BOOK XIV

I

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _At Matius' villa, April 7_, B.C. _44_]

I have stopped for a visit with the man we were speaking of in the morning.[186] His view is that nothing could be more disgraceful and the thing was quite hopeless. "For, if Caesar with his genius could not find a solution, who will find it now?" In a word he said the end had come (which may be true, but he was pleased about it), and assured me that in less than twenty days there would be a rising in Gaul. He has not discussed the matter with anyone except Lepidus since the 15th of March: and, in fine, things cannot pass off like this. What a wise man is Oppius! He regrets Caesar quite as much, but says nothing that can offend any of the loyal party. So much for that.

Footnote 186:

C. Matius Calvena.

Pray do not delay in sending me any news—and I expect there is plenty: among other things whether we may be sure of Sextus, but especially about our friend Brutus. About him the man I am staying with says Caesar used to say: "What he wants is of great importance, but whatever he wants, he wants it badly"; and that he noticed it, when he pleaded for Deiotarus at Nicaea, for he seemed to speak with emphasis and with boldness. Again—I like to write

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atque etiam (ut enim quicque succurrit, libet scribere) proxime, cum Sesti rogatu apud eum fuissem exspectaremque sedens, quoad vocarer, dixisse eum: "Ego dubitem, quin summo in odio sim, cum M. Cicero sedeat nec suo commodo me convenire possit? Atqui, si quisquam est facilis, hic est. Tamen non dubito, quin me male oderit." Haec et eius modi multa. Sed ad propositum. Quicquid erit non modo magnum, sed etiam parvum, scribes. Equidem nihil intermittam.

II

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in suburbano Mati VI Id. Apr. a. 710_]

Duas a te accepi epistulas heri. Ex priore theatrum Publiliumque cognovi, bona signa consentientis multitudinis. Plausus vero L. Cassio datus etiam facetus mihi quidem visus est. Altera epistula de Madaro scripta, apud quem nullum φαλάκρωμα, ut putas. Processit enim, sed minus. Diutius sermone eius sum retentus. Quod autem ad te scripseram obscure fortasse, id eius modi est. Aiebat Caesarem secum, quo tempore Sesti rogatu veni ad eum, cum exspectarem sedens, dixisse: "Ego nunc tam sim stultus, ut hunc ipsum facilem hominem putem mihi esse amicum, cum tam diu sedens meum commodum exspectet?" Habes igitur φαλάκρωμα inimicissimum otii, id est Bruti.

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the first thing that comes into my head—recently, when at Sestius' request I paid Caesar a visit and was sitting waiting to be called in, he remarked: "Can I doubt that I am heartily detested, when Cicero sits waiting and cannot visit me at his convenience? Yet, if ever there was a good-natured man, he is one. However, I have no doubt that he detests me." That and more to the same effect. But to return to the point. Write me anything there is to write, not only important matters, but even petty details. I shall not let anything escape me.

II

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _From Matius' villa, April 8_, B.C. _44_]

I had two letters from you yesterday. From the first I learned about the theatre and Publilius,[187] good signs of the unanimous feeling of the people. The applause given to Cassius I thought even overdone. The other letter was about Bald-pate,[188] though he is not so bald as you think. For he has advanced, though not very far. I have been detained too long by his talk. What I mentioned to you, perhaps a little obscurely, was like this. He said Caesar remarked to him, when I went to see him at Sestius' request and was sitting waiting: "Can I be foolish enough to think that this man, good-natured though he is, is friendly to me, when he has to sit and wait for my convenience so long." So you have in Bald-pate a bitter enemy of peace, that is to say, of Brutus.

Footnote 187:

_i.e._ the production of a mime by Publilius Syra.

Footnote 188:

_Madaro_ = μαδαρῷ, "bald-pate," a pun on Calvena, Matius' _agnomen_. The reading and rendering of the rest of the sentence is doubtful.

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In Tusculanum hodie, Lanuvi cras, inde Asturae cogitabam. Piliae paratum est hospitium, sed vellem Atticam. Verum tibi ignosco. Quarum utrique salutem.

III

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Tusculano V Id. Apr. a. 710_]

Tranquillae tuae quidem litterae. Quod utinam diutius! nam Matius posse negabat. Ecce autem structores nostri ad frumentum profecti, cum inanes redissent, rumorem adferunt magnum Romae domum ad Antonium frumentum omne portari. Πανικὸν certe; scripsisses enim. Corumbus Balbi nullus adhuc. Est mihi notum nomen; bellus enim esse dicitur architectus.

Ad obsignandum tu adhibitus non sine causa videris. Volunt enim nos ita putare; nescio, cur non animo quoque sentiant. Sed quid haec ad nos? Odorare tamen Antoni διάθεσιν; quem quidem ego epularum magis arbitror rationem habere quam quicquam mali cogitare.

Tu, si quid pragmaticum habebis, scribes; sin minus, populi ἐπισημασίαν et mimorum dicta perscribito. Piliae et Atticae salutem.

IV

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Lanuvii IV Id. Apr. a. 710_]

Numquid putas me Lanuvi? At ego te istic cotidie aliquid novi suspicor. Tument negotia. Nam, cum Matius, quid censes ceteros? Equidem doleo, quod

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I am thinking of going to Tusculum to-day, to Lanuvium to-morrow, and then to Astura. I am ready to entertain Pilia, though I should like Attica. However, I forgive you. So greet me to them both.

III

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Tusculum, April 9_, B.C. _44_]

Your letter is full of peace, and I only hope peace may last some time. Matius does not think it can. Here are my builders, who had gone off harvesting, returning empty-handed and bringing a strong report that all the corn is being taken to Antony's house at Rome. Of course it is a false alarm, or I should have heard it from you. Not a sign as yet of Balbus' man Corumbus. I know the name; he is said to be a good architect.

It appears to me there was reason in their asking you to be present at the sealing of that will: for they want us to think them friendly, and I don't see why that should not be their real feeling. But what does it matter to us? However, scent out Antony's intentions; I fancy he is more concerned about his banquets than about plotting any harm.

If you have any news of practical importance, let me hear it; if not, give me full details as to who were cheered by the people at the mimes, and the epigrams of the actors. My love to Pilia and Attica.

IV

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Lanuvium, April 10_, B.C. _44_]

Do you suppose I get any news at Lanuvium? But I suspect you hear something fresh every day in town. The trouble is coming to a head: for when Matius thinks so, what do you suppose others think? What

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numquam in ulla civitate accidit, non una cum libertate rem publicam recuperatam. Horribile est, quae loquantur, quae minitentur. Ac vereor Gallica etiam bella, ipse Sextus quo evadat. Sed omnia licet concurrant, Idus Martiae consolantur. Nostri autem ἥρωες, quod per ipsos confici potuit, gloriosissime et magnificentissime confecerunt; reliquae res opes et copias desiderant, quas nullas habemus. Haec ego ad te. Tu, si quid novi (nam cotidie aliquid exspecto), confestim ad me, et, si novi nihil, nostro more tamen ne patiamur intermitti litterulas. Equidem non committam.

V

CICERO ATTICO S. D.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Asturae III Id. Apr. a. 710_]

Spero tibi iam esse, ut volumus, quoniam quidem ἠσίτησας, cum leviter commotus esses; sed tamen velim scire, quid agas. Signa bella, quod Calvena moleste fert se suspectum esse Bruto; illa signa non bona, si cum signis legiones veniunt e Gallia. Quid tu illas putas, quae fuerunt in Hispania? nonne idem postulaturas? quid, quas Annius transportavit? C. Asinium volui, sed μνημονικὸν ἁμάρτημα. Ab aleatore[189] φυρμὸς πολύς. Nam ista quidem Caesaris libertorum coniuratio facile opprimeretur, si recta saperet Antonius. O meam stultam verecundiam! qui legari noluerim ante res prolatas, ne deserere viderer hunc

Footnote 189:

a balneatore _some MSS. and editors: in which case it refers to the Pseudo-Marius_.

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worries me is what never happened in any other state, that the constitution has not been recovered when freedom has. It is frightful to listen to the rumours and the threats: and I am afraid of a war in Gaul and of what side Sextus will take. But though all the world conspire against us, the Ides of March console me. Our heroes accomplished most gloriously and magnificently all that they could accomplish by themselves; the other matters require money and forces, and we have neither. That is all I have to say to you. If you have any news (for I expect something every day), let me know quickly, and, even if there is no news, don't let us break our custom and not exchange notes. I will see that I don't.

V

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Astura, April 11_, B.C. _44_]

I hope you are as well as I wish you to be by now, as you were fasting owing to a slight indisposition: but I should like to know how you are. It is a good sign that Calvena is annoyed at Brutus' suspicions; but it will be by no means a good sign if the legions come from Gaul with their ensigns. What do you think about those that were in Spain? Won't they make the same demands? And what of those that Annius took across? I meant to say C. Asinius, but I had a _lapsus memoriae_. A fine mess the gambler[190] is making. For that conspiracy of Caesar's freedmen might have been put down easily, if Antony had his wits about him. How foolish were my scruples in refusing a free legation before the vacation for fear of appearing to shirk this turmoil. Of course, if I could

Footnote 190:

Antony.

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rerum tumorem; cui certe si possem mederi, desse non deberem. Sed vides magistratus, si quidem illi magistratus, vides tamen tyranni satellites in imperiis, vides eiusdem exercitus, vides in latere veteranos, quae sunt εὐρίπιστα omnia, eos autem, qui orbis terrae custodiis non modo saepti, verum etiam magni[191] esse debebant, tantum modo laudari atque amari, sed parietibus contineri. Atque illi quoquo modo beati, civitas misera. Sed velim scire, qui adventus Octavi, num qui concursus ad eum, num quae νεωτερισμοῦ suspicio. Non puto equidem, sed tamen, quicquid est, scire cupio. Haec scripsi ad te proficiscens Astura III Idus.

Footnote 191:

_For_ magni _Manutius proposed_ vagi, _Orelli_ ἅγιοι, _and Reid_ muniti.

VI

CICERO ATTICO S. D.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Fundis prid. Id. Apr. a. 710_]

Pridie Idus Fundis accepi tuas litteras cenans. Primum igitur melius esse, deinde meliora te nuntiare. Odiosa illa enim fuerant, legiones venire. Nam de Octavio susque deque. Exspecto, quid de Mario; quem quidem ego sublatum rebar a Caesare. Antoni conloquium cum heroibus nostris pro re nata non incommodum. Sed tamen adhuc me nihil delectat praeter Idus Martias. Nam, quoniam Fundis sum cum Ligure nostro, discrucior Sextili fundum a verberone Curtilio possideri. Quod cum dico, de toto genere dico. Quid enim miserius quam ea nos

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have helped to remedy it, I had no right to fail in my duty. But you see the magistrates, if they can be called magistrates; you see, in spite of all, the tyrant's satellites in authority; you see his army, you see his veterans on our flank. All these can easily be fanned into flame. But those who ought to be hedged about and even honoured by the watchful care of the whole world, are only praised and admired—and confined to their houses. And they, be that as it may, are happy, while the state is in misery. But I should like to know about Octavius' arrival, whether there was a rush to meet him and whether there was any suspicion of a _coup d'état_. I don't suppose there was, but still I should like to know, whatever happened. I am writing this as I leave Astura on the 11th of April.

VI

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Fundi, April 12_, B.C. _44_]

On the 12th I received your letter at Fundi during dinner. First you are better, and secondly you send better news. For the news about the coming of the legions was annoying. That about Octavius is neither here nor there. I am anxious to hear about Marius. I thought Caesar had got rid of him. Antony's conversation with our heroes is not unsatisfactory under the circumstances. However, nothing at present gives me any pleasure except the Ides of March. For now that I am at Fundi with our friend Ligur, I am annoyed at an estate of a Sextilius being in the hands of a knave like Curtilius. In mentioning this instance I am speaking of a whole class. For can there be a more wretched state of affairs than

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tueri, propter quae illum oderamus? etiamne consules et tribunes pl. in biennium, quos ille voluit? Nullo modo reperio, quem ad modum possim πολιτεύεσθαι. Nihil enim tam σόλοικον quam tyrannoctonos in caelo esse, tyranni facta defendi. Sed vides consules, vides reliquos magistratus, si isti magistratus, vides languorem bonorum. Exsultant laetitia in municipiis. Dici enim non potest, quanto opere gaudeant, ut ad me concurrant, ut audire cupiant mea verba de re p. Nec ulla interea decreta. Sic enim πεπολιτεύμεθα, ut victos metueremus.

Haec ad te scripsi apposita secunda mensa; plura et πολιτικώτερα postea, et tu, quid agas, quidque agatur.

