BOOK VIII

I

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, Feb. 16_, B.C. _49_]

After I sent you my letter, I got one from Pompey. The rest of it was about what has happened in Picenum, as reported to him by Vibullius in a note, and about Domitius' levy. That you know already: but in this letter things were not so grand as in Philotimus' letter. I would have sent you Pompey's note itself, but my brother's man set out in a hurry, so I will send it to-morrow. Pompey added a P.S. in his own hand, "I think you should come to Luceria. You won't be safer anywhere else." I understood him to mean that he counts as lost the towns here and the coast. I don't wonder that a man who has given up the head should throw away the limbs. I sent a reply by return, by the hands of a sure messenger, that I was not concerned about where I should be safest, and that I would come to Luceria immediately, if his or the public interest demanded it. I entreated him to hold the coast, if he wanted supplies of corn from the provinces. I saw I was writing in vain: but I wanted to put on record now my opinion about not abandoning Italy, as I had done before about holding Rome. Evidently all forces are to be collected at Luceria, and not even there as a permanent base, but as a starting point for flight, if hard pressed.

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Quo minus mirere, si invitus in eam causam descendo, in qua neque pacis neque victoriae ratio quaesita sit umquam, sed semper flagitiosae et calamitosae fugae: eundum, ut, quemcumque fors tulerit casum, subeam potius cum iis, qui dicuntur esse boni, quam videar a bonis dissentire. Etsi prope diem video bonorum, id est lautorum et locupletum, urbem refertam fore, municipiis vero his relictis refertissimam. Quo ego in numero essem, si hos lictores molestissimos non haberem, nec me M'. Lepidi, L. Volcaci, Ser. Sulpici comitum paeniteret, quorum nemo nec stultior est quam L. Domitius nec inconstantior quam Ap. Claudius. Unus Pompeius me movet beneficio, non auctoritate. Quam enim ille habeat auctoritatem in hac causa? qui, cum omnes Caesarem metuebamus, ipse eum diligebat, postquam ipse metuere coepit, putat omnes hostes illi oportere esse. Ibimus tamen Luceriam. Nec eum fortasse delectabit noster adventus; dissimulare enim non potero mihi, quae adhuc acta sint, displicere. Ego, si somnum capere possem, tam longis te epistulis non obtunderem. Tu, si tibi eadem causa est, me remunerere sane velim.

II

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Formiis XIII K. Mart. a. 705_]

Mihi vero omnia grata, et quod scripsisti ad me, quae audieras, et quod non credidisti, quae digna diligentia mea non erant, et quod monuisti, quod sentiebas. Ego ad Caesarem unas Capua litteras dedi, quibus ad ea rescripsi, quae mecum ille de gladiatoribus suis egerat, breves, sed benevolentiam significantes, non modo sine contumelia, sed etiam cum maxima

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So you need not wonder, if I am reluctant to embark on a cause, which has no policy for peace or victory, but always a policy of disastrous and disgraceful flight. I must go to face whatever fortune bring, with so-called loyalists rather than seem to disagree with real loyalists. Yet I see Rome will soon be crammed with loyalists, I mean with men of wealth and fortune, crammed full, when the towns have been abandoned. I would be among them, were it not for these tiresome lictors. I should not be ashamed of the company of M'. Lepidus, L. Volcacius, Ser. Sulpicius, not one of whom is a bigger fool than L. Domitius, nor a bigger trimmer than Ap. Claudius. Only Pompey weighs with me, for his past kindnesses, not for his public influence. For what influence has he in this case? When we were all afraid of Caesar, he cherished him. After he has begun to fear Caesar, he thinks all should be Caesar's enemies. Still I shall go to Luceria. Perhaps he will not be pleased to meet me, for I shall not be able to disguise my disgust at what he has done so far. If I could sleep, I would not bother you with such long letters. If you suffer from the same complaint, I shall be glad if you will pay me back in the same coin.

II

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, Feb. 17_, B.C. _49_]

Many thanks for everything: for writing me your news, for not believing a report, which reflected on my energy, and for the expression of your opinion. I sent Caesar one letter from Capua in answer to his inquiries about his gladiators.[58] It was short but friendly, and, so far from abusing Pompey,

[58] Cf. p. 69.

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laude Pompei. Id enim illa sententia postulabat, qua illum ad concordiam hortabar. Eas si quo ille misit, in publico proponat velim. Alteras eodem die dedi quo has ad te. Non potui non dare, cum et ipse ad me scripsisset et Balbus. Earum exemplum ad te misi. Nihil arbitror fore, quod reprehendas. Si qua erunt, doce me, quo modo μέμψιν effugere possim. "Nihil," inquies, "onmino scripseris." Qui magis effugias eos, qui volent fingere? Verum tamen ita faciam, quoad fieri poterit. Nam, quod me hortaris ad memoriam factorum, dictorum, scriptorum etiam meorum, facis amice tu quidem mihique gratissimum, sed mihi videris aliud tu honestum meque dignum in hac causa iudicare, atque ego existimem. Mihi enim nihil ulla in gente umquam ab ullo auctore rei publicae ac duce turpius factum esse videtur, quam a nostro amico factum est. Cuius ego vicem doleo; qui urbem reliquit, id est patriam, pro qua et in qua mori praeclarum fuit. Ignorare mihi videris, haec quanta sit clades. Es enim etiam nunc domi tuae, sed invitis perditissimis hominibus esse diutius non potes. Hoc miserius, hoc turpius quicquam? Vagamur egentes cum coniugibus et liberis; in unius hominis quotannis periculose aegrotantis anima positas omnes nostras spes habemus non expulsi, sed evocati ex patria; quam non servandam ad reditum nostrum, sed diripiendam et inflammandam reliquimus. Ita multi nobiscum sunt, non in suburbanis, non in hortis, non in ipsa urbe, et, si nunc sunt, non erunt. Nos interea ne Capuae quidem, sed Luceriae, et oram quidem maritimam iam relinquemus, Afranium exspectabimus et Petreium. Nam in Labieno parum est dignitatis.

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praised him highly. I had to do that, as I was an advocate of peace between them. If Caesar has passed on my letter, good: I should like him to placard it in public. I have sent him another letter on the date on which I dispatch this to you. I could not help doing so when he and Balbus wrote to me. I send you a copy of the letter. I don't think you can find any fault. If you can find any, tell me how I can escape criticism. You will say I should have sent no letter at all. What better plan to escape malicious tongues? However I will do so as long as I can. Your exhortations to remember my deeds and words and even writings are friendly and very pleasant; but you seem to have a different idea to mine as to honour and propriety in this business. To my mind, no statesman or general has ever been guilty of conduct so disgraceful as Pompey's. I am sorry for him. He left Rome, his country, for which and in which it were glorious to die. You don't seem to me to realize what a disaster that is. You yourself are still in your own house; but you cannot stay there any longer without the consent of villains and traitors. It is the depth of misery and shame. We wander in want with wives and children. Our sole hope lies in the life of one man, who falls dangerously sick every year. We are not driven, but summoned to leave our country. And our country which we have left will not be kept in safety against our return, but abandoned to fire and plunder. So many Pompeians are with us, not in their suburban villas, not in Rome, and, if some are still in Rome, they will soon go. Meantime I shall not stay at Capua, but at Luceria, and of course I shall abandon the coast at once. I shall wait for the move of Afranius and Petreius: for Labienus is a

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Hic tu in me illud desideras. Nihil de me...dico, alii viderint. Hic quidem quae est...?[59] Domi vestrae estis et eritis omnes boni. Quis tum se mihi non ostendit? quis nunc adest hoc bello? Sic enim iam appellandum est.

[59] _after_ me _and_ est _there is a space left in M, probably for some Greek words, e.g._ ἀξίωμα _and_ ἀξίωσις _as Tyrrell and Orelli suggest_.

