Part 1

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CONDITION

OF THE

AMERICAN COLORED POPULATION,

AND OF THE

COLONY AT LIBERIA.

Boston:

PUBLISHED BY PEIRCE & PARKER.

1833.

STATEMENT OF FACTS.

The statements in the pamphlet published by this Society during the last year, had reference principally, to the establishment and prosperity of the Colony at Liberia. It is proposed to exhibit in the following pages some facts relative to the present condition of the colored population in the United States, and to offer some remarks on the different measures recommended for their relief.

The facts to be presented, have all been derived from official documents, or from special correspondence with intelligent and responsible gentlemen in various parts of the country, and may be relied upon as substantially correct.

SLAVES.

The first presentation of facts is designed to show the condition of the _slaves_ in the United States, and will have respect to the following topics. (1.) Their population and increase. (2.) Their civil disabilities. (3.) Their intellectual and moral condition.

I. _Population and Increase of the Slaves in the United States._

The following table is designed to show the population and increase of the Slaves in the United States since 1820. The first column gives the name of the state; the second, the census of 1820; the third, the census of 1830; the fourth, the increase of the slaves during the intervening ten years; the fifth, the rate per cent. of slave increase; and the sixth, the rate per cent. increase of the whites.

+-----------+-----------+-----------+----------------+-------------- | | | Increase | Rate per Cent. | Rate per | Census | Census | from 1820 | of Slave | Cent. of the | of 1820. | of 1830. | to 1830. | Increase. | Whites. ----------------+-----------+-----------+-----------+----------------+-------------- Connecticut, | 97 | 23 | | | Rhode Island, | 48 | 14 | | | New York, | 10,088 | 46 | | | New Jersey, | 7,557 | 2,246 | | | Pennsylvania, | 211 | 386 | 175 | | Delaware, | 4,509 | 3,305 | | | Maryland, | 107,398 | 102,878 | | | Virginia, | 425,153 | 469,724 | 44,571 | 10½ | 15 North Carolina, | 205,017 | 246,462 | 41,445 | 20 | 10½ South Carolina, | 251,783 | 315,668 | 63,882 | 25 | 8½ Georgia, | 149,656 | 217,407 | 67,761 | 45 | 56½ Alabama, | 41,879 | 117,494 | 75,618 | 180 | 122½ Mississippi, | 32,814 | 65,659 | 32,845 | 100 | 67⅓ Louisiana, | 69,064 | 109,631 | 40,567 | 58⅔ | 21¾ Tennessee, | 80,107 | 142,379 | 62,272 | 77 | 58⅓ Kentucky, | 126,732 | 165,350 | 28,618 | 30½ | 19⅓ Indiana, | 190 | | | | Illinois, | 917 | 746 | | | Missouri, | 10,232 | 24,986 | 14,754 | 144 | 104½ Arkansas, | 1,616 | 4,578 | 2,962 | 270⅔ | 104½ Michigan, | 27 | | | | Florida, | 15,500 | | | | D. Columbia, | 6,377 | 6,060 | | | +-----------+-----------+-----------+ | Amount, | 1,531,436 | 2,010,562 | 479,136 | | ----------------+-----------+-----------+-----------+----------------+--------------

The above table was compiled from Niles’ Register for January 26th, 1822, page 345, and for October 29th, 1831, page 176. The blanks in the fourth column show that instead of an increase, there was an actual diminution of slaves during the ten years comprised in the table. The diminution in Maryland was 4,520, and in the District of Columbia 313. In some others they have nearly disappeared. It appears however from the table, that in the Southern States, particularly those south of Virginia, there has been an astonishing increase of slaves. In some of the States it has surpassed the increase of the whites by forty, fifty, and even an hundred and fifty per cent. In Arkansas the increase of the slave population has surpassed the white by 166 per cent.

The following table shows the relative strength of the white and black population in the slave holding states, at the close of each successive 10 years, to the end of the present century, supposing the rate of increase to continue as it has been during the last ten. The table is taken from calculations made during the year by the Hon. Daniel Mayes, of Kentucky.

1840, Whites, 4,523,248 Blacks, 3,041,456 1850, “ 5,789,737 “ 4,136,380 1860, “ 7,131,863 “ 6,625,476 1870, “ 9,129,770 “ 9,010,647 1880, “ 11,696,110 “ 12,434,451 1890, “ 14,967,420 “ 16,910,853 1900, “ 18,158,297 “ 22,898,700

From the above table it appears that in 1900, should nothing take place to diminish the increase of blacks in the slave-holding states, they will exceed the whites by 4,741,166--being an amount greater than the population of all the United States under Washington’s administration.