VII

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano XVII K. Mai. a. 710_]

Postridie Idus Paulum Caietae vidi. Is mihi de Mario et de re publica quaedam sane pessima. A te scilicet nihil; nemo enim meorum. Sed Brutum nostrum audio visum sub Lanuvio. Ubi tandem est futurus? Nam cum reliqua tum de hoc scire aveo omnia. Ego e Formiano exiens XVII Kal., ut inde altero die in Puteolanum, scripsi haec.

A Cicerone mihi litterae sane πεπινωμέναι et bene longae. Cetera autem vel fingi possunt, πίνος litterarum significat doctiorem. Nunc magno opere a te

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that we should keep up the things for which we detested him? Are we to have consuls and tribunes, too, for the next two years selected by him? I don't see how I can possibly take part in politics. For nothing could be more topsy-turvy than to belaud the slayers of the tyrant to the skies and to defend the tyrant's acts. But you see the consuls; you see the other magistrates, if they can be called magistrates; you see the indifference of the loyalists. In the country towns they are jumping for joy. I cannot describe their rejoicing, how they flock round me, how they want to hear what I have to say about the state. And in the meantime no senatorial decrees. For our policy is this, that we are afraid of the conquered party.

This I have written during dessert. I will write fuller and more about politics later, and do you write what you are doing and what is being done.

VII

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, April 15_, B.C. _44_]

I saw Paulus at Caieta on the 14th. He told me about Marius and gave me very bad news about the State. From you, of course, I have nothing, as none of my men have arrived. But I hear our friend Brutus has been seen near Lanuvium. Where on earth is he going to be? For I want to know among other things everything about him. I am writing this as I leave Formiae on the 15th, and I hope to reach Puteoli on the next day.

I have had a letter from my son in quite the best style, and fairly long. Other things may be put on, but the style of the letter shows that he is learning something. Now I appeal to you earnestly to see

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peto, de quo sum nuper tecum locutus, ut videas, ne quid ei desit. Id cum ad officium nostrum pertinet tum ad existimationem et dignitatem; quod idem intellexi tibi videri. Omnino, si ego, ut volo, mense Quinctili in Graeciam, sunt omnia faciliora; sed, cum sint ea tempora, ut certi nihil esse possit, quid honestum mihi sit, quid liceat, quid expediat, quaeso, da operam, ut illum quam honestissime copiosissimeque tueamur.

Haec et cetera, quae ad nos pertinebunt, ut soles, cogitabis ad meque aut, quod ad rem pertineat, aut, si nihil erit, quod in buccam venerit, scribes.

VIII

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Sinuessano XVII K. Mai. a. 710_]

Tu me iam rebare, cum scribebas, in actis esse nostris, et ego accepi XVII Kal. in deversoriolo Sinuessano tuas litteras. De Mario probe, etsi doleo L. Crassi nepotem. Optime iam etiam Bruto nostro probari Antonium. Nam, quod Iuniam scribis moderate et amice scriptas litteras attulisse, mihi Paulus dicit ad se a fratre missas; quibus in extremis erat sibi insidias fieri; se id certis auctoribus comperisse. Hoc nec mihi placebat et multo illi minus. Reginae fuga mihi non molesta est. Clodia quid egerit, scribas ad me velim. De Byzantiis curabis ut cetera et Pelopem ad te arcesses. Ego, ut postulas, Baiana

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that he wants for nothing: I had already mentioned the point to you. It is a point that concerns my duty and my reputation and dignity as well; and I see you take that view yourself. Of course, if I go to Greece, as I should like, in July, everything will be easier: but, as the times are such that I cannot be sure what will be honourable, possible, or expedient for me, I beg you to be careful that we supply him with a reasonable and liberal income.

As usual you will consider these points and others that concern me, and will write and tell me the pertinent facts or, if there are none, whatever comes into your head.

VIII

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Sinuessa, April 15_, B.C. _44_]

When you wrote, you thought I was already in one of my seaside houses, and I have received your letter on the 15th in my lodge at Sinuessa. I am glad about Marius, though I am sorry for the grandson of L. Crassus.[192] It is a very good thing that Antony is so approved of even by our friend Brutus. You say Junia brought a letter written in a moderately friendly tone: Paulus tells me it was sent to him by his brother,[193] and that at the end of it there was a statement that there was a plot against him, which he had ascertained on excellent authority. I was annoyed about that and he was still more annoyed. I see nothing to object to in Cleopatra's flight. I should like you to tell me what Clodia has done. You must look after the people of Byzantium like everything else, and get Pelops[194] to call on you. I

Footnote 192:

The Pseudo-Marius had just been put to death by Antony.

Footnote 193:

Both letters came from M. Lepidus, husband of Junia—the one to Brutus, the other to L. Aemilius (Lepidus) Paulus.

Footnote 194:

Possibly the Pelops mentioned by Plutarch (_Cic._ 25), to whom Cicero wrote about some honours the Byzantines proposed to confer on him.

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negotia chorumque illum, de quo scire vis, cum perspexero, tum scribam, ne quid ignores. Quid Galli, quid Hispani, quid Sextus agat, vehementer exspecto. Ea scilicet tu declarabis, qui cetera. Nauseolam tibi tuam causam otii dedisse facile patiebar. Videbare enim mihi legenti tuas litteras requiesse paulisper. De Bruto semper ad me omnia perscribito, ubi sit, quid cogitet. Quem quidem ego spero iam tuto vel solum tota urbe vagari posse. Verum tamen ——.

IX

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Puteolis XV K. Mai, a. 710_]

De re publica multa cognovi ex tuis litteris; quas quidem multiiuges accepi uno tempore a Vestori liberto. Ad ea autem, quae requiris, brevi respondebo. Primum vehementer me Cluviana delectant. Sed quod quaeris, quid arcessierim Chrysippum, tabernae mihi duae corruerunt, reliquaeque rimas agunt, itaque non solum inquilini, sed mures etiam migraverunt. Hanc ceteri calamitatem vocant, ego ne incommodum quidem. O Socrates et Socratici viri! numquam vobis gratiam referam. Di immortales, quam mihi ista pro nihilo! Sed tamen ea ratio aedificandi initur consiliario quidem et auctore Vestorio, ut hoc damnum quaestuosum sit.

Hic turba magna est eritque, ut audio, maior.

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will look into all that lot of fellows[195] at Baiae, about whom you wish to know, as you ask me, and will let you know all about them. I am very anxious to hear what the Gauls, and the Spaniards, and Sextus are doing. You will, of course, inform me of that as of other things. I am not sorry your slight attack of sickness gave you an excuse for rest, for, judging by your letters, you seem to have taken a little holiday. Always give me full news about Brutus, his movements and his intentions. I hope he will soon be able to walk about the whole city safely even by himself. However ——.

Footnote 195:

_negotium_ here seems to be used as a contemptuous term in the sense of "fellow," for which cf. _Att._ I. 12 and V. 18; and to refer to Hirtius, Pansa, and Balbus who were idling at Baiae.

IX

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Puteoli, April 17_, B.C. _44_]

From your letters I have learned much about politics. I had a whole batch of them at the same time from the freedman of Vestorius. However, I will answer your questions shortly. Firstly, I am delighted about the Cluvian property. You ask why I sent for Chrysippus. Two of my shops have fallen down and the rest are cracking: so not only the tenants, but even the mice, have migrated. Other people call it a calamity, but I don't count it even a nuisance. O Socrates and followers of Socrates, I can never thank you sufficiently. Ye gods! how insignificant I count all such things. However, at the advice and on the suggestion of Vestorius I have adopted a plan of rebuilding which will make my loss a profit.

There are lots of people here, and I hear there

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Duo quidem quasi designati consules. O di boni! vivit tyrannis, tyrannus occidit! Eius interfecti morte laetamur, cuius facta defendimus! Itaque quam severe nos M. Curtius accusat, ut pudeat vivere, neque iniuria. Nam mori miliens praestitit quam haec pati; quae mihi videntur habitura etiam vetustatem.

Et Balbus hic est multumque mecum. Ad quem a Vetere litterae datae pridie Kal. Ianuar., cum a se Caecilius circumsederetur et iam teneretur, venisse cum maximis copiis Pacorum Parthum; ita sibi esse eum ereptum multis suis amissis. In qua re accusat Volcacium. Ita mihi videtur bellum illud instare. Sed Dolabella et Nicias viderint. Idem Balbus meliora de Gallia. XXI die litteras habebat Germanos illasque nationes re audita de Caesare legates misisse ad Aurelium, qui est praepositus ab Hirtio, se, quod imperatum esset, esse facturos. Quid quaeris? omnia plena pacis, aliter ac mihi Calvena dixerat.

X

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Puteolano XIII K. Mai. a. 710_]

Itane vero? hoc meus et tuus Brutus egit, ut Lanuvi esset, ut Trebonius itineribus deviis proficisceretur in provinciam, ut omnia facta, scripta, dicta, promissa, cogitata Caesaris plus valerent, quam si ipse viveret? Meministine me clamare illo ipso primo

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will be more. Two of them are the so-called consuls designate. Good God, the tyranny lives though the tyrant is dead! We rejoice at his assassination and defend his actions. So see how severely M. Curtius criticizes us! We feel ashamed to live, and he is perfectly right. For to die is a thousand times better than to suffer such things, which seem to me to be likely to continue for some considerable time.

Balbus, too, is here, and is often with me. He has had a letter from Vetus, dated the last of December, saying that when Caecilius was besieged and already within his grasp, the Parthian Pacorus came with a large force, and so Caecilius was snatched from his hands and he lost many men. For that he blames Volcacius. So I suppose there is a war imminent there. But that is Dolabella's and Nicias' look out. Balbus also has better news about Gaul. Twenty-one days ago he had a letter that the Germans and the tribes there, on hearing about Caesar, sent ambassadors to Aurelius, who was appointed by Hirtius, saying that they would do as they were bidden. In fact everything seems peaceable there, contrary to what Calvena said.

X

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Puteoli, April 19_, B.C. _44_]

Is this what it comes to? Is this what our hero Brutus, my hero and yours, has achieved, that he should have to stay at Lanuvium, that Trebonius must make his way to his province by roundabout routes; that all the acts, notes, words, promises, and projects of Caesar should have more validity than if he were alive? Do you remember that I cried aloud

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Capitolino die debere senatum in Capitolium a praetoribus vocari? Di immortales, quae tum opera effici potuerunt laetantibus omnibus bonis, etiam sat bonis, fractis latronibus! Liberalia tu accusas. Quid fieri tum potuit? iam pridem perieramus. Meministine te clamare causam perisse, si funere elatus esset? At ille etiam in foro combustus, laudatusque miserabiliter, servique et egentes in tecta nostra cum facibus immissi. Quae deinde? ut audeant dicere: "Tune contra Caesaris nutum?" Haec et alia ferre non possum. Itaque "γῆν πρὸ γῆς" cogito; tua tamen ὑπηνέμιος.

Nausea iamne plane abiit? Mihi quidem ex tuis litteris coniectanti ita videbatur. Redeo ad Tebassos, Scaevas, Frangones. Hos tu existimas confidere se illa habituros stantibus nobis? in quibus plus virtutis putarunt, quam experti sunt. Pacis isti scilicet amatores et non latrocinii auctores. At ego, cum tibi de Curtilio scripsi Sextilianoque fundo, scripsi de Censorino, de Messalla, de Planco, de Postumo, de genere toto. Melius fuit perisse illo interfecto, quod numquam accidisset, quam haec videre.

Octavius Neapolim venit XIIII Kal. Ibi eum Balbus

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on that first day on the Capitol[196] that the Senate should be summoned thither by the praetors? Ye gods! what might we not have accomplished then, when all the loyalists were rejoicing, and even the half loyal, while the knaves were crushed. You blame the Liberalia.[197] What could have been done then? We were done for already. Do you remember you exclaimed our cause was lost if the funeral took place? But he was even burned in the forum and a moving oration was delivered in his praise, and slaves and paupers were incited to attack our houses with torches. And the end of it all is that they dare to say: "Are you going to oppose Caesar's will?" Such things as these I cannot bear. So I am thinking of shifting from land to land. But your land[198] is too exposed.

Footnote 196:

The murderers of Caesar barricaded themselves on the Capitol after the murder, and were visited by Cicero and others.

Footnote 197:

At a meeting of the Senate on March 17 it was decreed that Caesar's _acta_ should be confirmed, that he should have a public funeral, and that his will should be read.

Footnote 198:

Greece.

Has your sickness left you entirely now? So far as I can guess from your letters it has. I return to the Tebassi, Scaevae, and Frangones.[199] Do you suppose they will have any confidence in their homesteads, while we have any power? They have found us to have less courage than they expected. I suppose we must hold them lovers of peace and not a gang of brigands. But, when I wrote to you of Curtilius and Sextilianus' farm, I wrote of Censorinus, Messalla, Plancus, Postumus, and all such cases. It were better to have perished when he was slain—though it would never have come to that[200]—than to see such things.