Vibulli res gestae sunt adhuc maximae. Id ex Pompei litteris cognosces; in quibus animadvertito ilium locum, ubi erit διπλῆ. Videbis, de Gnaeo nostro ipse Vibullius quid existimet. Quo igitur haec spectat oratio? Ego pro Pompeio lubenter emori possum; facio pluris omnium hominum neminem; sed non ita, non in eo iudico spem de salute rei publicae. Significas enim aliquanto secus, quam solebas, ut etiam Italia, si ille cedat, putes cedendum. Quod ego nec rei publicae puto esse utile nec liberis meis, praeterea neque rectum neque honestum. Sed cur "Poterisne igitur videre tyrannum?" Quasi intersit, audiam an videam, aut locupletior mihi sit quaerendus auctor quam Socrates; qui, cum XXX tyranni essent, pedem porta non extulit. Est mihi praeterea praecipua causa manendi. De qua utinam aliquando tecum loquar!

Ego XIII Kalend., cum eadem lucerna hanc epistulam scripsissem, qua inflammaram tuam, Formiis ad Pompeium, si de pace ageretur, profecturus, si de bello, quid ero?

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man of little standing. You may say that I am too. I say nothing of myself: I leave that to others. Who has standing here? All you loyalists stay at home, and will continue to stay there. Who failed me in the old days? Who supports me now in this war, as I must call it.

So far Vibullius' achievements have been fine. You will see that from Pompey's letter. _Vide_ the passage marked.[60] You will see Vibullius' own opinion of Pompey. My point is that I can gladly die for Pompey's sake--there is no one I hold dearer; but not in that way. In him I see no hope for the safety of the state. You express a view different from your usual view, that I must even leave Italy, if he does. That course seems to me of no advantage to the state or to my children, and, moreover, neither right nor honourable. But why do you say, "Will you be able to see a tyrant"? As if it mattered whether I hear of him or see him, or as if I wanted a better example than Socrates, who never set foot out of gate during the reign of the Thirty tyrants. Besides I have a special reason for staying. I wish I could talk it over with you.

[60] The διπλῆ was a marginal mark of this shape =>= used in MSS. to mark a special passage or in dialogue to indicate the appearance of a new speaker.

After writing this letter on the 17th, by the same lamp as that in which I burned yours, I set out from Formiae to go to Pompey, and I may be of use, if the talk is of peace: but, if of war, of what use shall I be?

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III

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Caleno XII K. Mart. a. 705_]

Maximis et miserrimis rebus perturbatus, cum coram tecum mihi potestas deliberandi non esset, uti tamen tuo consilio volui. Deliberatio autem omnis haec est, si Pompeius Italia excedat, quod eum facturum esse suspicor, quid mihi agendum putes. Et quo facilius consilium dare possis, quid in utramque partem mihi in mentem veniat, explicabo brevi.

Cum merita Pompei summa erga salutem meam, familiaritasque, quae mihi cum eo est, tum ipsa rei publicae causa me adducit, ut mihi vel consilium meum cum illius consilio vel fortuna mea cum illius fortuna coniungenda esse videatur. Accedit illud. Si maneo et illum comitatum optimorum et clarissimorum civium desero, cadendum est in unius potestatem. Qui etsi multis rebus significat se nobis esse amicum (et, ut esset, a me est, tute scis, propter suspicionem huius impendentis tempestatis multo ante provisum), tamen utrumque considerandum est, et quanta fides ei sit habenda, et, si maxime exploratum sit eum nobis amicum fore, sitne viri fortis et boni civis esse in ea urbe, in qua cum summis honoribus imperiisque usus sit, res maximas gesserit, sacerdotio sit amplissimo praeditus, non futurus sit, qui fuerit, subeundumque periculum sit cum aliquo forte dedecore, si quando Pompeius rem publicam recuperarit. In hac parte haec sunt.

Vide nunc, quae sint in altera. Nihil actum est a Pompeio nostro sapienter, nihil fortiter, addo etiam nihil nisi contra consilium auctoritatemque meam. Omitto illa vetera, quod istum in rem publicam ille

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III

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Cales, Feb. 18_, B.C. _49_]

Upset by this grave and most calamitous crisis, though I have no opportunity of consulting you personally, still I wish to enjoy your advice. The whole question under debate is this. What do you think I should do, if Pompey leaves Italy, as I expect he will? To help you to a decision, I will briefly recount what occurs to me on both sides of the question.

Not only Pompey's great services in bringing about my restoration and his intimacy with me, but the public welfare, leads me to think that my policy and his or, if you will, my fortunes and his should be one. And another thing, if I remain in Italy and desert the company of loyal and distinguished citizens, I must fall into the power of one man, and, though he gives me many tokens of regard (and you know well I took good care that it should be so with this crisis in view), yet he still leaves me a twofold problem; how much trust can be put in his promises, and, if I am positive of his good will, is it proper for a man of courage and loyalty to remain in Rome and lose his position for the future where he has enjoyed the highest distinctions and commands, performed deeds of importance, been invested with the highest seat in the sacred college, and to suffer risks and perhaps some shame, if ever Pompey restore the constitution? So much for the arguments on one side.

Now look at those on the other. There is not an atom of prudence or courage in Pompey's policy--and besides nothing that is not clean contrary to my counsel and advice. I pass over the old grievance, how Caesar was Pompey's man: Pompey raised him to

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aluit, auxit, armavit, ille legibus per vim et contra auspicia ferendis auctor, ille Galliae ulterioris adiunctor, ille gener, ille in adoptando P. Clodio augur, ille restituendi mei quam retinendi studiosior, ille provinciae propagator, ille absentis in omnibus adiutor, idem etiam tertio consulatu, postquam esse defensor rei publicae coepit, contendit, ut decem tribuni pl. ferrent, ut absentis ratio haberetur, quod idem ipse sanxit lege quadam sua, Marcoque Marcello consuli finienti provincias Gallias Kalendarum Martiarum die restitit--sed, ut haec omittam, quid foedius, quid perturbatius hoc ab urbe discessu sive potius turpissima fuga? Quae condicio non accipienda fuit potius quam relinquenda patria? Malae condiciones erant, fateor, sed num quid hoc peius? At recuperabit rem publicam. Quando? aut quid ad eam spem est parati? Non ager Picenus amissus? non patefactum iter ad urbem? non pecunia omnis et publica et privata adversario tradita? Denique nulla causa, nullae vires, nulla sedes, quo concurrent, qui rem publicam defensam velint. Apulia delecta est, inanissima pars Italiae et ab impetu huius belli remotissima; fuga et maritima opportunitas visa quaeri desperatione. Invite cepi Capuam, non quo munus illud defugerem, sed in ea causa, in qua nullus

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place and military power, assisted him in passing laws by force and despite bad omens, granted him Further Gaul in addition to his province; Pompey married his daughter, Pompey was augur at the adoption of Clodius; Pompey was more active in effecting my restoration than in preventing my banishment; Pompey prolonged the tenure of Caesar's provincial government; Pompey championed his cause in absence; and again in his third consulship, when he began to be the defender of the constitution, struggled to get the ten tribunes to propose a bill admitting Caesar's candidature in absence; ratified that privilege by a law of his own; and opposed M. Marcellus the consul, when Marcellus would have concluded Caesar's government of the provinces of Gaul on the 1st of March. Putting all this on one side, is not this departure or rather this disgraceful and iniquitous flight from Rome a most shameful sign of panic? Any compromise ought to have been accepted in preference to abandoning our country. I admit the terms were bad, but could anything be worse than this? If you say he will restore the constitution, I ask you when and what preparation has been made to that end? We have lost Picenum: the road lies open to Rome: the funds of the state and of individuals have been delivered to our enemy. Finally we have no policy, no forces, no rendezvous for patriots; Apulia has been chosen, the least populous district in Italy and the most removed from the brunt of this war, and clearly chosen in despair for the opportunity of flight which the sea affords. With reluctance I took charge of Capua, not that I would shirk the duty, but with the reluctance which one would have in a

