Part 5

By the foregoing clauses it was most certainly intended that the election for committee-men should be free and uninfluenced, but that has not happened; for there was great interest made by those who were chosen committee-men the first year after the act passed, for establishing _the company of merchants trading to Africa_. After which, the several tradesmen employed by the African committee in London, and by their friends in Bristol and Liverpool, took up their freedom of the new company, in order to vote for committee-men; so that, at the expiration of the first year, when the committee-men that had been chosen for _London_, _Bristol_ and _Liverpool_ for the preceding year, could act no longer, then, or at the expiration of the three years (which we cannot now take upon us to say) three new committee-men were chosen instead of three that went out, which nine committee-men so chosen, continued to act for three years, when the three other were again elected; by which means there are twelve persons who take it by rotation alternatively, to be of the committee or not, as they agree among themselves; on which account it is a folly for any person, not being one of the twelve, to attempt getting elected a committee-man for either _London_, _Bristol_, or _Liverpool_; there having been as great interest made against such persons who have offered themselves, as hath happened on some occasions preceding the election of a member of parliament; therefore we have the greatest reason to believe, there is not any person who will again attempt to stand a candidate in opposition to one of the twelve persons who have had the direction and management so long, of which number those gentlemen are, we have mentioned in the account of the merchandize supplied by the committee-men, page 51.

The several articles of merchandize purchased in Holland, are paid for in money, or bills of exchange, which is very disadvantageous to this country; and such goods may serve to make an assortment with those paid for by the government, and sent to Africa for the support of the forts there; which has been proved to have been the case before, consequently may be so again. That fact being admitted, and indeed it would be folly to think otherwise; what chance can any private traders have, when the committee’s servants have such a glaring emolument, besides so many other advantages over them? Were there any reason to ground the least supposition, that all things in Africa are carried on upon the square, and no methods practiced by the officers that command the several forts to monopolize the trade; can any one think even in such case, that private merchants, or matters of ships, who are obliged to pay _customs_, _house_ and _warehouse rents_, _servants_, and all sorts of other contingent expences, can possibly carry on a trade in any degree of equality with those persons, who are, as hath been before observed, exonerated from every article of expence?

The committee’s servants having such advantages, can it be supposed any private trader can stand any chance in trade with them, as said trader must settle in a negroe town, in a mud house covered with thatch, there being no other sort of dwelling to be got, without carrying tradesmen of all sorts from Europe to build it, which would be attended with too great an expence and risk for any private adventure to undertake? Therefore, on account of the frequent fires that happen in negroe towns, persons well acquainted with them, would not insure any property lodged therein for twenty-five _per cent._ annually. That alone is sufficient to deter any one from settling, except some of the old or new companies discarded servants, whose narrow circumstances discourage them from returning to Europe, not knowing what else to do with themselves; for there has not one of the young men from Bristol or Liverpool, _&c._ that were to have been intrusted with cargoes by their relations and friends, to go and settle under the protection of the British forts in Africa, has yet made a single attempt to do it, though that was made use of as an argument, and enforced with great energy by gentlemen, to obtain a dissolution of the late royal African company (and in which they succeeded). But no such boasted consequence has taken place, because the people of those places were not to be lulled on to adventure their property, under the notion of a free trade. They very well knew what hardships must attend those who were necessitated to settle in a negroe town, from a knowledge, as soon as they did, they must become subservient in a manner, and brother citizens with the negroes. It is a joke to think they can make use of the forts to lodge and defend their properties in; for the very persons who (we should imagine) by the spirit and intention of the act of parliament, ought to be their defenders, will take every measure, in proportion as they rival them, and curtail their trade, to exercise their power over the natives, to prevent the private trader succeeding with them, which will create disputes between the officers commanding the forts and the towns people under them, in which every private trader must bear a part; for no man can settle in a negroe town without paying his _freedom_, and entering into a league to become a _native_, and partake of that _township’s misfortunes_, _advantages and customs_. Is there any difference then between a European trader and an African? None! one is a native black Negroe, and the other is become a white one: so that whenever a dispute happens between _the natives_ and the officers aforesaid, the indenizened European will be under the compulsive necessity of joining his black fellow _townsmen_ against his _countrymen_ and _fortress_, which the _British_ nation intended for his _preservation_ in time of _danger_, and last _resort_.