Footnote 199:

Veterans of Caesar's army, who had had lands of the Pompeian party given to them.

Footnote 200:

Cicero implies that the republican party would have prevailed, if they had been bolder after Caesar's death.

Octavius came to Naples on the 18th of April. There Balbus met him the next morning, and the

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mane postridie, eodemque die mecum in Cumano, illum hereditatem aditurum. Sed, ut scribis, ῥιξόθεμιν magnam cum Antonio. Buthrotia mihi tua res est, ut debet, eritque curae. Quod quaeris, iamne ad centena Cluvianum, adventare videtur. Scilicet primo anno ¯LXXX¯ detersimus.

Quintus pater ad me gravia de filio, maxime quod matri nunc indulgeat, cui antea bene merenti fuerit inimicus. Ardentes in eum litteras ad me misit. Ille autem quid agat, si scis, nequedum Roma es profectus, scribas ad me velim, et hercule si quid aliud. Vehementer delector tuis litteris.

XI

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Cumano XI K. Mai. a. 710_]

Nudius tertius dedi ad te epistulam longiorem; nunc ad ea, quae proxime. Velim mehercule, Asturae Brutus. Ἀκολασίαν istorum scribis. An censebas aliter? Equidem etiam maiora exspecto. Cum contionem lego "de tanto viro, de clarissimo civi," ferre non queo. Etsi ista iam ad risum. Sed memento, sic alitur consuetudo perditarum contionum, ut nostri illi non heroes, sed di futuri quidem in gloria sempiterna sint, sed non sine invidia, ne sine periculo quidem. Verum illis magna consolatio conscientia

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same day he was with me at Cumae and said Octavius would accept that inheritance.[201] But as you say, there will be a crow to pick with Antony. I am attending to your business at Buthrotum,[202] as I ought, and I will continue to do so. You ask if Cluvius' legacy amounts to £1,000 yet. Well, in the first year I cleared about £800.[203]

Footnote 201:

Left in Caesar's will.

Footnote 202:

Saving the people of Buthrotum from confiscation of their land for distribution among Caesar's veterans.

Footnote 203:

100,000 and 80,000 sesterces respectively.

Quintus is grumbling to me about his son, chiefly because he is now making much of his mother, while formerly he disliked her in spite of all she did for him. The letter against him he sent me was written in a blazing fury. If you know what the youth is doing, and have not left Rome yet, I should be glad to hear from you, and uncommonly glad for any other news too. Your letters give me so much pleasure.

XI

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Cumae, April 21_, B.C. _44_]

Two days ago I sent you a fairly long letter: now I answer your last. I wish to heaven Brutus were at Astura. You speak of the wild conduct of the Caesareans. Did you expect anything else? For my part I look for worse. When I read a speech about "so great a man, so illustrious a citizen," it is more than I can bear, though now such talk is an absurdity. But take note, the habit of wild public speaking is so fostered nowadays, that, though eternal glory will be the portion of those friends of ours, who will be held not merely heroes but gods, they will not escape dislike or even danger. However, they have the great consolation of being

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maximi et clarissimi facti, nobis quae, qui interfecto rege liberi non sumus? Sed haec fortuna viderit, quoniam ratio non gubernat.

De Cicerone quae scribis, iucunda mihi sunt; velim sint prospera. Quod curae tibi est, ut ei suppeditetur ad usum et cultum copiose, per mihi gratum est, idque ut facias, te etiam atque etiam rogo. De Buthrotiis et tu recte cogitas, et ego non dimitto istam curam. Suscipiam omnem etiam actionem, quam video cotidie faciliorem. De Cluviano, quoniam in re mea me ipsum diligentia vincis, res ad centena perducitur. Ruina rem non fecit deteriorem, haud scio an etiam fructuosiorem.

Hic mecum Balbus, Hirtius, Pansa. Modo venit Octavius et quidem in proximam villam Philippi mihi totus deditus. Lentulus Spinther hodie apud me. Cras mane vadit.

XII

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Puteolis X K. Mai. a. 710_]

O mi Attice, vereor, ne nobis Idus Martiae nihil dederint praeter laetitiam et odii poenam ac doloris. Quae mihi istim adferuntur! quae hic video!

"Ὢ πράξεως καλῆς μέν, ἀτελοῦς δέ."

Scis, quam diligam Siculos et quam illam clientelam honestam iudicem. Multa illis Caesar neque me

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conscious of a heroic and magnificent deed, but what have we, who have killed a king and yet are not free? However, this lies in fortune's hands, since reason no longer rules.

What you tell me of my son is welcome news; I hope all will go well. I am exceedingly grateful to you for arranging that he shall be supplied with sufficient for luxury as well as necessities, and I beg you again and again to continue to do so. You are right about the people of Buthrotum, and I am not remitting my attention. I will undertake their whole case, which is daily looking simpler. As for Cluvius' inheritance, since you are more anxious about my affairs than I am myself, it is approaching £1,000.[204] The fall of some houses did not depreciate it; indeed, I am not sure it did not make it better.

Footnote 204:

100,000 sesterces.

Balbus, Hirtius, and Pansa are here with me. Octavius has just come to stay, and that, too, in the very next house, Philippus' place, and he is devoted to me. Lentulus Spinther is staying with me to-day. To-morrow early he is going.

XII

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Puteoli, April 22_, B.C. _44_]

My dear Atticus, I fear the Ides of March may have given us nothing but our joy and satisfaction of our hatred and resentment. What news I get from Rome! What things I see here! "The deed was fair but its result is naught."

You know how fond I am of the Sicilians, and how great an honour I count it to be their patron. Caesar granted them many privileges, and I was pleased at

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invito, etsi Latinitas erat non ferenda. Verum tamen. Ecce autem Antonius accepta grandi pecunia fixit legem a dictatore comitiis latam, qua Siculi cives Romani; cuius rei vivo illo mentio nulla. Quid? Deiotari nostri causa non similis? Dignus ille quidem omni regno, sed non per Fulviam. Sescenta similia. Verum illuc redeo. Tam claram tamque testatam rem tamque iustam Buthrotiam non tenebimus aliqua ex parte? et eo quidem magis, quo iste plura?

Nobiscum hic perhonorifice et peramice Octavius. Quem quidem sui Caesarem salutabant, Philippus non, itaque ne nos quidem; quem nego posse bonum civem. Ita multi circumstant, qui quidem nostris mortem minitantur. Negant haec ferri posse. Quid censes, cum Romam puer venerit, ubi nostri liberatores tuti esse non possunt? Qui quidem semper erunt clari, conscientia vero facti sui etiam beati. Sed nos, nisi me fallit, iacebimus. Itaque exire aveo, "ubi nec Pelopidarum," inquit. Haud amo vel hos designatos, qui etiam declamare me coëgerunt, ut ne apud aquas quidem acquiescere liceret. Sed hoc meae nimiae facilitatis. Nam id erat quondam quasi necesse, nunc, quoquo modo se res habet, non est item.

Quam dudum nihil habeo, quod ad te scribam! Scribo tamen, non ut delectem his litteris, sed ut

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it, though to give them the Latin rights was intolerable. However ——. But here is Antony taking a huge bribe and posting up a law said to have been carried by the dictator in the Comitia, which gives the Sicilians the citizenship, though there was no mention of such a thing when Caesar was alive. Again, is not our friend Deiotarus' case just the same? He is certainly worthy of any kingdom, but not of one bought through Fulvia. There are thousands of other cases. However, to return to my point. Shall I not be able to maintain to some extent my case for the people of Buthrotum, since it is so well supported by witnesses and so just, especially as he is free with his grants?

Octavius is here with us on terms of respect and friendship. His people address him as Caesar, but Philippus does not, and so I do not either. I hold that it is impossible for a loyal citizen to do so. We are surrounded by so many who threaten death to our friends, and declare they cannot bear the present state of affairs. What do you think will happen, when this boy comes to Rome, where those who have set us free cannot live in safety. They, indeed, will ever be famous, and even happy in the consciousness of their deed. But we, unless I am much mistaken, shall be crushed. So I long to go "where no bruit of the sons of Pelops may reach my ears,"[205] as the saying is. I have no love even for these consuls designate, who have forced me to declaim to them, so that I can't have peace even by the sea. But that is due to my excess of good nature. For at one time declamation was more or less a necessity; now, however things turn out, it is not.

Footnote 205:

The full quotation, which comes from the _Pelops_ of Accius, runs:

"evolem, ubi nec Pelopidarum nomen nec facta aut famam audiam."

How long it is since I have had anything to write to you! However, I write, not to charm you with

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eliciam tuas. Tu, si quid erit de ceteris, de Bruto utique, quicquid. Haec conscripsi X Kal. accubans apud Vestorium, hominem remotum a dialecticis, in arithmeticis satis exercitatum.

XIII

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Puteolis VI K. Mai. a. 710_]

Septimo denique die litterae mihi redditae sunt, quae erant a te XIII Kal. datae; quibus quaeris atque etiam me ipsum nescire arbitraris, utrum magis tumulis prospectuque an ambulatione ἁλιτενεῖ delecter. Est mehercule, ut dicis, utriusque loci tanta amoenitas, ut dubitem, utra anteponenda sit.

[Sidenote: _Iliad_ x. 228]

—— "Ἀλλ' οὐ δαιτὸς ἐπηράτου ἔργα μέμηλεν, ἀλλὰ λίην μέγα πῆμα, διοτρεφές, εἰσορόωντες δείδιμεν· ἐν δοιῇ δὲ σαωσέμεν ἢ ἀπολέσθαι."

Quamvis enim tu magna et mihi iucunda scripseris de D. Bruti adventu ad suas legiones, in quo spem maximam video, tamen, si est bellum civile futurum, quod certe erit, si Sextus in armis permanebit, quem permansurum esse certo scio, quid nobis faciendum sit, ignoro. Neque enim iam licebit, quod Caesaris bello licuit, neque huc neque illuc. Quemcumque enim haec pars perditorum laetatum Caesaris morte putabit (laetitiam autem apertissime tulimus omnes), hunc in hostium numero habebit; quae res ad caedem maximam spectat. Restat, ut in castra Sexti aut, si forte, Bruti nos conferamus. Res odiosa et

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my letter, but to draw your answers. Do you send me any news you have, especially about Brutus, but about anything else too. I write this on the 22nd while at dinner with Vestorius,[206] a man who has no idea of philosophy, but who is well up in arithmetic.

Footnote 206:

A banker at Puteoli.

XIII

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Puteoli, April 26_, B.C. _44_]

The letter you sent on the 19th did not reach me for seven days. In it you ask whether I take more pleasure in hills and a view or a walk by the silver sea, and you seem to think I may not know myself. Upon my word, both are so beautiful, as you say, that I doubt which to prefer. "But no thought have we of the service of a dainty meal; nay, seeing a woeful heavy bane sent on us by heaven, we shudder in doubt whether we shall be saved or perish." For although you have sent me great and welcome news about D. Brutus having joined his troops, in which I see great hopes, still, if there is going to be civil war—and that there must be, if Sextus stays under arms, as I know for certain he will—I don't know what we are to do. For now there will be no chance of sitting on the fence, as there was in Caesar's war. For, if this gang of ruffians thinks anyone was rejoiced at the death of Caesar—and we all of us showed our joy quite openly—they will count him an enemy; and that looks like a considerable massacre. Our alternative is to take refuge in Sextus' camp, or join ourselves to Brutus if we can. That is a hateful business and unsuitable for our age,

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aliena nostris aetatibus et incerto exitu belli, et nescio quo pacto tibi ego possum, mihi tu dicere.

[Sidenote: _Iliad_ v. 428]

"Τέκνον ἐμόν, οὔ τοι δέδοται πολεμήια ἔργα, ἀλλὰ σύγ' ἱμερόεντα μετέρχεο ἔργα λόγοιο."

Sed haec fors viderit, ea quae talibus in rebus plus quam ratio potest. Nos autem id videamus, quod in nobis ipsis esse debet, ut, quicquid acciderit, fortiter et sapienter feramus, et accidisse hominibus meminerimus, nosque cum multum litterae tum non minimum Idus quoque Martiae consolentur. Suscipe nunc meam deliberationem, qua sollicitor. Ita multa veniunt in mentem in utramque partem. Proficiscor, ut constitueram, legatus in Graeciam: caedis inpendentis periculum non nihil vitare videor, sed casurus in aliquam vituperationem, quod rei publicae defuerim tam gravi tempore. Sin autem mansero, fore me quidem video in discrimine, sed accidere posse suspicor, ut prodesse possim rei publicae. Iam illa consilia privata sunt, quod sentio valde esse utile ad confirmationem Ciceronis me illuc venire; nec alia causa profectionis mihi ulla fuit tum, cum consilium cepi legari a Caesare. Tota igitur hac de re, ut soles, si quid ad me pertinere putas, cogitabis.