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esset ordinum, nullus apertus privatorum dolor, bonorum autem esset aliquis, sed hebes, ut solet, et, ut ipse sensissem, multitudo et infimus quisque propensus in alteram partem, multi mutationis rerum cupidi, dixi ipsi me nihil suscepturum sine praesidio et sine pecunia. Itaque habui nihil omnino negotii, quod ab initio vidi nihil quaeri praeter fugam. Eam si nunc sequor, quonam? Cum illo non; ad quem cum essem profectus, cognovi in iis locis esse Caesarem, ut tuto Luceriam venire non possem. Infero mari nobis incerto cursu hieme maxima navigandum est. Age iam, cum fratre an sine eo cum filio? at quo modo? In utraque enim re summa difficultas erit, summus animi dolor; qui autem impetus illius erit in nos absentis fortunasque nostras! Acrior quam in ceterorum, quod putabit fortasse in nobis violandis aliquid se habere populare. Age iam, has compedes, fascis, inquam, hos laureatos ecferre ex Italia quam molestum est! qui autem locus erit nobis tutus, ut iam placatis utamur fluctibus, antequam ad illum venerimus? Qua autem aut quo, nihil scimus. At, si restitero, et fuerit nobis in hac parte locus, idem fecero quod in Cinnae dominatione L. Philippus, quod L. Flaccus, quod Q. Mucius, quoquo modo ea res huic

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cause in which neither ranks nor individuals had expressed any feeling, though there was some feeling amongst the loyalists, sluggish as usual. Besides, as I felt, the crowd and the dregs of the populace were inclined to the other side, and many were merely desirous of revolution. I told Pompey himself that I could undertake nothing without a garrison and without funds. So I have had nothing at all to do, since I saw from the first, that his only object was flight. If I would share his flight, whither am I to go? With him I cannot go; for, when I set out, I learned that Caesar was so posted that I could not reach Luceria with safety. I should have to go by the Lower Sea[61] in the depth of winter and with no certain destination. Moreover am I to take my brother, or leave him and take my son? But how? Either course would cause me the greatest trouble and the greatest grief: and how he will wreak his rage on me and my property in my absence! More vindictively perhaps than in the case of others, because he will think that vengeance on me will please the people. Consider too my fetters, I mean my laurelled fasces. How awkward it will be to take them out of Italy! Suppose I enjoy a calm passage, what place will be safe for me till I join Pompey? I have no idea of how or where to go. But, if I stand my ground and find a place on Caesar's side, I shall follow the example of L. Philippus under the tyranny of Cinna, of L. Flaccus and of Q. Mucius.[62] Though it ended unfortunately

[61] I.e. the sea on the west coast of Italy as opposed to _mare superum_, the Adriatic.

[62] All these persons stayed in Rome during the Cinnan revolution. Mucius was put to death by the younger Marius in 82 B.C.

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quidem cecidit; qui tamen ita dicere solebat, se id fore videre, quod factum est, sed malle quam armatum ad patriae moenia accedere. Aliter Thrasybulus et fortasse melius. Sed est certa quaedam illa Muci ratio atque sententia, est illa etiam Philippi, et, cum sit necesse, servire tempori et non amittere tempus, cum sit datum. Sed in hoc ipso habent tamen idem fasces molestiam. Sit enim nobis amicus, quod incertum est, sed sit; deferet triumphum. Non accipere vide ne periculosum sit, accipere invidiosum ad bonos. "O rem," inquis, "difficilem et inexplicabilem!" Atqui explicanda est. Quid enim fieri potest? Ac, ne me existimaris ad manendum esse propensiorem, quod plura in eam partem verba fecerim, potest fieri, quod fit in multis quaestionibus, ut res verbosior haec fuerit, illa verior. Quam ob rem ut maxima de re aequo animo deliberanti ita mihi des consilium velim. Navis et in Caieta est parata nobis et Brundisi.

Sed ecce nuntii scribente me haec ipsa noctu in Caleno, ecce litterae Caesarem ad Corfinium, Domitium Corfini cum firmo exercitu et pugnare cupiente. Non puto etiam hoc Gnaeum nostrum commissurum, ut Domitium relinquat; etsi Brundisium Scipionem cum cohortibus duabus praemiserat, legionem Fausto conscriptam in Siciliam sibi placere a consule duci scripserat ad consules. Sed turpe Domitium deserere erit implorantem eius auxilium. Est quaedam spes mihi quidem non magna, sed in his locis firma, Afranium in Pyrenaeo cum Trebonio pugnasse, pulsum Trebonium, etiam Fabium tuum transisse cum

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in the case of Q. Mucius, yet he was wont to say he foresaw the issue, but preferred it to taking arms against his country. Thrasybulus took the other and perhaps happier course. But Mucius' decision and views were quite definite, and so were those of Philippus; that one might do some time-serving, when it was necessary, but when one's time came, one should not miss it. But, in that event, still my fasces are a nuisance. I do not know if Caesar will be friendly; but suppose he is, he will offer me a triumph. To refuse would damage my chances with Caesar, to accept would annoy the loyalists. It is a hard and insoluble question; and yet solve it I must. What else can I do? I have said most in favour of staying in Italy: but do not infer that I have any particular inclination towards so doing: it may be, as often happens, that there are more words on one side and more worth on the other. Then please give me your advice, counting me openminded on the important question. There is a boat ready for me at Caieta and at Brundisium.

But, here are messengers arriving as I write this letter at night in Cales; and here is a letter saying that Caesar has reached Corfinium and that Domitius is there with a strong force anxious to fight. I do not think that Pompey will go so far as to abandon Domitius, though he sent Scipio ahead to Brundisium with two squadrons, and has informed the consuls that he wants one of them to take the legion raised for Faustus into Sicily. But it were base to desert Domitius, when he entreats for help. There is some hope, small enough to my mind, but favoured in this district, that Afranius has fought with Trebonius in the Pyrenees and driven him back, and that your

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cohortibus, summa autem Afranium cum magnis copiis adventare. Id si est, in Italia fortasse manebitur. Ego autem, cum esset incertum iter Caesaris, quod vel ad Capuam vel ad Luceriam iturus putabatur, Leptam misi ad Pompeium et litteras; ipse, ne quo inciderem, reverti Formias.

Haec te scire volui scripsique sedatiore animo, quam proxime scripseram, nullum meum iudicium interponens, sed exquirens tuum.

IV

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano VIII K. Mart. ante lucem a. 705_]

Dionysius quidem tuus potius quam noster, cuius ego cum satis cognossem mores, tuo tamen potius stabam iudicio quam meo, ne tui quidem testimonii, quod ei saepe apud me dederas, veritus, superbum se praebuit in fortuna, quam putavit nostram fore; cuius fortunae nos, quantum humano consilio effici poterit, motum ratione quadam gubernabimus. Cui qui noster honos, quod obsequium, quae etiam ad ceteros contempti cuiusdam hominis commendatio defuit? ut meum iudicium reprehendi a Quinto fratre volgoque ab omnibus mallem quam illum non efferrem laudibus, Ciceronesque nostros meo potius labore subdoceri quam me alium iis magistrum quaerere; ad quem ego quas litteras, dei immortales, miseram, quantum honoris significantes, quantum amoris! Dicaearchum mehercule aut Aristoxenum diceres arcessi, non unum hominem omnium loquacissimum et minime aptum ad docendum. Sed est memoria bona. Me dicet esse meliore. Quibus litteris ita respondit ut ego nemini,

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friend Fabius too has gone over to Pompey with his squadrons: and high hope, that Afranius is marching hither with large forces. If that is true, we may stay in Italy. But since no one knows Caesar's route, as he was supposed to be going towards Capua or Luceria, I am sending Lepta to Pompey with a letter. Myself I return to Formiae for fear I should stumble on anyone.

I wanted you to know the news, and I write with more composure than I stated above. I advance no views of my own, but ask for yours.

IV

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, Feb. 22_, B.C. _49_]

I count Dionysius your man rather than mine: for, though I was well acquainted with his character, I held to your opinion of him rather than to my own. The fellow has paid no respect even to your frequent certificates of character, but has become arrogant in what he takes for a fall in my fortune, though so far as human wit can avail, I will steer my course onward with some skill. I never failed Dionysius in respect or service, or in a good word for the despicable cad. Nay, I preferred to have my opinion criticized by Quintus and people in general rather than omit to praise the fellow; and, sooner than seek another master for my boys, I took pains to give them private lessons myself. Good God, what a letter I sent him: how full of respect and affection! You would think that I was sending for Dicaearchus or Aristoxenus and not for an arch-chatter-box useless as a teacher. He has a good memory: he shall have reason to say that mine is better. He answered the

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cuius causam non reciperem. Semper enim: "Si potero, si ante suscepta causa non impediar." Numquam reo cuiquam tam humili, tam sordido, tam nocenti, tam alieno tam praecise negavi, quam hic mihi plane sine ulla exceptione praecidit. Nihil cognovi ingratius; in quo vitio nihil mali non inest. Sed de hoc nimis multa.