II. _Civil Disabilities of the Slaves._

The following statements have been taken principally from STROUD’S SKETCH of the Laws relative to slavery in the United States. They may be regarded as corollaries from the _general law_ concerning the slaves, and also as matters of express legislation.

1. Slaves have no legal rights of property in things real or personal; but whatever they may acquire, belongs in _point of law_ to their masters. (The bearing of this on the purchase of freedom is obvious.)

2. The slave, being a _personal chattel_, is at all times liable to be sold absolutely, or mortgaged or leased at the will of his master.

3. He may also be sold by process of law, for the satisfaction of the debts of a living, or the bequests of a deceased master, at the suit of creditors or legatees.

4. A slave cannot be a party, before a judicial tribunal, in any species of action, against his master, whatever may have been the injury received from him.

5. Slaves cannot redeem themselves, nor obtain a change of masters.

6. Slaves being objects of _property_ if injured by third persons, their owners may bring suit, and recover damages, for the injury.

7. Slaves can make no contract.

8. Slavery is hereditary and perpetual.

It may also be further stated concerning the disabilities of the slave,

1. That he cannot be a witness against a white person, either in a civil or criminal cause.

2. He cannot be a party to a civil suit.

3. Submission is required of the slave, not to the will of his master only, but to that of all other white persons.

4. The penal codes of the slave holding states bear much more severely upon the slaves than upon the white persons,--taking the life of the slave, where a slight punishment only is inflicted upon the whites.

5. Slaves are prosecuted and tried upon criminal accusations, in many of the states, without a jury.

The condition of the slave, as regards emancipation, is peculiarly distressing.

The state of society in the slave holding states, and legislative enactments, have rendered it nearly impossible for any master to emancipate his slave.

In Virginia and Mississippi, an emancipated slave may be taken in execution to satisfy any debt, contracted by the person emancipating him, previous to such emancipation.

In Kentucky, the Act which authorises emancipation, contains a reservation of the rights of creditors.

In Louisiana, any enfranchisement made in _fraud of creditors_, &c. is null and void.

In South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama and Mississippi, it is only by authority of the Legislature, specially granted, that a valid emancipation can be made.

In North Carolina it was enacted in 1777, that no negro or mulatto slave shall be hereafter set free, except for _meritorious service to be adjudged of and allowed by the County Court_, and license first had and obtained thereupon.

The laws of Kentucky, Missouri, Virginia and Maryland, afford greater facility to emancipation than the other slave holding states. In Virginia, however, there is a provision by which every emancipated negro, over twenty one years of age, who shall continue within the state more than twelve months after his right to freedom shall have accrued, may be again reduced to slavery.

In order to secure the slave holding states in the use and possession of their property in the persons of slaves, and to prevent all escape of slaves from their masters, the constitution of the United States provides, “That no person held to service or labor in one state, under the laws thereof, _escaping_ into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up, on claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due.”

III. _Intellectual and Moral Condition of the Slaves._

The benefits of education are withheld from the slave.

No provisions are made in any of the slave states for the education of the slaves, and in many they have absolutely prohibited instruction of any kind.

So long ago as 1740, South Carolina enacted, “That all, and every person and persons whatever, who shall hereafter teach, or cause any slave or slaves to be taught, to write, or shall use or employ any slave as a scribe in any manner of writing whatsoever hereafter taught, to write, every such person or persons, shall, for every such offence forfeit the sum of one hundred pounds current money.” This prohibition has since been extended to all kinds of knowledge, and enforced by pains and penalties much more severe. The same is true in Georgia, Alabama and Louisiana. Virginia and North Carolina, also, have laws which amount to a prohibition of instruction.

No provision is made for the moral and religious instruction of the slave. Public sentiment is generally unfavorable, although believed to be becoming more favorable to the spiritual interests of the slave. Many regard the slaves as incapable of religious exercises, and therefore consider all efforts to give them religious instruction unnecessary. Since they may not be taught to read, they cannot become acquainted with the Scriptures, except as auditors; their opportunities for hearing are so few and unfavorable, that they can never be expected to profit by them. In many of the slave states, they are forbidden to assemble by themselves for the purpose of religious worship. In Virginia, “All meetings of slaves, &c. at any _meeting house_ in the night, under any pretext whatsoever, are declared to be unlawful assemblies. Mississippi has adopted the law of Virginia in this respect. In Alabama they are not permitted to assemble by themselves for worship at all, nor to have a white minister preach to them unless three slave holders are present. Similar laws exist in several other states.