Redeo nunc ad epistulam tuam. Scribis enim esse rumores me, ad lacum quod habeo, venditurum, minusculam vero villam Quinto traditurum vel impenso pretio, quo introducatur, ut tibi Quintus filius dixerit, dotata Aquilia. Ego vero de venditione nihil cogito,

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especially considering the uncertainty of war; and somehow or other it seems to me that I can say to you and you to me: "My son, to thee are not given the arts of war; nay, do thou rather compass the witching arts of speech."[207] But that we must leave to chance, which is of more importance in such matters than reason. For ourselves, let us look to the one thing that ought to be in our power, that, whatever may happen, we may bear it with courage and philosophy, remembering that we are but mortal, and console ourselves a good deal with literature and not least with the Ides of March. Now come to my aid in settling a point which is causing me anxiety. So much to be said on both sides occurs to me. If I set off, as I intended, on a free embassy to Greece, it seems as though I might avoid to some extent the danger of a massacre which is threatening, but I shall not escape some blame for deserting the state in such a crisis. On the other hand, if I stay, I see I shall be in danger, but I suspect there is a possibility that I may help the State. There are also private considerations, that I think it would be of great use in settling my son down if I went to Athens; and that was the only reason for my going, when I had the idea of getting the offer of an embassy from Caesar. So consider every side of the case, as you usually do in my affairs.

Footnote 207:

In the original the last word is γάμοιο not λόγοιο.

I return now to your letter. You say there are rumours that I am thinking of selling my house on the Lucrine lake and of handing over to Quintus my tiny villa at quite a fancy price, that he may bring the heiress Aquilia to it, as young Quintus says. I have had no thought of selling it, unless I

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nisi quid, quod magis me delectet, invenero. Quintus autem de emendo nihil curat hoc tempore. Satis enim torquetur debitione dotis, in qua mirificas Q. Egnatio gratias agit; a ducenda autem uxore sic abhorret, ut libero lectulo neget esse quicquam iucundius. Sed haec quoque hactenus.

Redeo enim ad miseram seu nullam potius rem publicam. M. Antonius ad me scripsit de restitutione Sex. Clodi; quam honorifice, quod ad me attinet, ex ipsius litteris cognosces (misi enim tibi exemplum), quam dissolute, quam turpiter quamque ita perniciose, ut non numquam Caesar desiderandus esse videatur, facile existimabis. Quae enim Caesar numquam neque fecisset neque passus esset, ea nunc ex falsis eius commentariis proferuntur. Ego autem Antonio facillimum me praebui. Etenim ille, quoniam semel induxit animum sibi licere, quod vellet, fecisset nihilo minus me invito. Itaque mearum quoque litterarum misi tibi exemplum.

XIIIa

ANTONIUS COS. S. D. M. CICERONI.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae inter a. d. X et VII K. Mai. a. 710_]

Occupationibus est factum meis et subita tua profectione, ne tecum coram de hac re agerem. Quam ob causam vereor, ne absentia mea levior sit apud te. Quodsi bonitas tua responderit iudicio meo, quod semper habui de te, gaudebo.

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find something that suits me better, while Quintus is not thinking of buying it at the present time. He is quite bothered enough with repaying the dowry,[208] and is expressing the deepest gratitude to Egnatius for his assistance. To marrying again he is so averse that he declares a bachelor's couch is the most comfortable in the world. But enough of this also.

Footnote 208:

To Pomponia, sister of Atticus, whom he had recently divorced.

For now I return to the crushed or rather non-existent republic. M. Antonius has written to me about the recall of Sex. Clodius. You will see from the copy I include that the tone of his letter, so far as concerns myself, is complimentary enough. But you can easily imagine the proposal is so unprincipled, so disgraceful, and so mischievous, that at times one almost wishes for Caesar back again. For things that Caesar never would have done, nor allowed to be done, are now being brought forward from forged notes of his. However, I have shown myself quite complaisant to Antonius. For when he has once got it into his head that he may do what he chooses, he would have done it just as readily against my will. So I have sent you a copy of my letter too.

XIIIa

ANTONY THE CONSUL SENDS HIS GREETINGS TO M. CICERO.

[Sidenote: _Rome, April 22 to 25_, B.C. _44_]

It was only because I was so busy and you departed so suddenly, that I did not see you personally about the following request. So I fear I may have less weight with you in my absence. But if your goodness of heart answers to the opinion I have always had of you, I shall be very glad.

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A Caesare petii, ut Sex. Clodium restitueret; impetravi. Erat mihi in animo etiam tum sic uti beneficio eius, si tu concessisses. Quo magis laboro, ut tua voluntate id per me facere nunc liceat. Quodsi duriorem te eius miserae et adflictae fortunae praebes, non contendam ego adversus te, quamquam videor debere tueri commentarium Caesaris. Sed mehercule, si humaniter et sapienter et amabiliter in me cogitare vis, facilem profecto te praebebis, et voles P. Clodium, in optima spe puerum repositum, existimare non te insectatum esse, cum potueris, amicos paternos. Patere, obsecro, te pro re publica videri gessisse simultatem cum patre eius, non quod contempseris hanc familiam. Honestius enim et libentius deponimus inimicitias rei publicae nomine susceptas quam contumaciae. Me deinde sine ad hanc opinionem iam nunc dirigere puerum et tenero animo eius persuadere non esse tradendas posteris inimicitias. Quamquam tuam fortunam, Cicero, ab omni periculo abesse certum habeo, tamen arbitror malle te quietam senectutem et honorificam potius agere quam sollicitam. Postremo meo iure te hoc beneficium rogo. Nihil enim non tua causa feci. Quodsi non impetro, per me Clodio daturus non sum, ut intellegas, quanti apud me auctoritas tua sit, atque eo te placabiliorem praebeas.

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I petitioned Caesar for the return of Sex. Clodius, and obtained my request. It was my intention even then only to use his favour if you allowed. So I am now the more anxious that you may let me do it with your permission. But, if you show yourself hard-hearted to his affliction and misery, I will not contend with you, though I think I ought to observe Caesar's memoranda. But upon my word, if you are ready to take a generous, philosophical, and amiable view of my actions, you will, I am sure, show your indulgence, and will wish that most promising youth, P. Clodius, to think that you did not act spitefully to his father's friends when you had the chance. I beseech you to let it seem that your feud with his father was on public grounds, not because you despised the family. For we can lay aside quarrels we took up on public grounds with more honour and more readiness than those that come from a personal insult. So give me a chance of inculcating this lesson, and while the boy's mind is still receptive, let us convince him that quarrels should not be handed down from generation to generation. Though I know your fortune, Cicero, is above any danger, yet I think you would rather enjoy old age with peace and honour than with anxiety. Finally I feel a right to ask you this favour, for I have done all I could for your sake. If I do not gain it, I shall not grant Clodius his restoration, so that you may understand how much your authority weighs in my eyes, and that may make you all the more placable.

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XIIIb

CICERO ANTONIO COS. S. D.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Puteolis VI K. Mai. 710_]

Quod mecum per litteras agis, unam ob causam mallem coram egisses. Non enim solum ex oratione, sed etiam ex vultu et oculis et fronte, ut aiunt, meum erga te amorem perspicere potuisses. Nam, cum te semper amavi, primum tuo studio, post etiam beneficio provocatus, tum his temporibus res publica te mihi ita commendavit, ut cariorem habeam neminem. Litterae vero tuae cum amantissime tum honorificentissime scriptae sic me adfecerunt, ut non dare tibi beneficium viderer, sed accipere a te ita petente, ut inimicum meum, necessarium tuum me invito servare nolles, cum id nullo negotio facere posses. Ego vero tibi istuc, mi Antoni, remitto, atque ita, ut me a te, cum iis verbis scripseris, liberalissime atque honorificentissime tractatum existimem, idque cum totum, quoquo modo se res haberet, tibi dandum putarem, tum do etiam humanitati et naturae meae. Nihil enim umquam non modo acerbum in me fuit, sed ne paulo quidem tristius aut severius, quam necessitas rei publicae postulavit. Accedit, ut ne in ipsum quidem Clodium meum insigne odium fuerit umquam, semperque ita statui, non esse insectandos inimicorum amicos, praesertim humiliores, nec his praesidiis nosmet ipsos esse spoliandos. Nam de puero Clodio tuas partes esse arbitror, ut eius animum tenerum, quem ad modum scribis, iis opinionibus imbuas, ut ne quas

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XIIIb

CICERO TO ANTONY THE CONSUL, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Puteoli, April 26_, B.C. _44_]

There is one reason why I wish you had made personally the request you are making by letter. Then you could have seen my affection for you not only from what I said, but from my "expression, eyes and brow," as the phrase goes. For I have always had an affection for you, urged thereto at first by your attention to me and afterwards by benefits received, and in these days public affairs have so recommended you to me that there is no one for whom I have more regard. The letter you have written to me in such a friendly and flattering tone makes me feel as though I were receiving a favour from you, not granting one to you, since you refuse to recall your friend, who was my enemy, against my will, though you could quite easily do so. Of course I grant your request, my dear Antony, and I think myself, too, most liberally and honourably treated, when you address me in such a strain. I should have thought it right to grant it you freely, whatever the facts had been, and besides, I am gratifying my own natural kindliness. For I never had any bitterness or even the slightest sternness or severity in me, except what was demanded by public necessity. Besides, I never had any special grudge against Clodius himself, and I always laid down the rule that one should not attack one's enemies' friends, especially their humbler friends, nor should we ourselves be deprived of such supporters. As regards the boy Clodius I think it is your duty to imbue his "receptive mind," as you say, with the idea that

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inimicitias residere in familiis nostris arbitretur. Contendi cum P. Clodio, cum ego publicam causam, ille suam defenderet. Nostras concertationes res publica diiudicavit. Si viveret, mihi cum illo nulla contentio iam maneret. Quare, quoniam hoc a me sic petis, ut, quae tua potestas est, ea neges te me invito usurum, puero quoque hoc a me dabis, si tibi videbitur, non quo aut aetas nostra ab illius aetate quicquam debeat periculi suspicari, aut dignitas mea ullam contentionem extimescat, sed ut nosmet ipsi inter nos coniunctiores simus, quam adhuc fuimus. Interpellantibus enim his inimicitiis animus tuus mihi magis patuit quam domus. Sed haec hactenus.

Illud extremum. Ego, quae te velle quaeque ad te pertinere arbitrabor, semper sine ulla dubitatione summo studio faciam. Hoc velim tibi penitus persuadeas.

XIV

CICERO ATTICO S. D.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Puteolano a. d. V K. Mai. a. 710_]

"Iteradum eadem ista mihi." Coronatus Quintus noster Parilibus! Solusne? Etsi addis Lamiam. Quod demiror equidem: sed scire cupio, qui fuerint alii; quamquam satis scio nisi improbum neminem. Explanabis igitur hoc diligentius. Ego autem casu, cum dedissem ad te litteras VI Kal. satis multis verbis, tribus fere horis post accepi tuas et magni quidem ponderis. Itaque ioca tua plena facetiarum de haeresi

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there is no enmity between our families. I fought P. Clodius because I was fighting for the State, he for his own hand; and the State decided the merits of our controversy. If he were alive now I should have no further quarrel with him. So, since in making your request you say you will not use the power you have against my will, you may make this concession to the boy too in my name, if you will; not that a man of my age has anything to fear from a youth of his, or that a person of my position needs shrink from any quarrel, but that we may be more intimate than we have been as yet. For these feuds have come between us, and so your heart has been more open to me than your house. But enough of this.

I have one thing to add, that, whatever I think you wish, and whatever is to your interest, I shall never have any hesitation in carrying out with all my heart and soul. Of that I hope you will feel fully persuaded.

XIV

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Puteoli, April 27_, B.C. _44_]

"Repeat your tale again to me."[209] Our nephew wearing a crown at the Parilia! Was he alone? Though you add Lamia, which astonishes me. But I should like to know what others there were, though I am perfectly sure there were none but knaves. So please explain more in detail. As it happened, when I had sent you a pretty long letter on the 26th, about three hours afterwards I received yours, and a bulky one too. So there is no necessity for me to tell you that I had a good laugh at your witty

Footnote 209:

From the _Iliona_ of Pacuvius.

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Vestoriana et de Pherionum more Puteolano risisse me satis nihil est necesse rescribere. Πολιτικώτερα illa videamus.