Ego navem paravi. Tuas litteras tamen exspecto, ut sciam, quid respondeant consultationi meae. Sulmone C. Atium Paelignum aperuisse Antonio portas, cum essent cohortes quinque, Q. Lucretium inde effugisse scis, Gnaeum ire Brundisium, desertum Domitium.[63] Confecta res est.

[63] Domitium _is added by Lipsius_.

V

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano VII, ut videtur, K. Mart. a. 705_]

Cum ante lucem VIII Kal. litteras ad te de Dionysio dedissem, vesperi ad nos eodem die venit ipse Dionysius, auctoritate tua permotus, ut suspicor; quid enim putem aliud? Etsi solet eum, cum aliquid furiose fecit, paenitere. Numquam autem cerritior fuit quam in hoc negotio. Nam, quod ad te non scripseram, postea audivi a tertio miliario tum eum isse

πολλὰ μάτην κεράεσσιν ἐς ἠέρα θυμήναντα,

multa, inquam, mala cum dixisset: suo capiti, ut aiunt. Sed en meam mansuetudinem! Conieceram in fasciculum una cum tua vementem ad illum epistulam. Hanc ad me referri volo nec ullam ob aliam

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letter in a tone I have never used even when I wished to decline a case. I always say, "if possible," "if no previous engagement hinders me." I have never given so curt a refusal as his curt unqualified "no" to any client however humble, however mean, however guilty, however much a stranger. It is the height of ingratitude, and ingratitude includes all sins. But enough and more than enough of this.

I have a boat ready. Still I wait for a letter from you, that I may know your answer to my problem. You know that at Sulmo C. Atius Paelignus opened the gates to Antonius, though he had five squadrons, that Q. Lucretius has escaped from the place, and that Pompey has gone to Brundisium, deserting Domitius. We are done for.

V

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, Feb. 23 (?)_, B.C. _49_]

After I sent you a letter before daybreak on the 22nd about Dionysius, on the evening of the same day came Dionysius himself. I cannot but think that it was by your influence, though he is wont to repent of his fits of temper, and this is the maddest business he has had a hand in. I did not tell you before, but I heard later, that, when he had got three miles from Rome, he took fright,

"When he had vainly butted with his horns The vacant air."[64]

[64] Author unknown.

I mean he cursed roundly. May his curses fall on his own head, as the saying goes. But look at my good nature. I enclosed in your packet a strong letter for him. I should be glad to have it returned; and

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causam Pollicem servum a pedibus meis Romam misi. Eo autem ad te scripsi, ut, si tibi forte reddita esset, mihi curares referendam, ne in illius manus perveniret.

Novi si quid esset, scripsissem. Pendeo animi exspectatione Corfiniensi, in qua de salute rei publicae decernetur. Tu fasciculum, qui est M'. Curio inscriptus, velim cures ad eum perferendum Tironemque Curio commendes et, ut det ei, si quid opus erit in sumptum, roges.

VI

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano IX K. Mart., ut videtur, a. 705_]

Obsignata iam ista epistula, quam de nocte daturus eram, sicut dedi (nam eam vesperi scripseram), C. Sosius praetor in Formianum venit ad M'. Lepidum, vicinum nostrum, cuius quaestor fuit. Pompei litterarum ad consules exemplum attulit:

"Litterae mihi a L. Domitio a. d. XIII Kalend. Mart. allatae sunt. Earum exemplum infra scripsi. Nunc, ut ego non scribam, tua sponte te intellegere scio, quanti rei publicae intersit omnes copias in unum locum primo quoque tempore convenire. Tu, si tibi videbitur, dabis operam, ut quam primum ad nos venias, praesidii Capuae quantum constitueris satis esse, relinquas."

Deinde supposuit exemplum epistulae Domiti, quod ego ad te pridie miseram. Di immortales, qui me horror perfudit! quam sum sollicitus, quidnam futurum sit! Hoc tamen spero, magnum nomen imperatoris fore, magnum in adventu terrorem. Spero etiam, quoniam adhuc nihil nobis obfuit † nihil

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only for that reason have I sent my footman Pollux to Rome. So I write to you that, if it has come into your hands, you may return it and not let it fall into his possession.

I would write any fresh news, if there were any. I am a-tiptoe with anxiety as to the business at Corfinium, which will decide the fate of the constitution. Please send the packet addressed to M'. Curius, and please recommend Tiro to Curius, and ask him to supply his wants.

VI

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, Feb. 21 (?)_, B.C. _49_]

After I had sealed that letter to you, which I wanted to dispatch last night (I wrote it in the evening and did dispatch it), C. Sosius the praetor came to Formiae to visit my neighbour, M'. Lepidus, whose quaestor he was. He brought a copy of Pompey's letter to the consuls: "I have received a dispatch from L. Domitius, dated the 17th of February. I enclose a copy. Now without a word from me, I know you realize of your own accord how important it is for the State that all our forces should concentrate at one spot at the earliest possible date. If you agree, endeavour to reach me at once, leaving Capua such garrison as you may consider necessary."

Then appended is a copy of Domitius' letter which I sent you yesterday. My God, how terrified I was and how distracted I am as to the future! I hope his nickname the Great will inspire great panic on his arrival. I hope too, since nothing has stood in our way at present [except his negligence, he is not

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mutasset neglegentia hoc quod cum fortiter et diligenter tum etiam mehercule.†

Modo enim audivi quartanam a te discessisse. Moriar, si magis gauderem, si id mihi accidisset. Piliae dic non esse aequum eam diutius habere nec id esse vestrae concordiae. Tironem nostrum ab altera relictum audio. Sed eum video in sumptum ab aliis mutuatum; ego autem Curium nostrum, si quid opus esset, rogaram. Malo Tironis verecundiam in culpa esse quam inliberalitatem Curi.

VII

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano VII K. Mart., ut videtur, a. 705_]

Unum etiam restat amico nostro ad omne dedecus, ut Domitio non subveniat. "At nemo dubitat, quin subsidio venturus sit." Ego non puto. "Deseret igitur talem civem et eos, quos una scis esse, cum habeat praesertim is ipse cohortes triginta?" Nisi me omnia fallunt, deseret. Incredibiliter pertimuit, nihil spectat nisi fugam. Cui tu (video enim, quid sentias) me comitem putas debere esse. Ego vero, quem fugiam, habeo, quem sequar, non habeo. Quod enim tu meum laudas et memorandum dicis, malle quod dixerim me cum Pompeio vinci quam cum istis vincere, ego vero malo, sed cum illo Pompeio, qui tum erat, aut qui mihi esse videbatur, cum hoc vero, qui ante fugit, quam scit, aut quem fugiat aut quo, qui nostra tradidit, qui patriam reliquit, Italiam relinquit,

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neglecting a point which ought to be carried out vigorously].[65]

[65] The words in brackets only attempt to give the probable sense of this hopelessly corrupt passage.

I have just heard that you have lost your fever. Upon my life I could not be better pleased, if I had recovered myself. Tell Pilia that such a perfect helpmeet should not be sick longer than her husband. I hear that Tiro has recovered from his second attack: but I see he has been raising money from strangers. I had commissioned Curius to supply him with funds. I hope it is Tiro's diffidence and not Curius' meanness that is to blame.