From what we have before advanced, our readers may naturally wonder if the trade to Africa, where the forts are situated, is carried on so much to the disadvantage of the British traders, and so greatly for the benefit of the officers of the African committee, why said traders do not continue their complaints, in order to have their grievances redressed. We conjecture one reason for their not doing so, is the difficulties they had to encounter when they presented their former complaint to obtain satisfaction, which arose from the opposition raised against them by the African committee, who refused to give their officers such orders, as would have obliged them to put in execution the _lords of trade and plantations opinion_. Being defeated in their first attempt, it is natural to suppose they were fearful of applying again to the legislative power, lest the methods pursued to carry on that valuable branch of commerce, since it has been under the management of the African committee, should be maturely and attentively enquired into; for there has been, and is now, as much reason for such examination, as there was in the year 1753, 1755, 1756 and 1758. But then it began to become too serious; and if continued fairly, might have been a means of putting the forts upon a new and respectable establishment, such as would have enabled the officers commanding them, to have secured the natives under their protection from the danger they may be in from enemies of their own colour, and the arbitrary injustice often imposed upon them by the officers of our good friends and allies. The Dutch residing in Africa, to have prevented said _Dutch officers_, by their superior power, from wresting violently and unfairly any part of the territories belonging to the _British forts_, or detaining and imprisoning any of the natives living under their protection, both which they have illegally done since the decline of the late company’s power, and confined a number of them, notwithstanding all remonstrances made by the British officers, till that _noble_ and _gallant_ commander, the present honourable lord _How_ arrived in his majesty’s ship _Glory_, with the _Swan_ sloop under his command, upon the Gold Coast, in the year 1751, who soon after his arrival, did examine with the greatest attention, all the original papers relative to the cause of the dispute that happened between the officers of the English and Dutch companies. After such examination, he demanded from the Dutch general the prisoners he had confined during said dispute in the castle of St. George’s D. Elmina, the principal Dutch fort upon the coast of Africa in that noble manner which it has everbeen the invariable rule of that judicious, worthy, and great commander to pursue in the service of his country[20].

It is to be hoped that the British forts will be put upon such an establishment, that the officers commanding them will be sufficiently empowered to hinder the Dutch officers from exercising that arbitrary power they have done, and continued to do, over the _Portugueze_ upon the _Gold Coast_ of _Africa_, to prevent their trading at the British settlements, in open violation of a treaty concluded between the English and Dutch principal officers in Africa, and ratified by both _companies_ in _Europe_[21].

If the African committee has not represented that affair in a true light to the government, we are surprized they have neglected it, as it is a very valuable commerce now wholly engrossed by the Dutch; who will not suffer the master or supercargo of any _Portugueze_ vessel to trade at the English _forts_, or with the _British_ subjects, notwithstanding the beforementioned treaty, which, perhaps, might be deemed obsolete, since the dissolution of the late company. If that should be the case, then, in our humble opinion, it ought to be renewed, as well as many other regulations made between the English and Dutch in Africa.

If the British officers should once again obtain that influence and power so essentially necessary for them to have, in order to open the trading roads to the most distant inland countries of Africa, so long stopped, which would be of immense advantage to this country, and, at the same time, to prevent the subjects of France hereafter carrying to their colonies the most valuable Negroes, as we have observed they did before the war, and which will in a great measure be proved, by the extracts of the following letters from the captains Strange and Wyndham, commanders of two of his majesty’s ships war, dated Africa, 20th Sept. 1740, and 30th Aug. 1742.

Capt. Strange writes to the following purport:

“The French, by the advantages of their goods, especially Brandies, occasions a great price they give for their slaves, which has brought the English and Dutch trade to the lowest ebb.”

Capt. Wyndham writes as follows:

“This concludes the present state of the royal African factories; and as to the Dutch factories, they, as far as I can learn, make no great hand of their trade any more than the English; the French, who has ten ships on the coast to our one, seem to flourish and carry all before them.”

We think it necessary here to observe, that notwithstanding almost all the trade had been for some years before, and at that time, carried on by the French on that part of the coast where the most valuable Negroes were to be got; the separate British traders made no application to the legislative power to prevent such pernicious commerce, though several remonstrances were made for that purpose by the late royal African company to the government; who also did lay before the public, in several letters inserted in the daily papers, as well as by pamphlets, the danger of the French incroachments.