CONDITION OF THE FREE BLACKS.

The following statements have respect to the present condition of the free blacks in the United States. They are all derived from authentic sources, and may be relied upon as substantially correct.

I. _Population and Increase of the Free Blacks._

In the following tabular view, which is taken from the census of 1830, and that of 1820, the first column gives the name of the State; the second, the aggregate of the free colored population; and the third, the increase of the same, during the ten years which intervened between 1820 and 1830.

+---------------+----------- | Free colored | Increase | Pop. in 1830. | 1820-1830. +---------------+----------- Maine, | 1,190 | 261 New Hampshire, | 604 | Vermont, | 881 | Massachusetts, | 7,048 | 308 Rhode Island, | 3,561 | 7 Connecticut, | 8,047 | 177 New York, | 44,870 | 15,591 New Jersey, | 18,303 | 5,843 Pennsylvania, | 37,950 | 7,828 Delaware, | 15,855 | 2,627 Maryland, | 52,938 | 13,208 Virginia, | 47,348 | 10,459 North Carolina, | 19,543 | 4,931 South Carolina, | 7,921 | 1,207 Georgia, | 2,486 | 723 Alabama, | 1,572 | 1,001 Mississippi, | 519 | 61 Louisiana, | 16,710 | 6,234 Tennessee, | 4,555 | 2,008 Kentucky, | 4,917 | 1,158 Ohio, | 9,568 | 4,745 Indiana, | 3,729 | 2,399 Illinois, | 1,637 | 1,180 Missouri, | 569 | 222 Michigan Ter. | 261 | 87 Arkansas Ter. | 141 | 82 Florida Territory, | 844 | Dist. of Columbia, | 6,152 | 2,124 -------------------+---------------+-----------

By this table it appears that the total number of free blacks in 1830, was 319,599. The number in 1820 was, according to Niles’s Register, 233,398, yielding an increase during the intervening ten years, of 86,201. This last statement will be found to vary a little from the sum total of the third column above, owing to discrepancies in the published documents. Blanks are left in the third column opposite to New Hampshire and Vermont, as in those states the numbers, instead of increasing, actually _diminished_. In the latter state they diminished 37, and in the former, 182. Some tables make the diminution in New Hampshire amount to 321. It is worthy of particular inquiry to ascertain the causes of this rapid diminution. It will be perceived that the progress of this population in the middle and some of the southern states, is very rapid, compared with its increase in New England. This is to be attributed to the progress of emancipation. For instance, in New York there were more than 10,000 slaves in 1820, which number was reduced in 1830 to 75. The increase of free blacks in Maryland, and Virginia, is to be attributed partly to the same cause. Their very small increase in the New England States, while the whites are gaining very rapidly, forcibly illustrates the misery of their condition.

II. _Civil Disabilities._

Under this head are to be comprised all those disabilities which attach to free colored persons by the laws of the several states.

1. The most extensive and universal disability (by many, however, considered a privilege) regards the militia. The laws of the several states relating to the militia, being founded upon the militia system adopted by the United States, provide for the exemption of colored persons from that service. With this exception the laws of many of the states recognise no distinctions of color.

2. The right of suffrage is confined to whites in Rhode Island, Connecticut, New Jersey, Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, Louisiana, Kentucky, Ohio, Illinois, and Missouri. In these states express provisions of their constitutions confine the right of suffrage to the whites. In the ten remaining states no constitutional restrictions of the kind appear to have been imposed upon free colored persons. Yet, it is believed, that the statute laws of North Carolina, Georgia and Tennessee, impose similar restrictions. In most of the remaining states, it is probable that the right of suffrage is rarely, if ever, exercised by this class of citizens, although no law may exist which disfranchises them. The burdens of taxation are, so far as known, imposed without the discrimination which prevails in regard to the right of suffrage. In Philadelphia, and perhaps in other places in Pennsylvania, no personal tax is imposed, the payment of such a tax being necessary to qualify for the right of suffrage.

3. In many of the States free colored persons are excluded by law from the privilege of holding office; and where this is not the case, the presumption is that in those states where they are not allowed to vote, they would not be allowed to govern. It is not known that any such person has ever been elected to office, even in those states where the right of suffrage is extended to them.

4. In a few of the states only, are there any laws expressly forbidding intermarriage between the blacks and the whites.

5. Free persons of color are, in most of the states, allowed to purchase and hold property, real and personal, and mixed, and are entitled to the same protection in its enjoyment, and the same redress for injuries to it or to their persons, as the white citizens. In some states, however, the tenure of their property is very insecure without a white guardian, as they are not allowed to testify against the whites, or in cases where a white man is party.