VII

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, Feb. 23 (?)_, B.C. _49_]

The one act needed to crown Pompey's disgrace is the desertion of Domitius. I don't agree with the universal opinion that he is sure to help him. "Will he desert so distinguished a citizen as Domitius and those with him, even though he has thirty cohorts at his command?" Unless I am greatly mistaken he will desert him. He is incredibly alarmed, and has no thought but flight; and you want me to go with him; for I see what you think. Yes, I have a foe to flee from, but no friend to follow. As for your praise of that remark of mine, which you quote and call so memorable, that I would rather be conquered with Pompey than conquer with Caesar, well, I would: but it must be with Pompey my old hero or ideal. As to the Pompey of to-day, who flees before he knows from whom he is running or where to run; who has betrayed us, abandoned his country and deserted

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si malui, contigit, victus sum. Quod superest, nec ista videre possum, quae numquam timui ne viderem, nec mehercule istum, propter quem mihi non modo meis, sed memet ipso carendum est.

Ad Philotimum scripsi de viatico sive a Moneta (nemo enim solvit) sive ab Oppiis, tuis contubernalibus. Cetera apposita tibi mandabo.

VIII

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano VI K. Mart. a. 705_]

O rem turpem et ea re miseram! Sic enim sentio, id demum aut potius id solum esse miserum, quod turpe sit. Aluerat Caesarem; eundem repente timere coeperat, condicionem pacis nullam probarat, nihil ad bellum pararat, urbem reliquerat, Picenum amiserat culpa, in Apuliam se compegerat, ibat in Graeciam, omnes nos ἀπροσφωνήτους, expertes sui tanti, tam inusitati consilii relinquebat. Ecce subito litterae Domiti ad illum, ipsius ad consules. Fulsisse mihi videbatur τὸ καλὸν ad oculos eius et exclamasse ille vir, qui esse debuit:

Πρὸς ταῦθ' ὅ τι χρὴ καὶ παλαμάσθων καὶ πάντ' ἐπ' ἐμοὶ τεκταινέσθων. τὸ γὰρ εὖ μετ' ἐμοῦ.

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Italy,--well, if I wanted to be conquered with him, I have got my wish; I am conquered. For the rest I cannot bear to look at Caesar's doings. I never expected to see them, nor the man himself who robs me not only of my friends, but of myself.

I have written to Philotimus about money for the journey--either from the mint,[66] for none of my debtors will pay up, or from your associates the bankers. I will give you all other requisite instructions.

[66] The Roman Mint was at the Temple of Juno Moneta. Apparently money could be obtained there by exchange for bullion.

VIII

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, Feb. 24_, B.C. _49_]

What disgrace, and therefore what misery! For I feel disgrace to be the crown of misery, or indeed the only real misery. Pompey treated Caesar as his _protégé_, began suddenly to fear him, declined terms of peace, made no preparation for war, quitted Rome, lost Picenum by his own fault, got himself blocked in Apulia, went off to Greece without a word, leaving us in ignorance of a plan so important and unusual. Then all of a sudden Domitius' letter to Pompey and Pompey's letter to the consuls. It seemed to me that the Right had flashed upon his gaze, and that he, the old heroic Pompey, cried:

"What subtle craft they will let them devise, And work their wiliest in my despite. The right is on my side."[67]

[67] A fragment of Euripides parodied by Aristophanes, _Acharnians_, 659-661.

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At ille tibi πολλὰ χαίρειν τᾷ καλᾷ dicens pergit Brundisium. Domitium autem aiunt re audita et eos, qui una essent, se tradidisse. O rem lugubrem! Itaque intercludor dolore, quo minus ad te plura scribam. Tuas litteras exspecto.

IX

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano V K. Mart. a. 705_]

Epistulam meam quod pervulgatam scribis esse, non fero moleste, quin etiam ipse multis dedi describendam. Ea enim et acciderunt iam et impendent, ut testatum esse velim, de pace quid senserim. Cum autem ad eam hortarer eum praesertim hominem, non videbar ullo modo facilius moturus, quam si id, quod eum hortarer, convenire eius sapientiae dicerem. Eam si "admirabilem" dixi, cum eum ad salutem patriae hortabar, non sum veritus, ne viderer adsentari, cui tali in re lubenter me ad pedes abiecissem. Quod autem est "aliquid inpertias temporis," non est, de pace, sed de me ipso et de meo officio ut aliquid cogitet. Nam, quod testificor me expertem belli fuisse, etsi id re perspectum est, tamen eo scripsi, quo in suadendo plus auctoritatis haberem; eodemque pertinet, quod causam eius probo.

Sed quid haec nunc? Utinam aliquid profectum esset! Ne ego istas litteras in contione recitari velim, si quidem ille ipse ad eundem scribens in publico proposuit epistulam illam, in qua est "pro tuis rebus gestis amplissimis" (amplioribusne quam suis,

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However Pompey bids a long farewell to honour and away for Brundisium. They say that Domitius and those with him surrendered on receipt of the news. What a doleful business! Grief prevents me writing more. I await a letter from you.

IX

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, Feb. 25_, B.C. _49_.]

I am not upset at the circulation of my letter, indeed I myself let many people take a copy. Considering what has happened and is likely to happen, I want my views on peace published. And when I exhorted Caesar of all men to seek peace, I had no readier argument than to say, that peace became a man of his wisdom. If I spoke of his "admirable" wisdom, seeing that I was urging him on to the salvation of our country, I was not afraid of appearing to flatter him: in such a cause I would gladly have cast myself at his feet. When I use the phrase "spare time," that does not mean for the consideration of peace, but for the consideration of myself and my obligations. As to my statement that I have taken no part in the war, though the facts are evidence, I wrote it to give greater weight to my advice and it was for the same reason that I expressed approbation of his case.

But this is idle talk now: I only wish it had done some good. Why, I should not object to the recital of my letter at a public meeting, when Pompey himself, writing to Caesar, exhibited for public perusal a letter containing the words "On account of your splendid achievements," (are they more splendid

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quam Africani? Ita tempus ferebat), si quidem etiam vos duo tales ad quintum miliarium quid nunc ipsum de se recipienti, quid agenti, quid acturo? Quanto autem ferocius ille causae suae confidet, cum vos, cum vestri similes non modo frequentes, sed laeto vultu gratulantes viderit! "Num igitur peccamus?" Minime vos quidem; sed tamen signa conturbantur, quibus voluntas a simulatione distingui posset. Quae vero senatus consulta video? Sed apertius, quam proposueram.

Ego Arpini volo esse pridie Kal., deinde circum villulas nostras errare, quas visurum me postea desperavi. Εὐγενῆ tua consilia et tamen pro temporibus non incauta mihi valde probantur. Lepido quidem (nam fere συνδιημερεύομεν, quod gratissimum illi est) numquam placuit ex Italia exire, Tullo multo minus. Crebro enim illius litterae ab aliis ad nos commeant. Sed me illorum sententiae minus movebant; minus multa dederant illi rei publicae pignora. Tua mehercule auctoritas vehementer movet; adfert enim et reliqui temporis recuperandi rationem et praesentis tuendi. Sed, obsecro te, quid hoc miserius quam alterum plausus in foedissima causa quaerere, alterum offensiones in optima? alterum existimari conservatorem inimicorum, alterum desertorem amicorum? Et mehercule, quamvis amemus Gnaeum nostrum, ut et facimus et debemus, tamen hoc, quod talibus viris non subvenit, laudare non possum. Nam, sive

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than Pompey's own, or those of Africanus? Circumstances made him say so.) and when two men like you and S. Peducaeus are going to meet him at the fifth milestone,--and at this moment to what course does he pledge himself, what is he doing, what is he going to do? Surely his belief in his rights will grow more vehement, when he sees you and men like you not only in crowds, but with joy upon your faces. "What harm in that," you ask? Not a bit, as far as you are concerned: but still the outward signs of the distinction between genuine feeling and pretence are all upset. I foresee some strange decrees of the Senate. But my letter has been more frank than I intended.

I hope to be at Arpinum on the 28th, and then to visit my country estates, I fear for the last time. Your policy, gentlemanly, but not without a touch of caution suited to the times, has my sincere approval. Lepidus, who has the pleasure of my company almost every day, never liked the plan of quitting Italy: Tullus detested it: for letters from him often reach me from other hands. However their views influence me little: they have given fewer pledges to the state than I: but I am strongly swayed by the weight of your opinion, which proposes a plan for betterment in the future and security in the present. Is there a more wretched spectacle than that of Caesar earning praise in the most disgusting cause, and of Pompey earning blame in the most excellent: of Caesar being regarded as the saviour of his enemies, and Pompey as a traitor to his friends? Assuredly though I love Pompey, from inclination and duty, still I cannot praise his failure to succour such men. If it was fear,

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timuit, quid ignavius? sive, ut quidam putant, meliorem suam causam illorum caede fore putavit, quid iniustius? Sed haec omittamus; augemus enim dolorem retractando.