Ita Brutos Cassiumque defendis, quasi eos ego reprehendam; quos satis laudare non possum. Rerum ego vitia collegi, non hominum. Sublato enim tyranno tyrannida manere video. Nam, quae ille facturus non fuit, ea fiunt, ut de Clodio, de quo mihi exploratum est illum non modo non facturum, sed etiam ne passurum quidem fuisse. Sequetur Rufio Vestorianus, Victor numquam scriptus, ceteri, quis non? Cui servire ipsi non potuimus, eius libellis paremus. Nam Liberalibus quis potuit in senatum non venire? Fac id potuisse aliquo modo; num etiam, cum venissemus, libere potuimus sententiam dicere? nonne omni ratione veterani, qui armati aderant, cum praesidii nos nihil haberemus, defendendi fuerunt? Illam sessionem Capitolinam mihi non placuisse tu testis es. Quid ergo? ista culpa Brutorum? Minime illorum quidem, sed aliorum brutorum, qui se cautos ac sapientes putant; quibus satis fuit laetari, non nullis etiam gratulari, nullis permanere. Sed praeterita omittamus; istos omni cura praesidioque tueamur et, quem ad modum tu praecipis, contenti Idibus Martiis simus; quae quidem nostris amicis divinis viris aditum ad caelum dederunt, libertatem populo Romano non

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remarks about the sect of Vestorius[210] and the Puteolian custom of the Pheriones. Let us consider the more political part.

Footnote 210:

Vestorius was a banker (cf. XIV. 12), and Atticus had probably played on the two senses of αἵρεσις, "sect" and "grasping." The allusion to the Pheriones is inexplicable.

You defend Brutus and Cassius as though you thought I blamed them, though I cannot find praise enough for them. It is the weak points of the situation, not of the persons that I put together. For though the tyrant is dead, I see the tyranny persists. For things that he would not have done are being done now, as, for example, the recalling of Clodius—a thing I am sure he had no intention of doing and would not even have allowed to be done. Vestorius' enemy Rufio will follow, and Victor, whose name was never in Caesar's notes, and the rest; every one in fact. We could not be Caesar's slaves, but we bow down to his note-books. For who dared absent himself from the Senate on the Liberalia?[211] Suppose it had been possible somehow: even when we did come, could we speak our mind freely? Had we not to take precious good care of the veterans, who were there under arms, since we had no support ourselves. You can bear witness that that sitting still on the Capitol was not approved by me. Well, was that the fault of Brutus and the rest? Not a bit of it: it was the fault of the other brute beasts, who think themselves cautious and canny. They thought it enough to rejoice, some of them to go so far as to congratulate, none to stand their ground. But let us put the past behind us: let us guard our heroes with all our care and protection: and, as you say, let us be content with the Ides of March. That day gave our friends, who are more than men, an entrance to heaven, but it did not give freedom to

Footnote 211:

March 17. Cf. _Att._ XIV. 10.

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dederunt. Recordare tua. Nonne meministi clamare te omnia perisse, si ille funere elatus esset? Sapienter id quidem. Itaque, ex eo quae manarint, vides.

Quae scribis K. luniis Antonium de provinciis relaturum, ut et ipse Gallias habeat, et utrisque dies prorogetur, licebitne decerni libere? Si licuerit, libertatem esse recuperatam laetabor; si non licuerit, quid mihi attulerit ista domini mutatio praeter laetitiam, quam oculis cepi iusto interitu tyranni? Rapinas scribis ad Opis fieri; quas nos quoque tum videbamus. Ne nos et liberati ab egregiis viris nec liberi sumus. Ita laus illorum est, culpa nostra. Et hortaris me, ut historias scribam, ut colligam tanta eorum scelera, a quibus etiam nunc obsidemur! Poterone eos ipsos non laudare, qui te obsignatorem adhibuerunt? Nec mehercule me raudusculum movet, sed homines benevolos, qualescumque sunt, grave est insequi contumelia. Sed de omnibus meis consiliis, ut scribis, existimo exploratius nos ad K. Iunias statuere posse. Ad quas adero, et omni ope atque opera enitar adiuvante me scilicet auctoritate tua et gratia et summa aequitate causae, ut de Buthrotiis senatus consultum, quale scribis, fiat. Quod me cogitare iubes, cogitabo equidem, etsi tibi dederam superiore epistula cogitandum. Tu autem quasi iam recuperata re publica vicinis tuis Massiliensibus sua reddis. Haec armis,

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the Roman people. Recall your words. Don't you remember how you exclaimed that all was lost if Caesar had a public funeral? And very wise it was. So you see what has come of the funeral.

You say Antony is going to bring a proposal before the Senate on the 1st of June about the allotment of provinces, that he should have Gaul and that both his own and his colleague's tenure should be prolonged. Will the House be allowed to vote freely? If so, I shall rejoice that liberty has been regained; if not, what has this change of masters brought me except the joy of feasting my eyes on the just death of a tyrant? You say there is plundering at the Temple of Ops: I saw it then with my own eyes. Yea, we have been set free by heroes and are not free after all. So theirs is the praise and ours the blame. And you advise me to write history, to collect all the crimes of those who even now have us under their thumb. Shall I be able to resist praising men who have called you in as a witness?[212] I give you my word it is not the petty gain that influences me, but it goes against the grain to heap contumely on the heads of benevolent persons whatever their character. But, as you say, I think we can make up our minds with more certainty about all my plans by the 1st of June. I shall be present then, and of course with the assistance of your authority and popularity, and the absolute justice of your case, I shall strive with all my might to obtain the senatorial decree that you mention about the people of Buthrotum. What you bid me consider, I will consider, though it is what I asked you to consider in a former letter. But here you are wanting to get back their rights for your neighbours the Massilians, as though we had recovered the republic. Perhaps they might be restored by arms—but how strong our

Footnote 212:

To wills in which legacies were left to Cicero. Cf. _Att._ XIV. 3.

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quae quam firma habeamus, ignoro, restitui fortasse possunt, auctoritate non possunt.

Epistula brevis, quae postea a te scripta est, sane mihi fuit iucunda de Bruti ad Antonium et de eiusdem ad te litteris. Posse videntur esse meliora, quam adhuc fuerunt. Sed nobis, ubi simus et quo iam nunc nos conferamus, providendum est.

XV

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Puteolano K. Mai. a. 710_]

O mirificum Dolabellam meum! iam enim dico meum; antea, crede mihi, subdubitabam. Magnam ἀναθεώρησιν res habet, de saxo, in crucem, columnam tollere, locum illum sternendum locare! Quid quaeris? heroica. Sustulisse mihi videtur simulationem desiderii, adhuc quae serpebat in dies et inveterata verebar ne periculosa nostris tyrannoctonis esset. Nunc prorsus adsentior tuis litteris speroque meliora. Quamquam istos ferre non possum, qui, dum se pacem velle simulant, acta nefaria defendunt. Sed non possunt omnia simul. Incipit res melius ire, quam putaram. Nec vero discedam, nisi cum tu me id honeste putabis facere posse. Bruto certe meo nullo loco deero, idque, etiamsi mihi cum illo nihil fuisset, facerem propter eius singularem incredibilemque virtutem.

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arms are I do not know—by influence they certainly cannot.

The short letter you wrote after the other, about Brutus' letter to Antony and also his to you, delighted me much. It looks as though things might be better than they have been at present. But we must look carefully into our present position and our immediate movements.

XV

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Puteoli, May 1_, B.C. _44_]

Well done my Dolabella! For now I call him mine: up to now, you know, I had some doubts. This will make people open their eyes—hurling from the rock, crucifixion, pulling down the column[213] and ordering the place to be paved. Why, these are heroic deeds. I take it he has put an end to this feigning of regret, which up to now was creeping on day by day, and, if it became a habit, I was afraid it might be dangerous to our tyrannicides. Now I quite agree with your letter and hope for better things. However I cannot put up with the people who under a pretence of wishing for peace defend criminal actions. But still we can't have everything at once. Things are beginning to get better than I had expected, and of course I will not go away, unless you think I can do so honourably. My friend Brutus certainly I will never desert; and I should act in the same way, even if there were no ties between us, on account of his extraordinary and incredible strength of character.

Footnote 213:

A column erected in honour of Caesar by the Pseudo-Marius. Riotous mass-meetings were held round it, and it was the people who took part in these who were summarily executed by Dolabella without any trial.

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Piliae nostrae villam totam, quaeque in villa sunt, trado, in Pompeianum ipse proficiscens K. Maiis. Quam velim Bruto persuadeas, ut Asturae sit!

XVI

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Puteolis in hortis Cluvianis V Non. Mai. a. 710_]

V Nonas conscendens ab hortis Cluvianis in phaselum epicopum has dedi litteras, cum Piliae nostrae villam ad Lucrinum, vilicos, procuratores tradidissem. Ipse autem eo die in Paeti nostri tyrotarichum imminebam; perpaucis diebus in Pompeianum, post in haec Puteolana et Cumana regna renavigare. O loca ceteroqui valde expetenda, interpellantium autem multitudine paene fugienda!

Sed ad rem ut veniam, o Dolabellae nostri magnam ἀριστείαν! Quanta est ἀναθεώρησις! Equidem laudare eum et hortari non desisto. Recte tu omnibus epistulis significas, quid de re, quid de viro sentias. Mihi quidem videtur Brutus noster iam vel coronam auream per forum ferre posse. Quis enim audeat laedere proposita cruce aut saxo, praesertim tantis plausibus, tanta approbatione infimorum?

Nunc, mi Attice, me fac ut expedias. Cupio, cum Bruto nostro adfatim satis fecerim, excurrere in Graeciam. Magni interest Ciceronis, vel mea potius vel mehercule utriusque, me intervenire discenti.

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I hand over the villa and all there is in it to our dear Pilia, as I am setting out for Pompeii on the 1st of May. How I wish you could persuade Brutus to come to Astura!

XVI

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Puteoli May 3_, B.C. _44_]

I despatch this letter on the 3rd, as I embark in a rowing boat from Cluvius' gardens, after handing over the villa at the Lucrine lake to Pilia with its servants and care-takers. Myself I am threatening our friend Paetus' cheese and herrings for that day; in a few days I am going to Pompeii and after that sailing back to my domains here at Puteoli and Cumae. What very attractive places they are, if it were not that one almost has to shun them on account of the crowd of visitors.

But to return to the point, what a magnificent stroke of our friend Dolabella! How it will make people open their eyes. For my part I keep on praising and encouraging him. You are right in what you say in every letter about the deed and about the man. To me it seems that our friend Brutus could walk through the forum with a golden crown on his head now. For who would dare to hurt him with the cross and rock before his eyes, especially when the rabble have shown such applause and approbation?

Now, my dear Atticus, do put things straight for me. I want to run over to Greece, as soon as I have quite satisfied Brutus. It is a matter of great concern to my son, or rather to me, or upon my word to both of us, that I should drop in upon

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Nam epistula Leonidae, quam ad me misisti, quid habet, quaeso, in quo magno opere laetemur? Numquam ille mihi satis laudari videbitur, cum ita laudabitur: "Quo modo nunc est." Non est fidentis hoc testimonium, sed potius timentis. Herodi autem mandaram, ut mihi κατὰ μίτον scriberet. A quo adhuc nulla littera est. Vereor, ne nihil habuerit, quod mihi, cum cognossem, iucundum putaret fore.

Quod ad Xenonem scripsisti, valde mihi gratum est; nihil enim deesse Ciceroni cum ad officium tum ad existimationem meam pertinet. Flammam Flaminium audio Romae esse. Ad eum scripsi me tibi mandasse per litteras, ut de Montani negotio cum eo loquerere, et velim cures epistulam, quam ad eum misi, reddendam, et ipse, quod commodo tuo fiat, cum eo conloquare. Puto, si quid in homine pudoris est, praestaturum eum, ne sero cum damno dependatur. De Attica pergratum mihi fecisti quod curasti, ante scirem recte esse quam non belle fuisse.

XVII

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Pompeiano IV Non. Mai. a. 710_]

In Pompeianum veni V Nonas Maias, cum pridie, ut antea ad te scripsi, Piliam in Cumano conlocavissem. Ibi mihi cenanti litterae tuae sunt redditae, quas dederas Demetrio liberto pr. Kal.; in quibus multa sapienter, sed tamen talia, quem ad modum tute scribebas, ut omne consilium in fortuna positum

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him at his studies. For what is there to give us any particular satisfaction in the letter of Leonidas, which you have sent to me? I shall never be content with his praise, when it is phrased, "as things go at present." There is no evidence of confidence, rather of anxiety in that. Again I had commissioned Herodes to write to me in detail: but as yet I have not had a single syllable from him. I am afraid he has had no news that he thought would gratify me, if I heard it.

I am very grateful to you for writing to Xeno; for that my son should not be short of money concerns both my duty and my reputation. I hear that Flaminius Flamma is in Rome. I have written to tell him that I have instructed you by letter to speak to him about Montanus' business: and, I should be glad if you would see that the letter I have sent for him is delivered, and would speak with him at your leisure. I think, if the man has any sense of shame, he will see that the payment is not deferred to my loss. You were very kind in informing me of Attica's recovery before I knew of her illness.

