CHAPTER XXI

CONCLUSION

"Georges Clemenceau, President of the Council and Minister of War, and Marshal Foch, General-in-Chief of the Allied armies, have well deserved the gratitude of the country."

That is the Resolution which, by the unanimous vote of the Senate of the French Republic, will be placed in a conspicuous position in every Town Hall and in the Council Chamber of every commune throughout France. The Senators of France are not easily roused to enthusiasm. What they thus unanimously voted, in the absence of Clemenceau, amid general acclamation, is a fine recognition of his pre-eminent service as well as of his indefatigable devotion to duty at the most desperate crisis in the long and glorious history of his country. Nothing like it has ever been known. The reward is unprecedented: the work done has surpassed every record.

It is well that the great statesman should be honoured in advance of the great military commander. Marshal Foch has accomplished marvels in more than four years of continuous activity, from the first battle of the Marne to the signing of the armistice of unconditional surrender. All Europe and the civilised world are indebted to him for his masterly strategy and successful manœuvres. But France owes most to Clemenceau.

Towards the close of this historic sitting Clemenceau himself entered the Senate. He received an astounding welcome. Everyone present rose to greet him. Men who but yesterday were his enemies, and are still his opponents, rushed forward with the rest to applaud him, to shake hands with him, to thank him, to embrace him. The excitement was so overwhelming that Clemenceau, for the first time in his life, broke down. Tears coursed down his cheeks and for some moments he was unable to speak. When he did he, as always, refused to take the credit and the glory of the overthrow of the Germans and their confederates to himself. In victory in November, as when he was confronting difficulty and danger in March and July, his first and his last thoughts were of France. The spirit of France, the citizens of France, the soldiers and sailors of France: these were they who in comradeship with the Allies had achieved the great victory over the last convulsions of savagery. He had been more than fully rewarded for all he had done by witnessing the expulsion of the foreigner and the liberation of the territory. His task had merely been to give full expression to the courage and determination of his countrymen.

Clemenceau spoke not only as a French statesman, as the veteran upholder of the French Republic, but as one who remembered well the horrors and defeats of 1870-71, now followed, forty-eight years later, by the horrors and the triumphs of 1918. The Senators who heard him and acclaimed him felt that Clemenceau was addressing them as the man who had embodied in himself, for all those long years, the soul of the France of the Great Revolution, and now at last was able to show what he really was.

This moving reception in the Senate had been preceded by an almost equally glowing display of enthusiasm in the Chamber of Deputies. There too--with the exception of a mere handful of Socialists whose extraordinary devotion to Caillaux and Malvy blinds them to the genius of their countryman--the whole Assembly rose up to welcome and cheer him. Clemenceau, speaking there, also, under strong emotion, after two stirring orations from M. Deschanel and M. Pichon, assured the Deputies that the armistice which would be granted to Germany could only be on the lines of those accorded to Bulgaria, Austria-Hungary and Turkey. Marshal Foch would decide the details, which now all the world knows.

But, after having dealt with the armistice implored by Germany, Clemenceau went back to the past and said: "When I remember that I entered the National Assembly of Bordeaux in 1871, and was--I am the last of them--one of the signers of the protests against the annexation of Alsace-Lorraine . . . it is impossible for me, now peace is certain and our victory assured, to leave the tribune without paying homage to those who were the initiators and first workers in the immense task which is being completed at this moment.

"I wish to speak of Gambetta" (the whole House rises with prolonged cheering) "--of him who, defending the territory under circumstances which rendered victory impossible, never despaired. With him and with Chanzy I voted for the continuation of the war, and in truth, when I think of what has happened in these fifty years, I ask myself whether the war has not continued all the time. May our thoughts go back to them; and when these terrible iron doors that Germany has closed against us shall be opened, let us say to them: 'Pass in first. You showed us the way.'"

The French Premier went on to speak of the problems of peace, which could only be solved, like the problems of war, by national unity for the common cause, "for the Republic which we made in peace, which we have upheld in war, the Republic which has saved us during the war." He appealed "First for solidarity with the Allies, and then for solidarity among the French." This was needful for the maintenance of peace and the future of their common humanity. Humanity's great crusade was inspired not by the thought of God but of France. "_Ce n'est pas Dieu, c'est la France qui le veut._"

The Deputies rose again and again. It would have been strange if they had not.

