringe and bow and flatter and gull. But is the mechanic, the farmer, the merchant profited? Is society enriched, or the public good promoted?
In this view of the subject we will briefly ask, in the third place, is it proper to make the proposed changes--to adopt these projects? If no benefits will result--if much evil will probably ensue--the course of duty and interest is plain. Aware, however, that it may be said many of the dangers are imaginary, and are founded upon the supposition that we shall act with as little discretion and prudence as the people of other countries, it is important to observe that revolutions are the same, in nature in every nation. Those who speak of a new Constitution, and of thorough reforms, should recollect that the promoters of these schemes in France, constantly amused the people with the idea that a new order of things--new rights--new principles, were to arise. Who does not recollect to have read of the perfectability human nature--of the enlightened age of regenerated France? She boldly proclaimed herself the example of the world, and all nations were invited to see her glory, and enjoy her blessed liberty and her glorious equality. But mark the issue --Not twelve years have elapsed before she has returned to an inglorious despotism--She has exchanged her Capets for a foreign usurper, with an incalculable loss, and here her history ends. Such is the constant termination of such revolutions, and shall we claim to be an exception? How do we judge as to the propriety of any course of life except by observation, experience or history? We see industry and integrity rewarded with competence or wealth--we see intemperance and sloth followed with disease, loss of reputation and poverty. These are sure grounds on which to predict respecting our neighbors, and by which to regulate our own conduct. On similar principles a wise people regard the conduct of other nations, and are solemnly admonished by their example. Let not then the projector persuade us to adopt his theories with proofs of their danger thus glaring before our eyes. Look at the conduct of our revolutionists for four years past, and see if you do not discover the genuine principles of the Jacobins of France--Recollect also that they had first a Convention--then an Executive Directory--then a Consul for years--then a Consul for life, and then an usurper with an hereditary descent in his family. At each successive revolution the people were courted--were flattered--were promised transcendent felicity. The people swore eternal hatred to Monarchy, and eternal fidelity to Constitutions, till, heaven, weary of their perjuries, sent them a despot in his wrath.
My fellow citizens human nature is the same here as in France--Then before you give ear to the songs of enchantment Count the Cost--Before you sell your birthright for a mess of pottage Count the Cost. Before you consent to yield up the institutions of your wise and pious ancestors, Count the Cost--Before you admit universal suffrage Count the Cost--Before you submit to the mischievous doctrine of district elections, Count the Cost.--Before you reject from office the men whom your hearts approve, Count the Cost, the great cost of weak and wicked rulers.--Before you consent to be governed by men whose impudence, and vice constitute many of their claims to promotion, Count the Cost. This evil you can prevent by attending with punctuality on our elections. The freemen of Connecticut are mighty when they arise in their strength. No freeman can justify absence except from necessity.--That people who will not faithfully attend upon the Choice of their rulers, cannot expect to retain their freedom.--Trust not to a majority--say not that things will go well without me--Such language is unbecoming freemen--Despair not of a majority--if you will not "go with the multitude to do evil," go against them to do good. Before you neglect an election Count the Cost --If the loss of your Vote should prove the loss of an election of a single man, then will you not have Counted the Cost.
My fellow citizens--WE have a government which has protected us a Century and an half--we have enjoyed unexampled prosperity.--WE may transmit a glorious inheritance to posterity.--The writer has children dear to him as his own blood--these children are to him a sacred deposit--He can, with confidence, commit their political interests to such a government as Connecticut has enjoyed.--He is persuaded that if they feel the iron hand of despotism, it will not be from such a government, and such rulers as we now possess--Before he yields his own, and their dear, and inestimable rights to the wild projects of the reformers of this age, he is firmly resolved to sit down and Count the Cost, and he entreats his fellow citizens to adopt similar resolutions.
APPENDIX.
A View of the Fiscal Concerns of Connecticut.
Capital Funds of the Civil List. Dols. Cts. Funded 6 per cent. Stock, (real capital) - 209,273 83 Deferred --do. - do. - do. - - 148,632 83 Funded 3 per cent. do. - - - 50,038 11 Bank Stock - - - - - 44,725 __________ 425,669 77 __________
School Funds. Bonds collaterally secured - - 1,020,542 27 New Lands received in payment of School Bonds, price at which received, 194,000 Funded 6 per cent. Stock, (real capital) 14,048 Deferred --do. - do. -do. - - - 5,455 7 Funded 3 per cent. do. - - - - 4,570 95 ___________ 1,238,617 29 ___________
Annual Expense of Government. Viz. Salaries of Executive Officers, - - 8,630 Debentures and Contingent expenses of the Legislature for two Sessions, - 17,100 Debenture of the Supreme Court of Errors, 550 Judicial expenses, - - - - 6,100 Expense of Newgate prison, - - - 4,000 Charges of Paupers and Vagrants, - - 4,500 Allowance of 2 dollars on the 1000 of the list being a draw-back from the State Tax, 12,000 Contingent Expenses, comprising all other charges of Government, - - - 6,200 ____________ 59,080 ____________
Means for defraying the annual expense of the Civil List. Viz. Annual Interest on the above-mentioned Stock appertaining to the Civil List Funds, 26,553 54 Duties on Civil Processes, - - 5,700 Annual Tax of 7 Mills on the Dollar, neat amount, - 35,700 _____________ 67,953 54 _____________
N.B. One eighth part of all the State taxes and one tenth part of all rateable polls are abated for the relief of the indigent.
The yearly Interest of the whole School Funds would be - 74,179 88 Deduct the Interest on that part which lies in lands, and also on those Bonds whereon Interest has not yet commenced, amounts to 7, 324 12
N.B. Several Bonds draw Interest in present year, which were not on Interest last year.
And the whole present annual Interest will be 66,855 76 Add to this the allowance of 2 dolls. On the 1000 of the List, - - 12,000
Total annual amount payable for schools, 78,855 76
Drawable from the State Treasury annually, by the people in their capacity of School Societies, - 78,855 76
Payable by the people into the State Treasury annually in taxes (including duties on civil processes) only the sum of - 41,400
Balance drawn out beyond what is paid by taxes and duties, - - - - 37,455 76
From the foregoing view of their financial arrangements, it appears that the people of Connecticut not only enjoy the blessings of Civil Government free from expense, but even receive from the public Treasury yearly, in sum of 37,455 dollars and 76 cents more than they contribute to in taxes, &c.
Who can behold this uparalleled situation of finances, taking into view at the same time our embarrassed circumstances at the close of the late war, when we were not only destitute of any funds except direct taxes, but incumbered with a debt of two millions of Dollars, and not admire and appreciate the faithfulness and ability of those who have so sucessfully managed the public affairs of this State.