XVII

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Pompeii May 4_, B.C. 88]

I reached Pompeii on the 3rd of May, having established Pilia in my place at Cumae the day before, as I told you in a former letter. While I was at dinner there, the letter you had given to the freedman Demetrius on the last of April was delivered. There was a lot of wise advice in it, but, as you admit yourself, with the reservation

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videretur. Itaque his de rebus ex tempore et coram. De Buthrotio negotio utinam quidem Antonium conveniam! Multum profecto proficiam. Sed non arbitrantur eum a Capua declinaturum; quo quidem metuo ne magno rei publicae malo venerit. Quod idem L. Caesari videbatur, quem pridie Neapoli adfectum graviter videram. Quam ob rem ista nobis ad Kal. Iunias tractanda et perficienda sunt. Sed hactenus.

Quintus filius ad patrem acerbissimas litteras misit; quae sunt ei redditae, cum venissemus in Pompeianum. Quarum tamen erat caput Aquiliam novercam non esse laturum. Sed hoc tolerabile fortasse, illud vero, se a Caesare habuisse omnia, nihil a patre, reliqua sperare ab Antonio—o perditum hominem! Sed μελήσει.

Ad Brutum nostrum, ad Cassium, ad Dolabellam epistulas scripsi. Earum exempla tibi misi, non ut deliberarem, reddundaene essent. Plane enim iudico esse reddendas, quod non dubito quin tu idem existimaturus sis.

Ciceroni meo, mi Attice, suppeditabis, quantum videbitur, meque hoc tibi onus imponere patiere. Quae adhuc fecisti, mihi sunt gratissima. Librum meum illum ἀνέκδοτον nondum, ut volui, perpolivi; ista vero, quae tu contexi vis, aliud quoddam separatum volumen exspectant. Ego autem, credas mihi velim, minore periculo existimo contra illas nefarias

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that everything seems to depend on chance. So these points we will discuss on the spot when we meet. As regards the business about Buthrotum I only wish I could meet Antony. I am sure I could make good headway with him. But people think he won't stir from Capua, and I fear his going there will do a great deal of harm to the state. L. Caesar, whom I saw yesterday very ill at Naples, thought the same too. So I shall have to handle this subject and get it settled on the 1st of June. But enough of this.

Young Quintus has sent his father a most unpleasant letter, which was delivered when we reached Pompeii. The chief point of it was that he would not put up with Aquilia as a step-mother: but that perhaps is excusable. But to say he owed everything to Caesar, nothing to his father, and for the future he looked to Antonius—what a scoundrel! However that shall be attended to.

I have written to Brutus, to Cassius and to Dolabella. I send you copies; not that I am in doubt whether to send the letters or not; for I feel sure that they ought to be sent, and I have no doubt you will agree with me.

Please, dear Atticus, supply my boy with as much money as you think fit, and forgive me for troubling you. For what you have done already I am most grateful. That unpublished book of mine[214] I have not yet polished up as I should wish: the points you want me to introduce must wait for a second volume. But I think—and I hope you will believe me—that one could have spoken against that disreputable party with less danger in the tyrant's

Footnote 214:

Possibly his poem _De temporibus suis_; but it is not certain.

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partes vivo tyranno dici potuisse quam mortuo. Ille enim nescio quo pacto ferebat me quidem mirabiliter; nunc, quacumque nos commovimus, ad Caesaris non modo acta, verum etiam cogitata revocamur. De Montano, quoniam Flamma venit, videbis. Puto rem meliore loco esse debere.

XVIIa (= _Fam._ IX. 14)

CICERO DOLABELLAE COS. SUO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Pompeiano V Non. Mai. a. 710_]

Etsi contentus eram, mi Dolabella, tua gloria, satisque ex ea magnam laetitiam voluptatemque capiebam, tamen non possum non confiteri cumulari me maximo gaudio, quod vulgo hominum opinio socium me ascribat tuis laudibus. Neminem conveni (convenio autem cotidie plurimos. Sunt enim permulti optimi viri, qui valetudinis causa in haec loca veniant; praeterea ex municipiis frequentes necessarii mei), quin omnes, cum te summis laudibus ad caelum extulerunt, mihi continue maximas gratias agant. Negant enim se dubitare, quin tu meis praeceptis et consiliis obtemperans praestantissimum te civem et singularem consulem praebeas. Quibus ego quamquam verissime possum respondere te, quae facias, tuo iudicio et tua sponte facere, nec cuiusquam egere consilio, tamen neque plane adsentior, ne imminuam tuam laudem, si omnis a meis consiliis profecta videatur, neque valde nego. Sum enim avidior etiam, quam satis est, gloriae. Et tamen non alienum est dignitate tua,

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life than after his death. For he, somehow, was most patient with me; now, whichever way we turn, we are reminded not only of Caesar's enactments, but also of his intentions. Please see about Montanus, since Flamma has arrived. I think the matter ought to be put on a better footing.

XVIIa

CICERO TO HIS FRIEND DOLABELLA THE CONSUL, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Pompeii, May 3_, B.C. _44_]

Though I feel content with the glory you have won, my dear Dolabella, and it affords me the greatest joy and pleasure, still I cannot help confessing that the crowning point of my joy is, that in the popular opinion my name is associated with yours in people's praise. I am daily meeting many people; for quite a number of persons of consideration come here for their health, besides many acquaintances of mine from the country towns; and I have not met anyone who does not extol you to the skies, and in the same breath offer me the sincerest congratulations. For they say they have no doubt that it is by following my precepts and advice that you are showing yourself a most distinguished citizen and an excellent consul. Though I can answer them with the fullest truth that what you do, you do acting on your own judgment and on your own initiative and that you need no advice, still I do not entirely assent, lest I should diminish your glory, if it all appears to have sprung from my advice, nor do I quite deny it; for I have more than my proper share of desire for glory. And yet it would not detract from your

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quod ipsi Agamemnoni, regum regi, fuit honestum, habere aliquem in consiliis capiendis Nestorem, mihi vero gloriosum te iuvenem consulem florere laudibus quasi alumnum disciplinae meae. L. quidem Caesar, cum ad eum aegrotum Neapolim venissem, quamquam erat oppressus totius corporis doloribus, tamen, antequam me plane salutavit, "O mi Cicero," inquit, "gratulor tibi, cum tantum vales apud Dolabellam, quantum si ego apud sororis filium valerem, iam salvi esse possemus. Dolabellae vero tuo et gratulor et gratias ago; quem quidem post te consulem solum possumus vere consulem dicere." Dein multa de facto ac de re gesta tua; nihil magnificentius, nihil praeclarius actum umquam, nihil rei publicae salutarius. Atque haec una vox omnium est. A te autem peto, ut me hanc quasi falsam hereditatem alienae gloriae sinas cernere meque aliqua ex parte in societatem tuarum laudum venire patiare. Quamquam, mi Dolabella, (haec enim iocatus sum) libentius omnes meas, si modo sunt aliquae meae laudes, ad te transfuderim quam aliquam partem exhauserim ex tuis. Nam, cum te semper tantum dilexerim, quantum tu intellegere potuisti, tum his tuis factis sic incensus sum, ut nihil umquam in amore fuerit ardentius. Nihil est enim, mihi crede, virtute formosius, nihil pulchrius, nihil amabilius. Semper amavi, ut scis, M. Brutum propter eius summum ingenium, suavissimos mores, singularem probitatem atque constantiam.

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dignity any more than it disgraced Agamemnon, the king of kings, to have some Nestor to assist in your plans; while it would redound to my glory that you with your brilliant reputation as a consul while still so young should be thought a pupil of my training. Indeed L. Caesar, when I paid him a visit on his sick bed at Naples, though he was racked with pains all over his body, had hardly finished his first greeting before he said: "My dear Cicero, I congratulate you on the influence you have with Dolabella. If I had had as much with my sister's son,[215] we might have been safe now. Dolabella himself I both congratulate and thank: indeed he is the first consul since yourself who can really be called a consul." Then he had much to say about the incident and your achievement. No more splendid and magnificent deed was ever done, nor any more salutary to the state: and that is what the whole world is saying with one voice. I beg you to let me enter into this false heritage of another's glory, and suffer me to share your praises in some slight degree. However, my dear Dolabella, so far I have only been joking, and, if I have any reputation myself, I would rather turn its full stream upon you, than divert any part of yours upon myself. For, though I have always been as fond of you as you must have realized, now by your actions my fondness has been fanned into the most ardent love that is possible. For, believe me, there is nothing fairer than virtue, nothing more beautiful, nothing more loveable. I have always loved M. Brutus, as you know, for his great ability, his most agreeable manners, his extraordinary uprightness

Footnote 215:

Julia, sister of L. Caesar, was mother of Antony by her first husband, Antonius Creticus.

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Tamen Idibus Martiis tantum accessit ad amorem, ut mirarer locum fuisse augendi in eo, quod mihi iam pridem cumulatum etiam videbatur. Quis erat, qui putaret ad eum amorem, quem erga te habebam, posse aliquid accedere? Tantum accessit, ut mihi nunc denique amare videar, ante dilexisse. Quare quid est, quod ego te horter, ut dignitati et gloriae servias? Proponam tibi claros viros, quod facere solent, qui hortantur? Neminem habeo clariorem quam te ipsum. Te imitere oportet, tecum ipse certes. Ne licet quidem tibi iam tantis rebus gestis non tui similem esse. Quod cum ita sit, hortatio non est necessaria, gratulatione magis utendum est. Contigit enim tibi, quod haud scio an nemini, ut summa severitas animadversionis non modo non invidiosa, sed etiam popularis esset et cum bonis omnibus tum infimo cuique gratissima. Hoc si tibi fortuna quadam contigisset, gratularer felicitati tuae, sed contigit magnitudine cum animi tum etiam ingenii atque consilii. Legi enim contionem tuam. Nihil illa sapientius. Ita pedetemptim et gradatim tum accessus a te ad causam facti, tum recessus, ut res ipsa maturitatem tibi animadvertendi omnium concessu daret. Liberasti igitur et urbem periculo et civitatem metu, neque solum ad tempus maximam utilitatem attulisti, sed etiam ad exemplum. Quo facto intellegere debes in te positam esse rem publicam, tibique

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and constancy. However on the Ides of March my affection was so enhanced that I wondered there was any room for increase in what I had long thought had reached its culminating point. Who would have thought that there could be any increase in the affection I have for you? But there has been such an increase that I seem to myself now to love, while before I only liked. So what need is there that I should exhort you to have a regard for your dignity and glory? Shall I do what people generally do when exhorting others, set before your eyes distinguished examples? There is none more distinguished than your own. You must imitate yourself and vie with yourself. Indeed, after such an achievement, you dare not fail to be like yourself. As that is so, exhortation is unnecessary and congratulation is more in place. For you have had the fortune, which I doubt if anyone else ever had, that great severity in punishment should not only bring no ill will, but should be popular and most pleasing to all, both of the upper and of the lower class. If this had happened to you by a stroke of fortune, I should congratulate you on your luck: but it has happened through your greatness of heart, yes, and of ability and of prudence. For I have read your harangue. Nothing could have been more skilful. You led up to the case so gradually and gently, and then left it again, that by universal consent the facts themselves showed it was high time to resort to punitive measures. So you freed the city from danger and the state from fear, and you performed a sound service not only to meet the emergency but to serve as a precedent. After that you ought to understand that the republic is in your hand, and

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non modo tuendos, sed etiam ornandos illos viros, a quibus initium libertatis profectum est. Sed his de rebus coram plura prope diem, ut spero. Tu, quoniam rem publicam nosque conservas, fac, ut diligentissime te ipsum, mi Dolabella, custodias.

XVIII

CICERO ATTICO.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Pompeiano VII Id. Mai. a. 710_]

Saepius me iam agitas, quod rem gestam Dolabellae nimis in caelum videar efferre. Ego autem, quamquam sane probo factum, tamen, ut tanto opere laudarem, adductus sum tuis et unis et alteris litteris. Sed totum se a te abalienavit Dolabella ea de causa, qua me quoque sibi inimicissimum reddidit. O hominem impudentem! Kal. Ian. debuit, adhuc non solvit, praesertim cum se maximo aere alieno Faberi manu liberarit et opem ab Ope petierit. Licet enim iocari, ne me valde conturbatum putes. Atque ego ad eum VIII Idus litteras dederam bene mane, eodem autem die tuas litteras vesperi acceperam in Pompeiano sane celeriter tertio abs te die. Sed, ut ad te eo ipso die scripseram, satis aculeatas ad Dolabellam litteras dedi; quae si nihil profecerint, puto fore ut me praesentem non sustineat.

Albianum te confecisse arbitror. De Patulciano

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that you should not only protect but honour the men who paved the way for freedom. But I hope we shall soon meet to discuss these things. Do you, my dear Dolabella, take the greatest care of yourself, since you preserve the state and all of us.

XVIII

CICERO TO ATTICUS.