But fine though these speeches were, and impressive as was the Prime Minister's adjuration that, since the problems of peace were harder than those of war, they must prove their worth in both fields--it was Clemenceau's personal influence that gave them their special value. Undoubtedly the splendid fighting of the French and British and American troops and the admirable skill of their commanders had produced that dramatic change from the days of depression from March to July to the period of continuous triumph from July to November. This Clemenceau never allows us for one moment to forget. But he it was who had breathed new life into the whole combination, military and civilian, at the front and in the factories. No man of his time of life, perhaps no man of any age, ever carried on continuously such exhausting toil, physical and mental, as that which this marvellous old statesman of seventy-seven undertook and carried though from November 1917 to November 1918.

His energy and power of work were those of a vigorous young man in the height of training. Starting for the front in a motor-car at four or five o'clock in the morning at least three times a week, he kept in touch with generals, officers and soldiers all along the lines to an extent that would have seemed incredible if it had not been actually done. Once at the front he walked about under fire as if he had come out for the pleasure of risking his life with the _poilus_ who were fighting for La Patrie. Marshal Foch and Higher Command were in constant fear for him. But he knew what he was about. Valuable as his own life might be to the country, to court death was a higher duty than to take care of himself, if by this seeming indifference he made Frenchmen all along the trenches feel that he and they were one. He succeeded. Fortune favoured him throughout. Then having discoursed with the Marshal and his generals, having saluted and talked with the officers, he chatted with the rank and file of the soldiery and rushed back to Paris, arriving at the Ministry of War at ten or eleven o'clock at night, ready to attend to such pressing business as demanded his personal care. And all the time cheerful, alert, confident, showing, when things looked dark, as when the great advance began, that the Prime Minister of the Republic never for one moment doubted the Germans would be hurled back over the frontier and France would again take her rightful place in the world.

And that is not all. Clemenceau's influence in the Council Chamber of the Allies was and is supreme. The old gaiety of heart remains, but the soundness of judgment and determination to accept no compromise of principle are more marked than ever. Many dangerous intrigues during the past few months, of which the world has heard little, were snuffed clean out by Clemenceau's force of character and overwhelming personality. The French Prime Minister wanted final victory for France and her Allies. Nothing short of this would satisfy him. There was no personal loyalty he wished to build up, no political object that he desired to attain, no section or party that he felt himself bound to propitiate. Therefore the other Ministers of the Allies found themselves at the table with a statesman who was something more than an individual representative of his nation. He was the human embodiment of a cause. What that meant and still means will only be known when the dust of conflict has passed from us and the whole truth of Clemenceau's policy can be told.

For my part I have done my best as an old and convinced Social-Democrat, and on some important points his opponent, to give a frank and unbiassed study of Clemenceau's fine career. His very mistakes serve only to throw into higher relief his sterling character and the genius which has enabled him to command success. Read aright, his actions do all hang together, and constitute one complete whole. Comprising within himself the brilliant yet thorough capacity of his French countrymen, he has risen when close upon eighty to the height of the terribly responsible position he was forced to fill.

Therefore his efforts have been crowned with complete victory. Having forgotten himself in his work, the man Clemenceau will never be forgotten. He will stand out in history as the great statesman of the Great War.

And now that he and we have won--our aid, as none knows or appreciates better, having been absolutely indispensable to the French triumph--Clemenceau feels so deeply that France as a whole has shared in the great awakening that, having himself appointed the devout Catholic Marshal Foch generalissimo of the Allied armies, he, of all men, joined in the _Te Deum_ of Thanksgiving in the Cathedral of Lille! The work he has done, the risks he has run, the unshakable determination he has displayed, have raised him high above all petty considerations of politics, creeds, classes, or conditions. Therefore he is the hero of France after her desperate struggle for national existence.