6. As to privileges in courts of justice, in Missouri, free colored persons can testify only in suits between free blacks, and on trials of free blacks for crime. The laws of Alabama are of similar import. In Delaware they cannot give evidence against a white person, except in criminal prosecutions, upon its appearing that no white person, competent to give testimony, was present at the commission of the act charged, or that such person, if so present, has since died, or is absent from the state so that he cannot be produced as a witness. In Maryland, they may be witnesses only for and against their own color. Such is the case in Ohio, Georgia, and probably in most of the slave-holding states. In most of the free states it is presumed that the testimony of blacks is received on an equal footing with that of the whites.

In many of the states the laws expressly exclude them from being impanelled as jurors; and, so far as known, they have never served in that capacity in any of the states.

7. In the New England and Middle States, the blacks enjoy the same rights of residence, and of emigration from one state to another, which belong to the whites. In Connecticut a law is in force which empowers the proper authorities to prevent _foreigners_, (citizens from other states or of other countries) from residing in that state, but it is not discriminating in its application to any particular color. The black is not permitted to settle in Ohio, except he give bonds, to secure the state against any expense which he may incur by becoming a pauper; nor is any one permitted to employ such an emigrant without giving similar bonds. Laws are in force in Maryland forbidding those who shall leave the state from returning to it. Similar laws exist in South Carolina. No free blacks are allowed to go into Georgia, and none to reside in it except those who have long been resident. In Delaware, none are allowed to enter the state, but the law is very rarely enforced. They are allowed to reside in Alabama by paying a tax of five dollars. They are not permitted to go into the state from other states on any condition; nor, having left the state, can they return. Laws of similar character are in force in Louisiana, Tennessee, and probably some other states.

8. In New England and the Middle States, (a late law in Connecticut excepted) there appears to be no distinction made by law, with reference to the privileges of education or religious worship, between the blacks and the whites. In all these states, and in Missouri, Maryland, Delaware and Ohio, they are allowed by law, not only to send their children to the public schools, but to establish schools for themselves exclusively. Many such schools are patronized by the benevolent friends of the race among the whites. By a late law of Ohio, they cannot receive any benefit from the public school funds. In Alabama, they may not attend schools or have instruction among themselves. A prohibitory law, passed in Georgia, about eighteen months since, debars them from all the privileges of school education in that state. They may however be taught the catechism, or such moral lessons and portions of Scripture as they can commit to memory. With respect to other states no definite information has been received. In Connecticut a law has recently been passed forbidding the establishment of schools for the education of colored children from other states.

III. _Intellectual and Moral Condition of the Free Blacks._

It is to be feared that the statements now to be made will meet with an ungracious reception among a certain portion of the community. As a powerful means of enlisting public sympathy in behalf of the African race, the advocates of the Society have sometimes entered into an exposition of such facts as would most accurately unfold their intellectual and moral condition. Accordingly, those who oppose the Society have attempted to show that it is the “disparager of the free blacks.”

It were, however, wholly impracticable to arouse public sympathy, either where no suffering or degradation exists, or where their existence is unknown. All benevolent operations must proceed upon the supposition that there is want to be alleviated, or ignorance to be enlightened, or degradation to be pitied; and the vigor with which such operations are sustained by the benevolent will be proportioned, not so much to the degree of this want, ignorance and degradation, as to their thorough and perfect exposure. The Colonization Society is not singular in its proceedings. In whatsoever sense this society is the “disparager of the free blacks,” in the same sense are the Bible and Tract Societies the “disparagers” of those to whom they extend their benevolence. In the same sense also, and to a higher degree, is the Foreign Missionary Board the “disparager” of the Heathen. Were that society to deny or to conceal the deep degradation and licentiousness of the American Indians, and of the Pagan world generally, it is difficult to conceive with what arguments they could successfully approach the sympathies of their patrons.

Thus, in the case under consideration, it is equally true, that all attempts to provide for the relief of the free black and slave population of the country, must prove abortive if unattended by facts and statements relative to their actual condition. It would not be difficult to show that the same society, from whose advocates the complaint in question is heard, in its statements and arguments touching the situation of the slaves, is as truly _their_ disparager as is the Colonization Society the “disparager of the free blacks.”

The statements which follow are called for by the necessity of the case. They are not made in a spirit of taunt, or reproach, or boasted superiority, but with the hope that they may serve to call forth that commiseration which the cause of the deeply-injured African, when truly stated, challenges for itself.