VI Kal. vesperi Balbus minor ad me venit occulta via currens ad Lentulum consulem missu Caesaris cum litteris, cum mandatis, cum promissione provinciae, Romam ut redeat. Cui persuaderi posse non arbitror, nisi erit conventus. Idem aiebat nihil malle Caesarem, quam ut Pompeium adsequeretur (id credo) et rediret in gratiam. Id non credo et metuo, ne omnis haec clementia ad Cinneam[68] illam crudelitatem colligatur. Balbus quidem maior ad me scribit nihil malle Caesarem quam principe Pompeio sine metu vivere. Tu, puto, haec credis. Sed, cum haec scribebam V Kalend., Pompeius iam Brundisium venisse poterat; expeditus enim antecesserat legiones XI K. Luceria. Sed hoc τέρας horribili vigilantia, celeritate, diligentia est. Plane, quid futurum sit, nescio.

[68] Cinneam _Tyrrell and Purser_: unam _MSS._: Sullanam _Orelli_.

X

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano IV K. Mart. a. 705_]

Dionysius cum ad me praeter opinionem meam venisset, locutus sum cum eo liberalissime; tempora exposui, rogavi, ut diceret, quid haberet in animo; me nihil ab ipso invito contendere. Respondit se, quod in nummis haberet, nescire quo loci esset; alios non solvere, aliorum diem nondum esse. Dixit etiam alia quaedam de servulis suis, quare nobiscum

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it was most cowardly; if, as some think, he imagined that their massacre would assist his cause, it was most iniquitous. But let us pass over this, for remembrance adds to my sorrow.

On the evening of the 24th, Balbus the younger came to me, hurrying on a secret errand to the consul Lentulus from Caesar with a letter, a commission, and the promise of a province on condition of his returning to Rome. I don't think that he can be talked over without a personal interview. Balbus said that Caesar was most anxious to meet Pompey (I believe it), and to get on good terms with him. This I do not believe and I fear all his kindness is only a preparation for cruelty like Cinna's. Balbus the elder writes to me that Caesar wants nothing better than to live in safety under Pompey. I expect you will believe that. But while I write this letter on the 25th of February, Pompey may have reached Brundisium. He set out without baggage, and before his legions, on the 19th from Luceria. But that bogy-man has terrible wariness, speed and energy. The future is a riddle to me.

X

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, Feb. 26_, B.C. _49_]

I spoke to Dionysius in the frankest way, when contrary to my expectations he arrived. I told him how matters stood; asked him his intentions, and said that I would not press him against his will. He replied that he did not know where such money as he owned was: that some creditors did not pay, that other debts were not yet due. He said something about his wretched slaves that would prevent his

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esse non posset. Morem gessi; dimisi a me ut magistrum Ciceronum non lubenter, ut hominem ingratum non invitus. Volui te scire, et quid ego de eius facto iudicarem.

XI

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano III K. Mart. a. 705_]

Quod me magno animi motu perturbatum putas, sum equidem, sed non tam magno, quam tibi fortasse videor. Levatur enim omnis cura, cum aut constitit consilium, aut cogitando nihil explicatur. Lamentari autem licet illud quidem totos dies; sed vereor, ne, nihil cum proficiam, etiam dedecori sim studiis ac litteris nostris. Consumo igitur omne tempus considerans, quanta vis sit illius viri, quem nostris libris satis diligenter, ut tibi quidem videmur, expressimus. Tenesne igitur moderatorem illum rei publicae quo referre velimus omnia? Nam sic quinto, ut opinor, in libro loquitur Scipio: "Ut enim gubernatori cursus secundus, medico salus, imperatori victoria, sic huic moderatori rei publicae beata civium vita proposita est, ut opibus firma, copiis locuples, gloria ampla, virtute honesta sit. Huius enim operis maximi inter homines atque optimi illum esse perfectorem volo." Hoc Gnaeus noster cum antea numquam tum in hac causa minime cogitavit. Dominatio quaesita ab utroque est, non id actum, beata et honesta civitas ut esset. Nec vero ille urbem reliquit, quod eam tueri non posset, nec Italiam, quod ea pelleretur, sed hoc a primo cogitavit, omnes terras, omnia maria movere, reges barbaros incitare, gentes feras armatas in Italiam

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staying with me. I acquiesced, sorry to lose a master for my boys; but glad to be rid of an ungrateful fellow. I wanted you to know what happened and my opinion of his conduct.

XI

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, Feb. 27_, B.C. _49_]

As you suppose, I am in great anxiety of mind: but it is not so great as you may imagine. I am rid of care, as soon as resolve is fixed or thought proves futile. Still I may lament my lot as I do all day long. But I fear, since lamentation is idle, I disgrace my philosophy and my works. So I spend my time considering the character of the ideal statesman, who is sketched clearly enough, you seem to think, in my books on the Republic. You remember then the standard by which our ideal governor was to weigh his acts. Here are Scipio's words, in the 5th book, I think it is: "As a safe voyage is the aim of the pilot, health of the physician, victory of the general, so the ideal statesman will aim at happiness for the citizens of the state to give them material security, copious wealth, wide-reaching distinction and untarnished honour. This, the greatest and finest of human achievements, I want him to perform." Pompey never had this notion and least of all in the present cause. Absolute power is what he and Caesar have sought; their aim has not been to secure the happiness and honour of the community. Pompey has not abandoned Rome, because it was impossible to defend, nor Italy on forced compulsion; but it was his idea from the first to plunge the world into war, to stir up barbarous princes, to bring savage tribes into

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adducere, exercitus conficere maximos. Genus illud Sullani regni iam pridem appetitur multis, qui una sunt, cupientibus. An censes nihil inter eos convenire, nullam pactionem fieri potuisse? Hodie potest. Sed neutri σκοπὸς est ille, ut nos beati simus; uterque regnare vult.

Haec a te invitatus breviter exposui. Voluisti enim me, quid, de his mails sentirem, ostendere. Προθεσπίζω igitur, noster Attice, non hariolans ut illa, cui nemo credidit, sed coniectura prospiciens:

"Iamque mari magno--"

non multo, inquam, secus possum vaticinari. Tanta malorum impendet Ἰλιάς. Atque hoc nostra gravior est causa, qui domi sumus, quam illorum, qui una transierunt, quod illi quidem alterum metuunt, nos utrumque. "Cur igitur," inquis, "remansimus?" Vel tibi paruimus vel non occurrimus, vel hoc fuit rectius. Conculcari, inquam, miseram Italiam videbis proxima aestate aut utriusque in mancipiis ex omni genere collectis, nec tam proscriptio pertimescenda, quae Luceriae multis sermonibus denuntiata esse dicitur, quam universae rei p. interitus. Tantas in confligendo utriusque vires video futuras. Habes coniecturam meam. Tu autem consolationis fortasse aliquid exspectasti. Nihil invenio, nihil fieri potest miserius, nihil perditius, nihil foedius.

Quod quaeris, quid Caesar ad me scripserit, quod saepe, gratissimum sibi esse, quod quierim, oratque, in eo ut perseverem. Balbus minor haec eadem mandata. Iter autem eius erat ad Lentulum consulem cum litteris Caesaris praemiorumque promissis, si

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Italy under arms, and to gather a huge army. A sort of Sulla's reign has long been his object, and is the desire of many of his companions. Or do you think that no agreement, no compromise between him and Caesar was possible? Why, it is possible to-day: but neither of them looks to our happiness. Both want to be kings.

[Sidenote: Ennius, _Alexander_.]