INDEX

Adulteration, John Bright on, 194

Albert, 16

Amadé, General, 212

Arago, Etienne, 9, 24, 32, 35

Armistice of 1871, 36

Aumale, Duc d', and Boulanger, 95

Bakunin, 50

Barodet, 69, 86, 87

Barrès, M., 265

Basly, M., miners' agent, 180

Bazaine, Marshal, 32, 36, 40

Bebel and Jaurès on the Fleet, 238

---- and the Social-Democrats, 244

Beesly, Prof., 50

Bellers, John, 234

Benedek, Marshal, 27

Berlin, brutality and greed of, 34

Beslay, 45, 49

Billot, General, 157

Bismarck--the forgery at Ems, 33

Blanc, Louis, 16, 39, 78, 85

Blanqui, 49, 56, 58, 59, 61

"Blessed word," the, 19

Boer War, the, 216, 217

Boisdeffre, General, 157

Bolo Pasha, 273-280

_Bonnet Rouge_, arrest of proprietors, 267

Bordeaux, the Government at, 249

Boulanger, General, 10

Boulanger, General, and Army reforms, 96

----, as War Minister, 96

----, candidate for Paris, 101

----, deprived of his command, 99

----, downfall, its effect on the influence of Clemenceau, 105

----, elected for the Nord, 100

----, enters politics, a candidate for the Nord and the Dordogne, 99

----, fails to profit by his success, 103

----, flight and suicide, 104

----, his duel with M. Floquet, 98

----, his popularity after the affair Schnäbele, 97

----, his relations with the Duc d'Aumale, 95

----, his visits to Paris, 99

----, posted to the command of army corps at Clermont-Ferrand, 99

----, returned for Paris by a heavy majority, 103

----, rides through Paris on his black charger, 102

----, the pet of the _Salons_ 97

Bourbon, House of, 16

Brandès, M., Clemenceau's attack on, 251

Briand, M., 206

----, as an anarchist, 225

Bright, John, on adulteration, 194

Brisson, M., 78, 157, 162

British statesmanship, blindness of, 236

Broglie, Duc de, 10, 73, 74, 78, 101

Brousse, Paul, 100

Brown, John, and the American Civil War, 52

Buffet, 72

Butchery of peaceful citizens, 17

Caillaux, M., 206

----, and a German peace, 267-269

----, and Italian defeatists, 272

----, and the Income tax, 268

----, before the Army Committee of the Senate, 270

----, the financier, and the Income tax, 227

Calmette, M., the murder of, 269

Cambon, Jules, warns M. Pichon in 1913, 250

Camélinat, 45, 49

Canrobert, 17

Carnot, M. Sadi-, 93, 118

----, President, supports Lesseps 112, 113

Carrousel, the inscription on the, 138, 139

Casablanca, French settlers at, 212

Caserio, the anarchist, 137

Cassagnac, Paul de, 125

Charles X, 20

Chateaubriand, 17

Church and State, conflict between, 220-224

Cipriani, 58

Cinquet, M., 166

Citoyen Egalité, 16

Clemenceau, a Premier, asks England how many hundred thousand men she could land in North-Eastern France in case of a sudden war, 219