Yet as soon as the private traders found the said company applying to parliament for money, to put their forts upon a proper and respectable footing, to prevent foreign innovations upon the territory and trade under their care, they took the alarm, awaked from their lethargy, strained every nerve, and put every scheme in execution their invention pointed out, to prevent the company’s succeeding, and to obtain their dissolution, which they compleated in the year 1750. But how far the African trade has been improved thereby, in upwards of twelve years that the African committee have had it under their direction and management, will appear from the facts and truths we have before stated, to which we beg leave to refer, and to the judgment of our readers.

Thus far we can undertake to say with truth, notwithstanding the great noise and clamour raised at that time by the African merchants for an open trade; it was then much more open and free for all British subjects trading thither, than it has been since under the direction of the African committee, and the national grants of money more regularly and fairly accounted for, as the late company had, for some years before, sent no ship to Africa, but freighted the merchandize, stores and provisions purchased with the money granted by parliament on board private ships; nor were their officers or servants permitted to trade otherwise than to barter to the best advantage. The merchandize purchased with the _public money_ for the better support of the _forts_, out of which said servants could neither make embezzlement or advantage to themselves, according to the established rules laid down by the company, and the method by which their principal officers and other servants were to account for the same, who were obliged to give ample and sufficient security, strictly to adhere and conform to such rules. All persons in the late company’s service, of what station soever, that were entrusted with any of their or the government’s effects, whether the value was much or little, they were obliged to keep a true account of all their receipts and disbursements in writing, and at the end of every two months at farthest, to render to the council, which presides at the principal fort, two originals signed by said person so intrusted, and attested to be true by some other of the company’s servants, who had been privy to his transactions. That the then accountant residing at the principal fort, examined and made his remarks upon the account so rendered; and required vouchers in writing for such transactions as were therein mentioned to have been had with Europeans, it being impracticable to have written vouchers for dealings with the natives[22].

That said accountant laid all accounts so rendered, with his remarks thereon, before the said _council_, who _examined_, _allowed_, or _disallowed_ such accounts, _&c._ made such _deductions_ or _abatements_ to as they saw cause. That afterwards every such account was returned to the accountant as one of the vouchers from which he was to compose the general books to be sent home to the company. That by general Books is meant, journals and ledgers, where the collections, arising from the vouchers beforementioned, were reduced into order and method. That the council abroad had not power to pass, or allow any _account_ or _voucher finally_; every thing being subject to the _company’s_ future _examination_ and _approbation_ in _England_.

That each journal and ledger contained the accounts of six months, which after having been duly stated and balanced abroad, they were sent home to the company by the first conveyance, together with all the original vouchers from which they were composed and signed; duplicates thereof were deposited in the principal forts, in case of loss or accident. That as soon as possible after the arrival of the said journals and ledgers in England, they were compared by the company’s accountant general (who was one of the first accountants in Europe) with the vouchers, and the said vouchers themselves were examined; that objections and deductions were thereupon made by the company, when due cause was found for so doing. It must now surely clearly appear, that so many examinations of the books and accounts, made by persons whose private interest had not the least connexions with each other, must render it extreamly difficult for the late company’s servants to _embezzle_ or _misapply_ any of the effects committed to their charge with _impunity_, or without being _detected_.

That after the examinations aforesaid of the accounts, they were delivered to the _auditor_ of his _majesty’s imprest_, and after they were examined and compared by the deputy-auditor with the vouchers, and certified by him they were right, then the company obtained a _quietus_ to discharge them from any _sum_ or _sums_ of _money_ so accounted for, that they had received from the _public_; having first sworn to the truth of such part of said accounts as had been transacted under their own inspection, in Europe before one of the barons of his majesty’s exchequer.

The following is the copy of a clause from the act of parliament _for extending and improving the trade to Africa_, directing in what manner the committee are to account for the monies they receive from the public for the support of the forts in Africa. In page 556.

“It is enacted that the committee shall, within one month after the expiration of the year, for or during which they shall have been chosen committee-men, lay before the cursitor baron of the exchequer, an account of all the money received by the committee during the preceding year, and of the application thereof, upon oath. And the said cursitor baron shall, within one month after the said account shall be laid before him, examine, pass, and audit the same; and for the better discovering of the truth of such account, the said cursitor baron is hereby empowered to examine any of the said committee-men, and such other person or persons as he shall judge necessary, upon oath, touching the articles or particulars in such account expressed, or such of them as the said cursitor baron shall think fit; which account, so audited and passed by the cursitor baron, shall be final and conclusive, and shall be a full and absolute discharge to the said committee-men, without their being compelled to give or render any further or other account thereof.”