At your request I have given an outline of my views; for you wanted an expression of my opinion on these troubles. So I play the prophet, my dear Atticus, not at random like Cassandra whom no one believed, but with imaginative insight. "Now on the great sea" my prophecy runs like the old tag: such an Iliad of woe hangs over us. The case of us, who stay at home, is worse than that of those who have gone with Pompey, for they have only one to fear, while we have both. You ask then, why I stay. Well, in compliance with your request, or because I could not meet Pompey on his departure, or because it was the more honourable course. I say you will see poor Italy trodden down next summer or in the hands of their slaves drawn from every quarter of the globe. It will not be a proscription (in spite of the talk and threats we hear of at Luceria) which we shall have to dread, but general destruction. So huge are the forces that will join in the struggle. That is my prophecy. Perhaps you looked for consolation. I see none: we have reached the limit of misery, ruin and disgrace.

You inquire what Caesar said in his letter. The usual thing, that my inaction pleases him, and he begs me to maintain it. Balbus the younger brought the same message by word of mouth. Balbus was travelling to Lentulus the consul with letters from Caesar, and

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Romam revertisset. Verum, cum habeo rationem dierum, ante puto tramissurum, quam potuerit conveniri.

Epistularum Pompei duarum, quas ad me misit, neglegentiam meamque in rescribendo diligentiam volui tibi notam esse. Earum exempla ad te misi.

Caesaris hic per Apuliam ad Brundisium cursus quid efficiat, exspecto. Utinam aliquid simile Parthicis rebus! Simul aliquid audiero, scribam ad te. Tu ad me velim bonorum sermones. Romae frequentes esse dicuntur. Scio equidem te in publicum non prodire, sed tamen audire te multa necesse est. Memini librum tibi adferri a Demetrio Magnete ad te missum [scio][69] περὶ ὁμονοίας. Eum mihi velim mittas. Vides, quam causam mediter.

[69] scio _deleted by Wesenberg_.

XIa

CN. MAGNUS PROCOS. S. D. M. CICERONI IMP.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Luceriae IV Id. Febr. a. 705_]

Q. Fabius ad me venit a. d. IIII Idus Febr. Is nuntiat L. Domitium cum suis cohortibus XII et cum cohortibus XIIII, quas Vibullius adduxit, ad me iter habere; habuisse in animo proficisci Corfinio a. d. V Idus Febr.; C. Hirrum cum V cohortibus subsequi. Censeo, ad nos Luceriam venias. Nam te hic tutissime puto fore.

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promises of reward, if he would go back to Rome. Reckoning the days, however, I fancy Lepidus will cross the sea, before Balbus can meet him.

I send copies of Pompey's two dispatches to me. Please note his careless style and my careful answer.

I am waiting to see the result of this dash of Caesar's on Brundisium through Apulia. I should like a repetition of the Parthian incident.[70] As soon as I get any news, I will write. Please send me the talk of the loyalists who are said to be numerous at Rome. I know you do not go out, but talk must reach your ears. I remember a book being given to you by Demetrius of Magnesia. It was dedicated to you, and bore the title _On Concord_. I should be glad if you would let me have it. You see the part I am studying.

[70] I.e. a sudden retreat. Cf. VI, 6.

XIa

THE GREETINGS OF CN. MAGNUS PROCONSUL TO CICERO THE IMPERATOR.

[Sidenote: _Luceria, Feb. 10_, B.C. _49_]

Q. Fabius came to me on the 10th of February. He announces that L. Domitius with his twelve cohorts and fourteen cohorts brought by Vibullius is on the march towards me; that he intended to leave Corfinium on the 9th of February and that C. Hirrus with five cohorts follows behind. I think you should come to me at Luceria, for here I imagine will be your safest refuge.

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XIb

M. CICERO IMP. S. D. CN. MAGNO PROCOS.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Formiis XIV K. Mart. a. 705_]

A. d. XV Kalend. Martias Formiis accepi tuas litteras; ex quibus ea, quae in agro Piceno gesta erant, cognovi commodiora esse multo, quam ut erat nobis nuntiatum, Vibullique virtutem industriamque libenter agnovi.

Nos adhuc in ea ora, ubi praepositi sumus, ita fuimus, ut navem paratam haberemus. Ea enim audiebamus et ea verebamur, ut, quodcumque tu consilium cepisses, id nobis persequendum putaremus. Nunc, quoniam auctoritate et consilio tuo in spe firmiore sumus, si teneri posse putas Tarracinam et oram maritimam, in ea manebo, etsi praesidia in oppidis nulla sunt. Nemo enim nostri ordinis in his locis est praeter M. Eppium, quem ego Menturnis esse volui, vigilantem hominem et industrium. Nam L. Torquatum, virum fortem et cum auctoritate, Formiis non habemus, ad te profectum arbitramur.

Ego omnino, ut proxime tibi placuerat, Capuam veni eo ipso die, quo tu Teano Sidicino es profectus. Volueras enim me cum M. Considio pro praetore illa negotia tueri. Cum eo venissem, vidi T. Ampium dilectum habere diligentissime, ab eo accipere Libonem, summa item diligentia et in illa colonia auctoritate. Fui Capuae, quoad consules. Iterum, ut erat edictum a consulibus, veni Capuam ad Nonas Februar. Cum fuissem triduum, recepi me Formias.

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XIb

M. CICERO IMPERATOR GREETINGS TO CN. MAGNUS PROCONSUL.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, Feb. 16_, B.C. _49_]

On the 15th of February I got your letter at Formiae. I gather that matters in Picenum were much more satisfactory than I had heard, and am glad to learn of the bravery and energy of Vibullius.

So far I have stayed on this coast where I was given the command, but I have kept a boat ready. For the news and my fears were such that I felt I must follow any plan you should make. But now your influence and your policy have encouraged me, I will stay in the coast districts and Tarracina, if you think that the district can be held. The towns, however, are without garrison, for there is no member of the Senate in the district except M. Eppius, a man of foresight and energy, whom I desired to stay at Menturnae. The gallant and influential L. Torquatus is not at Formiae, but I fancy has set out to join you.

In entire accord with your latest instructions, I went to Capua on the very day you left Teanum Sidicinum. For you had desired me to take part with M. Considius the propraetor in looking after things there. On arrival I found that T. Ampius was holding a levy with the greatest energy, and that the troops raised were being taken over by Libo, a local man of energy and influence. I stayed at Capua as long as the consuls. Once again in accordance with instructions from the consuls I went to Capua for the 5th of February. After a stay of three days I returned to Formiae.

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Nunc quod tuum consilium aut quae ratio belli sit, ignoro. Si tenendam hanc oram putas, quae et oportunitatem et dignitatem habet et egregios cives, et, ut arbitror, teneri potest, opus est esse, qui praesit; sin omnia in unum locum contrahenda sunt, non dubito, quin ad te statim veniam, quo mihi nihil optatius est, idque tecum, quo die ab urbe discessimus, locutus sum. Ego, si cui adhuc videor segnior fuisse, dum ne tibi videar, non laboro, et tamen, si, ut video, bellum gerendum est, confido me omnibus facile satis facturum. M. Tullium, meum necessarium, ad te misi, cui tu, si tibi videretur, ad me litteras dares.

XIc

CN. MAGNUS PROCOS. S. D. M. CICERONI IMP.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Canusi X K. Mart. a. 705_]

S. V. B. Tuas litteras libenter legi. Recognovi enim tuam pristinam virtutem etiam in salute communi. Consules ad eum exercitum, quem in Apulia habui, venerunt. Magno opere te hortor pro tuo singulari perpetuoque studio in rem publicam, ut te ad nos conferas, ut communi consilio rei publicae adflictae opem atque auxilium feramus. Censeo, via Appia iter facias et celeriter Brundisium venias.

XId

M. CICERO IMP. S. D. CN. MAGNO PROCOS.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Formiis III K. Mart. a. 705_]

Cum ad te litteras misissem, quae tibi Canusi redditae sunt, suspicionem nullam habebam te rei publicae

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At the present moment I do not know what are your ideas and plan of campaign. If you think that this coast should be held--and Capua has a good position and is an important town, not to speak of its loyal inhabitants, and to my mind tenable--a commander is wanted. If your plan is concentration, I will come to you at once without hesitation. Nothing would delight me more, and I told you so on the day of our departure from Rome. I do not trouble about criticisms of inactivity from anyone but yourself. If, as I foresee, war is inevitable, I feel I can easily satisfy every criticism. I have sent my relative M. Tullius in case you may wish to send a reply.