---- and Boulanger, 95

---- and Boulangism, 100

---- and Morocco, 202

---- and strikes, 198-201

---- and the coal miners, 135

---- and the doctrine of _laissez-faire_ 135

---- and the _Entente_, 120

---- and the story of Boaz and Ruth, 137

---- and the strikers at Carmaux, 120

---- and the wine-growers' agitation, 195-197

----'s anti-Czarist policy, 120

----'s appeal to Frenchmen, 245

---- as a conversationalist, 124

---- as a duellist, 125

---- as an orator, 123, 124

---- as doctor at Montmartre, 32

---- as Mayor of Montmartre, 35

---- as Minister of the Interior, 172

---- as municipal dictator, 35

---- as one of M. Floquet's seconds at the duel with Boulanger, 99

---- as professor of French at Stanford, U.S.A., 29

---- as Senator for Var, 171

---- at Nantes as a student, 15

----'s attitude in the matter of M. Wilson's trading in decorations, 93

----'s attitude towards the Catholics, 61

----, author's conversation with, 207

---- becomes "suspect" and ceases to be Mayor of Montmartre, 42

----'s betrothal to Mary Plummer, 30

---- calls up the State engineers and re-lights Paris, 183

----, charges against him, 119, 120

----'s contempt for politicians as politicians, 94

----'s criticism on the German fête of Sedan, 138

----'s criticism on the catastrophe of the Charity Bazaar, 137

---- defends himself in the National Assembly, 119

---- denounces M. Ribot, 265

----'s disregard of monetary considerations, 125

----'s distrust of colonisation by conquest, 234

----, Dreyfus affair, 151-170

----'s duel with Commandant Poussages, 53

----, efforts of his enemies to connect him with the Panama scandal, 117

----, failure to attain Presidentship of Chamber, 126

----, fight for Draguignan, 122

----, freedom of speech, 94

----, French intervention in Egypt, 91

----, French peasantry, knowledge of, 133

----, his reception by the miners at Lens, 177

---- in America, 29

---- in prison of Mazas, 25

----'s individualism antipathetic to Socialist view of collective social progress, 121