By the foregoing clause, the African committee is only obliged to account for the application in _Europe_ of any monies they receive from government, or otherwise, for the support of the _African forts_, by laying their annual account before the cursitor baron, how they have appropriated said monies, whether by purchasing and shipping merchandizes, stores, and other supplies for the use of the forts, or of any other manner they might have disposed of the same[23].

By said clause, the cursitor baron is obliged to audit and pass the committee’s account in one month after it is laid before him; though he should have objections thereto, as he had to their accounts for years 1754, 1755 and 1756. However, he passed them, but submitted it to the house of commons to allow some charges in said accounts, or not, that he certainly thought were charged contrary to act of parliament, or he would not have objected to them. But that would have appeared as well as many other facts, with respect to their management and accounts, if the report, consisting of 87 pages, of the committee, appointed by the honourable house of commons to examine into the state and condition of the forts in Africa in the year 1758, had been examined into. All we can take upon us to say with respect to that affair is, said report was prevented being taken into consideration by the house, in consequence of a _motion_ being _made_ and _seconded_ for such _purpose_, by the _African committee’s friends_.

We can with truth undertake to say, that many irregularities in the African committee’s accounts were pointed out during the examination before the several committee’s appointed by the house; upon which they desired leave to bring in subsequent accounts to clear up such objections as had been made, one of which was presented to the committee the 22d April, 1756, wherein the African committee deducted from the balance of a former account they had presented 1891_l._ sterling. We shall only quote this one instance, to shew how necessary it is that the African committee and their servants should be accountable to the public in the same manner the late African company was, for any monies they are intrusted with by government, for the application of said monies on the coast of Africa, before they should obtain a discharge for the same, which would lay them under a necessity to examine minutely into the accounts they receive from their officers in Africa, of the application of said monies there; which, as they are now no-ways accountable for, we may, we hope without being thought severe, presume is not done; which will, in a great measure, appear by the subsequent account before quoted: besides, we fear people, who have accounts of their own to look after, seldom give themselves much trouble about those of the public, unless obligated thereto.

When the officers, who have the application of the public money in Africa, are once satisfied that their accounts will undergo a strict examination by the committee, and also at the auditor of the imprests office; that it will induce them to be careful how they dispose of the merchandize, _&c._ committed to their charge; as such _officers_ and their _sureties_ will be liable to make good any deduction there, may be made from their accounts. It will likewise be very advantageous to the inferior servants of the committee; for such good purpose, a method can be pointed out to prevent the merchandize purchased with the public money being made use of by the superior officers in trade, for their own account and emolument, to the great injury of the others, many instances of which we have to produce; also that the soldiers, under-servants, and company’s slaves have been paid out of the refuse goods that the commanding officers had taken in the course of their trade.

A single instance of such inhumanity to the inferior servants we think sufficient to trouble the public with, which happened during governor Melvil’s command; and that we should not now particularly take notice of, but as it fell under our observation when we were upon the spot. It also was a charge urged against Mr. Melvil when living, which he never attempted to contradict, to wit, that John Sweidger, a Prussian, and Gardiner at Cape Coast, desired his discharge, wanting to go to his own country. Mr. Melvil, the then governor and treasurer at Cape Coast Castle, whose business it was to give written orders upon the warehouse (or storekeeper) to pay the servants, gave said Sweidger a note upon the warehouse-keeper, for wages due to him, amounting to 28_l._ gold value, which is about 27_l._ 2_s._ 6_d._ sterling, which said warehouse-keeper offered to pay in guns, that would not even purchase the poor man a little fresh provisions for his voyage. After repeated applications to the governor and warehouse-keeper, finding he could not obtain any thing else, he offered the governor’s note for 28 _l._ to sale to several of the servants in the castle; and at last sold it to James Hinch, the overseer of the slaves, for eight pounds. That oppressive transaction fully points out how necessary it is that some other method of accounting for the government’s supplies should be adopted, and carried into execution, which surely there cannot be the least objection to.