[Sidenote: _Pompeii, May 9_, B.C. _44_]

You are continually reproaching me now with lauding Dolabella to the skies more than I ought. But, though I strongly approve of his action, still it was one and then another letter of yours which induced me to belaud it so highly. But Dolabella has entirely lost your good graces for the same reason that he has made me too a bitter enemy. What a shameless fellow! He has not paid yet, though he ought to have done so on the first of January, especially as he has freed himself from enormous debts by the handwriting of Faberius and has sought help from the goddess of help.[216] For I must have my joke, that you may not think I am seriously concerned. I had written too to him very early on the 8th, and on the same day in the evening I got a letter from you at Pompeii, delivered very quickly on the third day after you wrote it. But, as I told you then, my letter to Dolabella was sufficiently stinging. If it takes no effect, I don't think he will be able to face me.

Footnote 216:

Faberius was Caesar's secretary and was used by Antony to insert extra details in Caesar's memoranda. Here Dolabella is included in the accusation repeatedly brought by Cicero against Antony, that he used for his own purposes the large sum left by Caesar in the public treasury in the temple of Ops.

I think you have settled Albius' business. With

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nomine, quod mihi suppetiatus es,[217] gratissimum est et simile tuorum omnium. Sed ego Erotem ad ista expedienda factum mihi videbar reliquisse; cuius non sine magna culpa vacillarunt. Sed cum ipso videro.

Footnote 217:

suppetiatus es _Montagnanus_: suspendiatus est _MSS._

De Montano, ut saepe ad te scripsi, erit tibi tota res curae. Servius proficiscens quod desperanter tecum locutus est, minime miror neque ei quicquam in desperatione concedo. Brutus noster, singularis vir, si in senatum non est Kal. Iuniis venturus, quid facturus sit in foro, nescio. Sed hoc ipse melius. Ego ex iis, quae parari video, non multum Idibus Martiis profectum iudico. Itaque de Graecia cotidie magis et magis cogito. Nec enim Bruto meo, exsilium ut scribit ipse meditanti, video quid prodesse possim. Leonidae me litterae non satis delectarunt. De Herode tibi adsentior. Saufei legisse vellem. Ego ex Pompeiano VI Idus Mai. cogitabam.

XIX

CICERO ATTICO.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Pompeiano VIII Id. Mai. a. 710_]

Nonis Maiis cum essem in Pompeiano, accepi binas a te litteras, alteras sexto die, alteras quarto. Ad superiores igitur prius. Quam mihi iucundum opportune tibi Barnaeum litteras reddidisse!

Tu vero cum Cassio ut cetera. Quam commode autem, quod id ipsum, quod me mones, quadriduo

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regard to Patulcius' debt, it was most kind of you and just like yourself to come to my aid. But I seem to have deserted Eros, who is just the man to clear the matter up: it was through a grave fault of his that it went wrong. But I will see to that with him.

Montanus' business, as I have often said, you must take charge of entirely. I am not surprised that Servius spoke to you in a tone of despair, when he was leaving; and my despair quite equals his. What our friend Brutus is going to do in the Forum, incomparable hero though he is, if he is not going to attend the Senate on the first of June, I do not know. But he should know this better himself. From the things I see in course of preparation I don't think the Ides of March are going to help much. So I am daily thinking more and more of Greece. For I fail to see what use I can be to Brutus, who, as he writes to me, is meditating exile. Leonidas' letter did not give me much pleasure. I agree about Herodes. I should like to have read Saufeius' note. I am thinking of leaving Pompeii on the tenth of May.

XIX

CICERO TO ATTICUS.

[Sidenote: _Pompeii, May 8_, B.C. _44_]

Here at Pompeii on the seventh of May I received two letters, one five days old, the other three. So I will answer the earlier first. How glad I am Barnaeus delivered the letter so opportunely!

Take Cassius in hand like everything else. It is however very lucky that I had written to him

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ante ad eum scripseram, exemplumque mearum litterarum ad te miseram! Sed, cum ex Dolabellae aritia (sic enim tu ad me scripseras) magna desperatione adfectus essem, ecce tibi et Bruti et tuae litterae! Ille exsilium meditari. Nos autem alium portum propiorem huic aetati videbamus; in quem mallem equidem pervehi florente Bruto nostro constitutaque re publica. Sed nunc quidem, ut scribis, non utrumvis. Adsentiris enim mihi nostram aetatem a castris, praesertim civilibus, abhorrere.

Antonius ad me tantum de Clodio rescripsit, meam lenitatem et clementiam et sibi esse gratam et mihi voluptati magnae fore. Sed Pansa furere videtur de Clodio itemque de Deiotaro, et loquitur severe, si velis credere. Illud tamen non belle, ut mihi quidem videtur, quod factum Dolabellae vehementer improbat. De coronatis, cum sororis tuae filius a patre accusatus esset, rescripsit se coronam habuisse honoris Caesaris causa, posuisse luctus gratia; postremo se libenter vituperationem subire, quod amaret etiam mortuum Caesarem.

Ad Dolabellam, quem ad modum tibi dicis placere, scripsi diligenter. Ego etiam ad Siccam; tibi hoc oneris non impono. Nolo te illum iratum habere. Servi orationem cognosce; in qua plus timoris video quam consilii. Sed, quoniam perterriti omnes sumus, adsentior Servio. Publilius tecum tricatus est. Huc enim Caerellia missa ab istis est legata ad me; cui

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four days ago, as you advise, and had sent a copy of my letter to you. But when I was in the depths of despair owing to Dolabella's arice[218] (for that is what you wrote), lo and behold your letter and Brutus'. Brutus is meditating exile. I however see another haven and a readier one for my age: but I would rather sail into it with Brutus in prosperity and the republic set in order. But now, as you say, I have not the choice. For you agree that age unfits me for a soldier's camp, especially in civil war.

Footnote 218:

Apparently a slip of the pen on the part of Atticus for _avaritia_, unless the text is corrupt.

Antony only answered about Clodius, that my leniency and clemency had been very gratifying to him and would be a source of pleasure to myself. But Pansa appears to be in a fury about Clodius and about Deiotarus too; and, if you are willing to believe him, he expresses himself very forcibly. But there is one thing that to my mind is shady, that he strongly disapproves of Dolabella's action. As for the people who wore garlands, when your nephew was reproved for it by his father, he answered that he wore a garland for Caesar's honour, and laid it aside for grief; and finally that he would willingly submit to reproaches for loving Caesar even after his death.

To Dolabella I have written carefully, as you advise: and I have written myself to Sicca too. I do not want to lay this burden on you, for I don't want him to be angry with you. I recognise Servius' way of talking; and there seems to me to be more fright than wisdom in it. But, since we are all frightened, I agree with Servius. Publilius has been hoaxing. For Caerellia was sent here by them as their ambassadress to me;[219] but

Footnote 219:

To persuade Cicero to remarry his divorced wife Publilia.

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facile persuasi mihi id, quod rogaret, ne licere quidem, non modo non lubere. Antonium si videro, accurate agam de Buthroto.

Venio ad recentiores litteras; quamquam de Servio iam rescripsi. "Me facere magnam πρᾶξιν Dolabellae." Mihi mehercule ita videtur, non potuisse maior tali re talique tempore. Sed tamen, quicquid ei tribuo, tribuo ex tuis litteris. Tibi vero adsentior maiorem πρᾶξιν eius fore, si mihi, quod debuit, dissolverit. Brutus velim sit Asturae. Quod autem laudas me, quod nihil ante de profectione constituam, quam, ista quo evasura sint, videro, muto sententiam. Neque quicquam tamen ante, quam te videro. Atticam meam gratias mihi agere de matre gaudeo; cui quidem ego totam villam cellamque tradidi eamque cogitabam V Idus videre. Tu Atticae salutem dices. Nos Piliam diligenter tuebimur.

XX

CICERO ATTICO.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Puteolano V Id. Mai. a. 710_]

E Pompeiano navi advectus sum in Luculli nostri hospitium VI Idus hora fere tertia. Egressus autem e navi accepi tuas litteras, quas tuus tabellarius in Cumanum attulisse dicebatur Nonis Maiis datas. A Lucullo postridie eadem fere hora veni in Puteolanum. Ibi accepi duas epistulas, alteram Nonis,

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I persuaded her easily that what she asked was not even lawful, besides being repugnant to me. If I see Antony, I will do my best for Buthrotum.

I come to your more recent letter, though I have answered already about Servius. You say I make much of Dolabella's score. Well, I don't see that he could have made a greater one considering the times and circumstances. However, all the credit I give him I give in accordance with your letter. But I agree with you that it would be still better, if he would pay off my score.[220] I hope Brutus will be at Astura. You praise me for not making up my mind about leaving the country before I see how things are going to turn out. I have changed my mind: however I won't do anything until I see you. I am gratified at Attica's thanking me for her mother. I have put the whole house and the store-rooms at her service and I am thinking of seeing her on the 11th. Give Attica my love. I will take great care of Pilia.

Footnote 220:

There is a play on the double sense of πρᾶξις, (1) exploit, (2) exaction of money. The money in question was an instalment of Tullia's dowry, which Dolabella had to repay.

XX

CICERO TO ATTICUS.

[Sidenote: _Puteoli, May 11_, B.C. _44_]

From Pompeii I came by sea to enjoy our friend Lucullus' hospitality on the 10th about nine o'clock in the morning. As I disembarked, I received your letter, which your messenger says was taken to Cumae, dated the 7th. I left Lucullus and reached Puteoli about the same hour the next day. There I received two letters, dated one the 7th the other

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alteram VII Idus Lanuvio datas. Audi igitur ad omnes. Primum, quae de re mea gesta et in solutione et in Albiano negotio, grata. De tuo autem Buthroto, cum in Pompeiano essem, Misenum venit Antonius. Inde ante discessit, quam illum venisse audissem in Samnium. A quo[221] vide quid speres. Romae igitur de Buthroto. L. Antoni horribilis contio, Dolabellae praeclara. Iam vel sibi habeat nummos, modo numeret Idibus. Tertullae nollem abortum. Tam enim Cassii sunt iam quam Bruti serendi. De regina velim atque etiam de Caesare filio. Persolvi primae epistulae, venio ad secundam.

Footnote 221:

a quo in Samnium _MSS._ _The words were transposed by Wesenberg._

De Quintis, Buthroto, cum venero, ut scribis. Quod Ciceroni suppeditas, gratum. Quod errare me putas, qui rem publicam putem pendere e Bruto, sic se res habet. Aut nulla erit aut ab isto istisve servabitur. Quod me hortaris, ut scriptam contionem mittam, accipe a me, mi Attice, καθολικὸν θεώρημα earum rerum, in quibus satis exercitati sumus. Nemo umquam neque poëta neque orator fuit, qui quemquam meliorem quam se arbitraretur. Hoc etiam malis contingit, quid tu Bruto putas et ingenioso et erudito? De quo etiam experti sumus nuper in edicto. Scripseram rogatu tuo. Meum mihi placebat, illi suum. Quin etiam, cum ipsius precibus paene adductus

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the 9th, from Lanuvium. So listen to my answer to them all. First, my thanks for what you have done in my affairs both in payment and in the business with Albius. Then with regard to your Buthrotum, when I was at Pompeii, Antony came to Misenum: but he was gone again to Samnium, before I heard he had come. See that you do not build much hope on him. So I must see to Buthrotum at Rome. L. Antonius' speech is horrible, Dolabella's splendid. Let him keep his money now, provided he pays on the Ides. I am sorry about Tertulla's[222] miscarriage. For we want a crop of Cassii as much as one of Bruti. I hope it is true about Cleopatra and about Caesar's son[223] too. I have finished your first letter, now I come to your second.

Footnote 222:

An affectionate diminutive of the name of Tertia, half-sister of Brutus, and wife of Cassius.

Footnote 223:

A child of Cleopatra, called Caesarion. Caesar denied the parentage.

The Quinti and Buthrotum we will leave till I come to Rome, as you say. Thanks for supplying my son's needs. You think I am wrong in thinking the republic hangs on Brutus: but it is a fact. There will be none, or he and his party will save it. You exhort me to send a written speech. You may take it from me, my dear Atticus, as a general axiom with regard to those matters, in which I have sufficient experience, that no one, whether poet or orator, ever thought anyone better than himself. This is so even in the case of bad ones: and what do you think it will be in the case of Brutus, who has talent and learning? Besides I have had experience of him lately over the edict. I had written one at your request. I liked mine, he liked his. Nay more, when I was induced by his entreaties to dedicate to him my book

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scripsissem ad eum "de optimo genere dicendi," non modo mihi, sed etiam tibi scripsit sibi illud, quod mihi placeret, non probari. Quare sine, quaeso, sibi quemque scribere.

"Suam quoique sponsam, mihi meam; suum quoique amorem, mihi meum."