----'s influence in council chamber of the Allies, 299

---- introduces measure to establish Municipal Council of Paris, 54

----'s knowledge of Parisian life, 54

----, letters to the _Temps_, 29

----, literary works, 141

----, love of animals, 142

----, love of Paris, 139, 140

---- on French intervention in Egypt, 91

---- on the "Right to Strike," 174

----, opponent of Gambetta, 90

---- opposed to colonial adventure, 88

---- opposed to colonisation by conquest, 62

---- opposed to execution of Generals Lecomte and Thomas, 42

----'s opposition to M. Ferry and his support of M. Sadi-Carnot, 93

----'s powerful personality, 131

----'s power of work, 125

----'s reply to Jaurès, 189

---- retires from parliamentary life after defeat at Draguignan, 123

----'s sense of humour, 55

----'s speech at Hyères, 206

----'s speech at Lyons on the miners' strike, 181

----'s speech in favour of amnesty of Communists, 56

----'s speech in the National Assembly, 43

----'s statement of Socialism, 131

---- the Tiger, 81

----, the universal sceptic, 172

----, tour of propaganda, 43

---- turns journalist, 128

---- turns lecturer, 232

----'s view of Boulangist agitation, 101

----'s warning after the battle of the Marne, 250

----, 1870-71, the war of, 237

Cluseret, 48, 51

Commune, administration of the, 45

----, establishment of the, 41

"Communist Manifesto," the, 50

Comte, Auguste, 25, 26

Constans, M., said to be the cause of the Boulanger fiasco, 103

"Co-operative Commonwealth," 51

Cottu, M., indictment of, 116

Courbet, 45

Courrières-Lens colliery disaster, the, 173

Damiens, the assassin, 136

d'Aumale, Duc, 23

Daudet, M. Léon, 265

Delcassé, M., 173

---- and Clemenceau, antagonism between, 229-231

---- and the Kaiser, 205

----, King Edward's courtesy to, 218

Declaration, Clemenceau's, 284-290

Delescluze, 45, 51, 58

Déroulède, M., saves a situation, 217

Dilke, Sir Charles, 89, 204

Dombrowski, 51

Doumergue, M., 206

Dreyfus, 10

Dufaure, 78, 84

Edward VII, King, 213

Eiffel, M., indictment of, 116

Electrical engineers' strike in Paris, 182

_Encyclopædia Britannica_: tribute to M. Clemenceau, 214

Engels, 50

England's opposition to construction of Suez Canal, 106

Esterhazy, Major, 157-162

Fallières, M., 213

---- and M. Clemenceau in London, 218

Favre, Jules, 36

Ferry, Jules, 78, 84, 87, 88, 89, 92, 213

---- and colonial expansion, 119

Fez, French delegation at, 204

Flahault, 17

Floquet, 78, 115

----, duel with Gen. Boulanger, 98

Flourens, M., his pen-picture of King Edward, 214-216

Foch, Marshal, 295

Fontane, M., indictment of, 116

Fontenay le Comte, 14

Foreign affairs in 1908, 213

France and England, a better feeling between, 21

---- and Great Britain, relations between, 213

----, the wealth of, 234, 235

Francis Joseph, 27

Franco-German agreement of 1909, 239

---- convention of 1911, 239-241

_Fraser's Magazine_, extract from, 45

French Revolution, 16

Freycinet, M., 84, 96

Gallifet, 51

Gambetta, 10, 43, 44, 60, 64-79, 82, 83, 87, 88, 89, 90, 210

Gauthier, M., urges the Government to complete Panama Canal, 114

Germany and Morocco, 202

----, preparations of, 243

Germinat, Admiral, and the Navy, 226

Gonse, General, 157, 163, 166

Grévy, Albert, 78, 82, 84, 85, 86, 88, 92, 93

Gribelin, M., 166

Guesde, Jules, 261

Guesdists, the, 121

Haldane, Lord, 204

----, "sublime confidence" in Germany, 242

"Harum, David," his motto, 62

Haussmann, Baron, 22

Henry, Colonel, 158, 165

----, the anarchist, 136, 137

Henty, George, 167

Herz, M. Cornelius, and his part in the Panama scandal, 109, 116, 117, 118

Hugo, Victor, 23

Humbert, M., 272

Hyndman, Hugh, 45

Income tax, a graduated, 227

Infiltration, German, and France, 258-260

Interpenetration, German, 257

Ismail Pasha, Khedive, 106

Italian campaign, the, 21

Italian Carbonari, 17

Jacques, a liquor dealer, chosen to fight Paris against the General, 102

Jaurès and peace, 238

----, 124, 125, 139, 157, 163, 164, 168, 169, 170, 183-192, 212

---- in public affairs, 121

Jouaust, Colonel, 165, 166

Jourde, 45, 49

Judet, M., one of Clemenceau's detractors, 118

Junck, M., 166

Junker party and the Crown Prince, 205

_Justice, La_ 84

Kaiser, the, and preparations for the war, 218

----, and the King of Spain, 203

----, and the Sultan of Morocco, 203

King Edward and Clemenceau, 214-217

Labori, M., 160

Labour, Minstry of, and M. Viviani, 229

Lac, Father du, 158

Langlois, Colonel, 53

Lauth, Major 165, 166

Le Blond, Maurice, 29

Lecomte, General, 41, 42, 53

Lesseps, M. Ferdinand, 106-107

----, Count Ferdinand de, indictment of, 116

----, Count de, 115

----, Count, two estimates of his character, 111, 112