Non scite. Hoc enim Atilius, poëta durissimus. Atque utinam liceat isti contionari! Cui si esse in urbe tuto licebit, vicimus. Ducem enim novi belli civilis aut nemo sequetur, aut ii sequentur, qui facile vincantur.

Venio ad tertiam. Gratas fuisse meas litteras Bruto et Cassio gaudeo. Itaque iis rescripsi. Quod Hirtium per me meliorem fieri volunt, do equidem operam, et ille optime loquitur, sed vivit habitatque cum Balbo, qui item bene loquitur. Quid credas, videris. Dolabellam valde placere tibi video; mihi quidem egregie. Cum Pansa vixi in Pompeiano. Is plane mihi probabat se bene sentire et cupere pacem. Causam armorum quaeri plane video. Edictum Bruti et Cassi probo. Quod vis, ut suscipiam cogitationem, quidnam istis agendum putem, consilia temporum sunt; quae in horas commutari vides. Dolabellae et prima illa actio et haec contra Antonium contio mihi profecisse permultum videtur. Prorsus ibat res; nunc autem videmur habituri ducem; quod unum municipia bonique desiderant. Epicuri mentionem facis et audes dicere μὴ πολιτεύεσθαι. Non te Bruti

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"on the best oratorical style," he wrote not only to me but to you also, that what I found pleasing, he did not approve. So, pray, let every man do his writing for himself. "To each his own wife; mine for me. To each his own love; mine for me." It is not neatly put, for it is by Atilius, the most wooden of poets. I only hope Brutus may be able to deliver a speech. If he can enter the city in safety, we have won. For, as the leader in a new civil war, no one will follow him, or at least only those who can easily be conquered.

I come to your third letter. I am glad Brutus and Cassius were pleased with my letter: so I have sent an answer. They want me to turn Hirtius into a better citizen. I am doing my best, and his promises are fair enough, but he spends all his days and nights with Balbus, whose promises are fair enough too. How much of them you can believe, you must see for yourself. I observe you are very well satisfied with Dolabella, and I am more than satisfied. I saw a lot of Pansa at Pompeii: and he quite convinced me that he was well inclined and desirous of peace. I can see quite clearly that a pretext for war is being sought. The edict of Brutus and Cassius I approve. You want me to consider what I think they ought to do. One has to form one's plans according to circumstances; and, as you see, they are changing every hour. I think Dolabella's first move and this speech of his against Antony have both done a lot of good. Things are certainly advancing: and now we seem to be going to have a leader, which is the very thing the country towns and the well affected want. You mention Epicurus and dare to say "take no part in politics." Are you not

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nostri vulticulus ab ista oratione deterret? Quintus filius, ut scribis, Antoni est dextella. Per eum igitur, quod volemus, facile auferemus. Exspecto, si, ut putas, L. Antonius produxit Octavium, qualis contio fuerit.

Haec scripsi raptim. Statim enim Cassi tabellarius. Eram continuo Piliam salutaturus, deinde ad epulas Vestori navicula. Atticae plurimam salutem.

XXI

CICERO ATTICO.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Puteolano V Id. Mai. a. 710_]

Cum paulo ante dedissem ad te Cassi tabellario litteras, V Idus venit noster tabellarius, et quidem, portenti simile, sine tuis litteris. Sed cito conieci Lanuvi te fuisse. Eros autem festinavit, ut ad me litterae Dolabellae perferrentur non de re mea (nondum enim meas acceperat), sed rescripsit ad eas, quarum exemplum tibi miseram, sane luculente. Ad me autem, cum Cassi tabellarium dimisissem, statim Balbus. O dei boni, quam facile perspiceres timere otium! Et nosti virum, quam tectus. Sed tamen Antoni consilia narrabat; illum circumire veteranos, ut acta Caesaris sancirent idque se facturos esse iurarent, ut castra[224] omnes haberent, eaque duumviri omnibus mensibus inspicerent. Questus est etiam de sua invidia, eaque omnis eius oratio fuit, ut amare videretur Antonium. Quid quaeris? nihil sinceri.

Footnote 224:

ut castra _Otto_: utram _M^1_.

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frightened out of such talk by our friend Brutus' frown? Young Quintus, you tell me, is Antony's right hand man. So we shall easily get what we want through him. I am wondering what sort of speech Octavius made, if, as you thought, L. Antonius introduced him to a public meeting.

I am writing in haste: for Cassius' letter carrier is starting at once. I am going directly to call on Pilia, and then on to dinner with Vestorius by boat. My best love to Attica.

XXI

CICERO TO ATTICUS.

[Sidenote: _Puteoli, May 11_, B.C. _44_]

Just after I had given Cassius' messenger a letter for you on the 11th, came my messenger, and, to my extraordinary surprise, without a letter from you. But I quickly conjectured you had been at Lanuvium. Eros however had hastened to let me have a letter from Dolabella, not about my debt (for he had not got my letter yet), but an answer, and a very good answer too, to the one of which I sent you a copy. No sooner had I got rid of Cassius' messenger than Balbus came to see me. Good God, how easy it is to see that he is afraid of peace! And you know how secretive the man is. Yet he told me Antony's plans. He is canvassing all the veterans, asking them to support Caesar's acts and to take an oath to that effect, to keep in camps, which are to be inspected every month by two officials. He grumbled too about the prejudice against himself, and everything he said seemed to show affection for Antony. In fact there is no reliability in him. To me

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Mihi autem non est dubium, quin res spectet ad castra. Acta enim illa res est animo virili, consilio puerili. Quis enim hoc non vidit, regni heredem relictum? Quid autem absurdius?

"Hoc métuere, alterum ín metu non pónere!"

Quin etiam hoc ipso tempore multa ὑποσόλοικα. Ponti Neapolitanum a matre tyrannoctoni possideri! Legendus mihi saepius est "Cato maior" ad te missus. Amariorem enim me senectus facit. Stomachor omnia. Sed mihi quidem βεβίωται; viderint iuvenes. Tu mea curabis, ut curas.

Haec scripsi seu dictavi apposita secunda mensa apud Vestorium. Postridie apud Hirtium cogitabam et quidem πεντέλοιπον. Sic hominem traducere ad optumates paro. Λῆρος πολύς. Nemo est istorum, qui otium non timeat. Quare talaria videamus. Quidvis enim potius quam castra.

Atticae salutem plurimam velim dicas. Exspecto Octavi contionem et si quid aliud, maxime autem, ecquid Dolabella tinniat an in meo nomine tabulas novas fecerit.

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there seems no doubt that things are tending towards war. For the deed was done with the courage of men, but with the blind policy of a child. For who did not see that the tyrant left an heir? And what could be more absurd than "to fear the one, and reck not of his friend"? Nay even now there are many absurdities. Think of the mother of the tyrannicide[225] occupying Pontius' house at Naples! I must keep on reading my _Cato Major_ which is dedicated to you: for old age is beginning to make me ill-tempered. Everything puts me in a rage. However, my life is over: the young people must look out for themselves. Take care of my affairs for me, as you are doing.

Footnote 225:

Servilia, mother of Brutus.

This I have written or rather dictated when at dessert with Vestorius. To-morrow I am thinking of paying a visit to Hirtius, the only survivor of the band of five.[226] That is my way of trying to make him join the conservative party. It is all nonsense: there is none of Caesar's party who does not fear peace. So let us look for our sevenleague boots. Anything is better than a camp.

Footnote 226:

If this reading is correct, which is very doubtful, it probably refers to Hirtius, Pansa, Octavius, Lentulus Spinther and Philippus, who had been together at Puteoli.

Please pay my best respects to Attica. I am looking for Octavius' speech and any other news there may be, but especially whether we shall hear the ring of Dolabella's money or whether he repudiated his debts in my case.[227]

Footnote 227:

Referring to Dolabella's action as a tribune.

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XXII

CICERO ATTICO.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Puteolano prid. Id. Mai. a. 710_]

Certior a Pilia factus mitti ad te Idibus tabellarios statim hoc nescio quid exaravi. Primum igitur scire te volui me hinc Arpinum XVI Kalend. Iun. Eo igitur mittes, si quid erit posthac; quamquam ipse iam iamque adero. Cupio enim, antequam Romam venio, odorari diligentius, quid futurum sit. Quamquam vereor, ne nihil coniectura aberrem. Minime enim obscurum est, quid isti moliantur; meus vero discipulus, qui hodie apud me cenat, valde amat illum, quem Brutus noster sauciavit. Et, si quaeris (perspexi enim plane), timent otium; ὑπόθεσιν autem hanc habent eamque prae se ferunt, clarissimum virum interfectum, totam rem publicam illius interitu perturbatam, inrita fore, quae ille egisset, simul ac desisteremus timere; clementiam illi malo fuisse; qua si usus non esset, nihil ei tale accidere potuisse. Mihi autem venit in mentem, si Pompeius cum exercitu firmo veniat, quod est εὔλογον, certe fore bellum. Haec me species cogitatioque perturbat. Neque enim iam, quod tibi tum licuit, nobis nunc licebit. Nam aperte laetati sumus. Deinde habent in ore nos ingratos. Nullo modo licebit, quod tum et tibi licuit et multis. Φαινοπροσωπητέον ergo et ἰτέον in castra?

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XXII

CICERO TO ATTICUS.

[Sidenote: _Puteoli, May 14_, B.C. _44_]

As soon as I learned from Pilia that she was sending a messenger to you on the 15th, I scrawled this bit of a note. First then I want you to know that I am leaving here for Arpinum on May 17th. So, if you have anything to send after that, you must send it there: though I shall be in Rome almost directly. For I want to scent out as clearly as possible what is going to happen before I come to town. However, I fear my suspicions are not far from the truth. For it is clear enough what they are doing. My pupil,[228] who dined with me to-day, is a warm admirer of the man who was wounded by our Brutus: and, if you want to know, I see quite clearly that they are afraid of peace. This is the theme on which they are always dwelling: that a most distinguished person has been killed, that by his death the whole state has been thrown into disorder; that his acts will be null and void as soon as we have ceased to fear; that his clemency was his destruction, and that, if he had not practised clemency, such a thing could not have happened to him. I cannot help thinking, then, that if Pompey comes with a strong force, which is quite possible, there will certainly be war. When I picture this and think of it, I am disturbed: for now we shall not have the choice you had before. For we have shown our joy openly. Again they speak of us as ingrates. What you and many others did then certainly will not be possible now. Must I put in an appearance,

Footnote 228:

Hirtius.

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Miliens mori melius, huic praesertim aetati. Itaque me Idus Martiae non tam consolantur quam antea. Magnum enim mendum continent. Etsi illi iuvenes

ἄλλοις ἐν ἐσθλοῖς τόνδ' ἀπωθοῦνται ψόγον.

Sed, si tu melius quidpiam speras, quod et plura audis et interes consiliis, scribas ad me velim simulque cogites, quid agendum nobis sit super legatione votiva. Equidem in his locis moneor a multis, ne in senatu Kalendis. Dicuntur enim occulte milites ad eam diem comparari et quidem in istos, qui mihi videntur ubivis tutius quam in senatu fore.

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then, and join the army? A thousand times better to die, especially at my time of life. So now I am not so much consoled as I was with the thought of the Ides of March, for there was a grave mistake committed then. However, those youths "in other noble deeds wipe out their shame."[229] But, if you have any better hope, as you hear more news and are in the midst of affairs, please write, and at the same time consider what I ought to do about the votive legation. Here many people warn me against attending the Senate on the 1st. They say troops are being collected secretly for that occasion, and that too against your friends, who to my idea will be safer anywhere than in the Senate.

Footnote 229:

Attributed to Sophocles.

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M. TULLI CICERONIS EPISTULARUM AD ATTICUM LIBER QUINTUS DECIMUS

I

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Puteolano XVI Kal. Iun. a. 710_]

O factum male de Alexione! Incredibile est, quanta me molestia adfecerit, nec mehercule ex ea parte maxime, quod plerique mecum: "Ad quem igitur te medicum conferes?" Quid mihi iam medico? Aut, si opus est, tanta inopia est? Amorem erga me, humanitatem suavitatemque desidero. Etiam illud. Quid est, quod non pertimescendum sit, cum hominem temperantem, summum medicum tantus inproviso morbus oppresserit? Sed ad haec omnia una consolatio est, quod ea condicione nati sumus, ut nihil, quod homini accidere possit, recusare debeamus.

De Antonio iam antea tibi scripsi non esse eum a me conventum. Venit enim Misenum, cum ego essem in Pompeiano. Inde ante profectus est, quam ego eum venisse cognovi. Sed casu, cum legerem tuas litteras, Hirtius erat apud me in Puteolano. Ei legi et egi. Primum quod attinet, nihil mihi concedebat, deinde ad summam arbitrum me statuebat non modo huius rei, sed totius consulatus sui. Cum Antonio autem sic agemus, ut perspiciat, si in eo negotio

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CICERO'S LETTERS TO ATTICUS