----, M. C. de, indictment of, 116

Lichnowsky's, Prince, revelations, 244

Liebknecht, Wilhelm, 168, 169

Longuet, 45, 262

Lottery Bill, the Panama, 109

Loubet, President, 118

Louis XVI, 16

---- XVIII, 20

---- Philippe, 16, 20

MacMahon, Marshal, 10, 36, 69, 72-78, 82, 85

Madeira wine and a story about Cette, 191

Malvy, M., and pro-Germans, 264

Mannesmann, Brothers, 212

Marx, 50, 131

Marxists, the, 121

Méline, M., 157

Mercier, General, 157, 166

Michel, E. B., 45

Mill, John Stuart, a dedication to, 25

Montagnards, insurrection of the, 57

Morny, 17

Morocco affair, the, 173

----, French policy in, 211

Mouilleron-en-Pareds, 14

Napoleon III, 20, 22, 23, 33

----, chief cause of downfall of, 27

----, loss of prestige, 32

----, Louis, 16, 17, 19, 21, 27, 28

----, the Court of, 21

Naquet, 87

Narbonne and Montpellier, disaffection among the wine-growers, 194

National workshops, 16

Nicholas, Emperor, 21

1918, June, the Socialists and Clemenceau, 291-293

Noir, Victor, murder of, 32

Norton, M., 118

"Novel with a purpose," the, 146

Orleans, House of, 16

Orsini bomb, the, 21

Painlevé, M., 282

Panama Canal, a congress of nations called by Lesseps, 107

---- and financial corruption, 110

---- and opponents of the Republic, 111

----, collapse of the company, 113

----, horrors on the Isthmus, 109

----, indictment of directors, 116

---- scandal, accusation of deputies, senators, and academicians, 115

---- scandal, Presidents Carnot and Loubet's attitude, 111

---- scandal, the, 10

Paris and the Provinces, 19

Paty du Clam, Colonel, 158

Peace as desired by Socialist leaders, 238

Perovskaia, Sophie, 58

Persigny, 17

Phylloxera ravages in the Bordeaux vineyards, 194

Pichon, M., 206, 213

Picquart, Colonel, 157, 162, 164, 166, 206

Plébiscite, the, 17, 19, 20, 33

Poincaré and Clemenceau, relations between, 255

Population, concentration of, John Bellers on, 234

----, Petty on the same, _ibid._

Pyat, 43, 44, 51

Radolin, Prince, 212

Railways, the nationalisation of, 226

Raspail, 58

Ravachol, the anarchist, 136

Reinach, M. Jacques, and his part in the Panama Scandal, 109

----, the tragedy of his death, 116, 117, 118

Rémusat, de, 69

Republic of 1848, 16

Retreat, the great, of August 1914, 248

Revolution, the French, Clemenceau on, 228

Ribot, M., denounced by Clemenceau, 265

Rochefort, 23

Roget, M., 166

Rollin, Ledru, 16

Rosen, Dr., 212

Rossel, 51

Rouher, 23

Rousseau, M., reports unfavourably on Panama Canal, 108

Rouvier, M., 115, 172

----, defends the President in the Wilson affair, 93

----, refuses to accept Boulanger as War Minister, 98

Russia, campaign against, 21

Sarrien, M., 172, 193, 206

Scheurer-Kestner, 157-163

Schnäbele affair, the, Boulanger's part in it, 96, 97

Second Empire, the, 15

Shaw, Bernard, 192

Simon, Jules, 73, 74

Social-Democracy, German, and the war, 244

Socialist demonstration against Clemenceau at unveiling of statue to M. Floquet, 227

---- Party, the, anti-patriotic, 262-3

Sonnino, Baron, and Caillaux, 272

Spüller, 90

Suez Canal, the, 106

Thiers, 9, 37, 39, 44, 50, 51, 54, 68, 69

Thomas, Albert, 261

----, General, 41, 42, 53

Trochu, General, 36

Tunis, the question of, 88

"_Utrinque paratus_," 9

Vaillant, 45, 125

---- and Hervé, and the war, 261

---- and peace, 238

----, the anarchist, 136, 137

----, Edouard, the Blanquist, 121

Vendée, La, 13, 14, 15

Venice, the annexation of, 27

Verdun, Clemenceau on the victories at, 251

Vermorel, 43

Victoria, Queen, 34

_Ville Lumière, La_, 24

Viviani, M., 206, 229

Waddington, 83, 84

Ward, Mrs. Humphry, 8

Wilson, trading in decorations, 92

Wine, adulteration of, 194

Working Men's Association, the International, 50

Wyse, Buonaparte, sells concession for Panama canal scheme to Lesseps, 108

Zola, 157-160

----, the trial of, 162, 164

Zurlinden, General, 157

WORKS BY GEORGES CLEMENCEAU.

_De la Génération des Éléments Anatomiques._ 8vo. Paris: Baillière et fils. 1865.

_Notions d'Anatomie et de Physiologie Générale. De la Génération des Éléments Anatomiques._ Précédée d'une introduction par M. Charles Robin. 8vo. Paris: Germer Baillière. 1867.

J. Stuart Mill: _Auguste Comte et le Positivisme_. 18mo. Paris: Germer Baillière. 1868. Alcau. 1893.

_L'Amnistie devant le Parlement._ Discours Chambre des Députés, 16 Mai, 1876. 18mo. Paris: Imp. Wittersheim. 1876.

_Affaires Egyptiennes._ Discours Chambre des Députés, 19 and 20 Juillet, 1882. 18mo. Paris: Imp. Wittersheim. 1882.

_Discours prononcé au Cirque Fernando le 25 Mai, 1884._ (Account of Clemenceau's stewardship.) 18mo. Paris: Imp. Schiller. 1884.

_Affaire du Tonkin._ Discours Chambre des Députés, 27 Nov., 1884. 18mo. Paris: Imp. Schiller. 1884.

_Politique Coloniale._ Discours Chambre des Députés, 30 Juillet, 1884. 18mo. Paris: Imp. Schiller. 1885.

_Discours prononcé à Draguignan, 13 Septembre 1885._ 18mo. Paris: Imp. Schiller. 1885.

_La Mêlée Sociale._ 18mo. Paris: Charpentier et Fasquelle. 1895.

_Le Grand Pan._ 18mo. Paris: Charpentier et Fasquelle. 1896.

_Les Plus Forts._ Roman contemporain. 18mo. Paris: Fasquelle. 1898.

_Au Pied du Mont Sinai._ 4to. Paris: Floury. 1898.

_L'Iniquité._ Notes sur l'affaire Dreyfus. 18mo. Paris: Stock. 1899.

_Fils des Jours._ Paris: Stock. 1899.

_Le Voile du Bonheur._ Pièce en un acte. 18mo. Paris: Fasquelle. 1901.

_La Honte._ 18mo. Paris: Stock. 1903.

_Aux Embuscades de la Vie._ Dans la foi, dans l'ordre établi, dans l'amour. 18mo. Paris: Fasquelle. 1903.

_L'Enseignement dans le Droit Républicain._ Discours au Sénat. 18mo. Paris: Fasquelle. 1904.

_Figures de la Vendée._ Paris: Hessèle. 1904.

_La France devant l'Allemagne._ Imp. 8vo. Payot. 1918.

* * * * *

The above is a list of Clemenceau's most important works. His speeches in the Chamber of Deputies from 1876 up to 1893, and in the Senate, since 1902, will be found in the _Journal Officiel_ and the _Annales du Sénat_. There are several studies of Clemenceau and his career: the most recent is _Clemenceau_ (8vo, Paris--Charpentier, 1918), of which M. Georges Lecomte is the author. But he has been disinclined to have any detailed personal biography published. Though he must be well aware of the eminent part he has played in the history of his own country and of Europe, he has always preferred to speak of himself, and to be spoken of, as only one of the people of the France whom he has so well served.

FOOTNOTES:

[A] M. Maurice Le Blond.

[B] "Yes, bear in mind, reader, Monsieur Brandès's fear under existing conditions is that Germany may be humiliated! Denmark has been humiliated by the people of supermen who constitute the German race. France, also, I take it, and even Belgium: perhaps Brandès will admit that? He has not protested. He even refuses to explain himself on this point, declaring that his silence (prolix enough) is golden--that sort of gold which won't stand the touchstone. But his overmastering dread is that the organisers of the greatest crime against civilisation, against the independence of the peoples, against the dignity of the human species, the authors of the appalling atrocities from which Belgium and France are still bleeding, may not themselves undergo _humiliation_."

[C] I happen to know the configuration of this district well, having walked all over it in 1866, after I went up into the Tyrol with Garibaldi.

[D] Since the extreme pacifist and anti-nationalist section of Socialists captured the French Socialist Party a body of the French Socialist Deputies have constituted a group of their own in the Assembly. They number in all forty-one and they have a well-edited and well-written daily journal, _La France Libre_, which represents their views. Among their leading members are the Citizens Varenne, De la Porte, Compère Morel, Albert Thomas and others. They are thoroughly sound Socialists in all domestic affairs, but they cannot accept the views of those who are now led by Jean Longuet and Marcel Cachin on questions affecting the independence and welfare of France as a nation. Their opinions are, in fact, much the same as those which have been so vigorously and successfully championed by the National Socialist Party in Great Britain. It seems a pity that none of their party have seen their way to accept the positions in the Cabinet offered by M. Clemenceau. The results of the General Election in Great Britain may give them encouragement to do so.

[E] CLEMENCEAU'S MINISTRY.

CLEMENCEAU, Prime Minister and Minister for War. PICHON, Foreign Affairs. PAMS, Interior. KLOTZ, Finance. LEYGUES, Marine } CLEMENTEL, Commerce } CLAVALLE, Public Works } Members of late Ministry. LOUCHEUR, Munitions } COLLIARD, Labour } BORET, Supplies and Agriculture.