XIc

CN. MAGNUS PROCONSUL SENDS GREETINGS TO CICERO IMPERATOR.

[Sidenote: _Canusium, Febr. 20_, B.C. _49_]

I hope you are well. I was glad to read your letter, for once again I recognized your tried courage in the interests of public safety. The consuls have joined my army in Apulia. I beg you earnestly in the name of your exceptional and continued zeal for the state to join me as well, so that we may plan together to benefit and assist the state in her sore straits. I hold that you should travel by the Appian road and come with speed to Brundisium.

XId

M. CICERO IMPERATOR SENDS GREETINGS TO CN. MAGNUS, PROCONSUL.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, Febr. 27_, B.C. _49_]

When I sent you the letter which was delivered to you at Canusium, I had no idea that the state's

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causa mare transiturum eramque in spe magna fore ut in Italia possemus aut concordiam constituere qua mihi nihil utilius videbatur, aut rem publicam summa cum dignitate defendere. Interim nondum meis litteris ad te perlatis ex iis mandatis, quae D. Laelio ad consules dederas, certior tui consilii factus non exspectavi, dum mihi a te litterae redderentur, confestimque cum Quinto fratre et cum liberis nostris iter ad te in Apuliam facere coepi. Cum Teanum Sidicinum venissem, C. Messius, familiaris tuus, mihi dixit aliique complures Caesarem iter habere Capuam et eo ipso die mansurum esse Aeserniae, Sane sum commotus, quod, si ita esset, non modo iter meum interclusum, sed me ipsum plane exceptum putabam. Itaque tum Cales processi, ut ibi potissimum consisterem, dum certum nobis ab Aesernia de eo, quod audieram, referretur.

At mihi, cum Calibus essem, adfertur litterarum tuarum exemplum, quas tu ad Lentulum consulem misisses. Hae scriptae sic erant, litteras tibi a L. Domitio a. d. XIII Kal. Martias allatas esse (earumque exemplum subscripseras); magnique interesse rei publicae scripseras omnes copias primo quoque tempore in unum locum convenire, et ut, praesidio quod satis esset, Capuae relinqueret. His ego litteris lectis in eadem opinione fui qua reliqui omnes, te cum omnibus copiis ad Corfinium esse venturum; quo mihi, cum Caesar ad oppidum castra haberet, tutum iter esse non abritrabar.

Cum res in summa exspectatione esset, utrumque simul audivimus, et quae Corfini acta essent, et te iter Brundisium facere coepisse; cumque nec mihi nec fratri meo dubium esset, quin Brundisium contenderemus,

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welfare would drive you to flight across the seas, and I had great hopes that it might be in Italy we should either conclude peace (the wisest course to my mind) or fight for the state with honour untarnished. My letter cannot have reached you yet, but from the message which you entrusted to D. Laelius for the consuls I learnt of your plans. I did not wait for a reply to my letter, but forthwith set out along with my brother Quintus and the children to join you in Apulia. On arrival at Teanum Sidicinum I was told by your friend C. Messius, and many other people, that Caesar was on his way to Capua, and would bivouac that very day at Aesernia. I was really startled, as it occurred to me, that, if that was so, my road was closed, and I myself was quite captured. So I went to Cales, choosing that particular place to stay at, till I should get certain news from Aesernia as to the rumour I had heard.

At Cales I received a copy of your letter to Lentulus the consul. Its purport was that you had got a letter (of which you subjoined a copy) from L. Domitius on the 17th of February, and you considered it of the greatest public importance to concentrate your forces on the earliest possible occasion, and that a sufficient garrison should be left at Capua. On the perusal of this dispatch I agreed with others in supposing that you would come in full force to Corfinium. As Caesar was encamped against the town, I considered the road thither was not safe for me.

Anxiously awaiting news, I heard two reports at the same time: news of the affair of Corfinium, and that you were coming to Brundisium. Neither I nor my brother had any hesitation about starting for

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a multis, qui e Samnio Apuliaque veniebant, admoniti sumus, ut caveremus, ne exciperemur a Caesare, quod is in eadem loca, quae nos petebamus, profectus celerius etiam, quam nos possemus, eo, quo intenderet, venturus esset. Quod cum ita esset, nec mihi nec fratri meo nec cuiquam amicorum placuit committere, ut temeritas nostra non solum nobis, sed etiam rei publicae noceret, cum praesertim non dubitaremus, quin, si etiam tutum nobis iter fuisset, te tamen iam consequi non possemus.

Interim accepimus tuas litteras Canusio a. d. X K. Martias datas, quibus nos hortaris, ut celerius Brundisium veniamus. Quas cum accepissemus a. d. III K. Martias, non dubitabamus, quin tu iam Brundisium pervenisses, nobisque iter illud omnino interclusum videbamus neque minus nos esse captos, quam qui Corfini fuissent. Neque enim eos solos arbitrabamur capi, qui in armatorum manus incidissent, sed ecs nihilo minus, qui regionibus exclusi intra praesidia atque intra arma aliena venissent.

Quod cum ita sit, maxime vellem primum semper tecum fuissem; quod quidem tibi ostenderam, cum a me Capuam reiciebam. Quod feci non vitandi oneris causa, sed quod videbam teneri illam urbem sine exercitu non posse, accidere autem mihi nolebam, quod doleo viris fortissimis accidisse. Quoniam autem, tecum ut essem, non contigit, utinam tui consilii certior factus essem! Nam suspicione adsequi non potui, quod omnia prius arbitratus sum fore, quam ut haec rei publicae causa in Italia non posset duce te consistere. Neque vero nunc consilium tuum reprehendo, sed fortunam rei publicae lugeo nec, si

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Brundisium, when many travellers from Samnium and Apulia warned us to beware of capture, because Caesar had set out for the same destination, and was likely to reach there quicker than ourselves. Under those circumstances, I, my brother and our friends were reluctant to allow any rashness of ours to damage the state as well as ourselves. Moreover, we were sure that, even if our path were clear, we could not overtake you.

Meanwhile I got a letter from you dated at Canusium, of the 20th of February, in which you urged me to hasten to Brundisium. Receiving this on the 27th, I felt confident you must have arrived at Brundisium, and I saw that our road was quite cut off and we were as completely captured as the people at Corfinium, for I do not only consider captured those who fall into the hands of armed bands, but equally those who, being shut off from a district, find themselves hedged between a garrison and an enemy in the field.

This being so, my first and chiefest wish is that I had stayed with you all the time. I showed you as much when I gave up command at Capua. I did so, not to shirk my duty, but because I saw that the city could not be held without troops, and I was reluctant to suffer the fate which I am sorry to hear has befallen some very brave men. Since, however, I have not had the fortune to be with you, would that I were acquainted with your plans, for I cannot imagine them, having hitherto thought that the last thing to happen would be that the national cause would not hold its own in Italy under your leadership. I do not criticize your plan, but I bewail the misfortunes of the state. If I cannot guess your

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ego, quid tu sis secutus, non perspicio, idcirco minus existimo te nihil nisi summa ratione fecisse.

Mea quae semper fuerit sententia primum de pace vel iniqua condicione retinenda, deinde de urbe (nam de Italia quidem nihil mihi umquam ostenderas), meminisse te arbitror. Sed mihi non sumo, ut meum consilium valere debuerit; secutus sum tuum neque id rei publicae causa, de qua desperavi, quae et nunc adflicta est nec excitari sine civili perniciosissimo bello potest, sed te quaerebam, tecum esse cupiebam neque eius rei facultatem, si quae erit, praetermittam.

Ego me in hac omni causa facile intellegebam pugnandi cupidis hominibus non satis facere. Primum enim prae me tuli me nihil malle quam pacem, non quin eadem timerem quae illi, sed ea bello civili leviora ducebam. Deinde suscepto bello, cum pacis condiciones ad te adferri a teque ad eas honorifice et large responderi viderem, duxi meam rationem; quam tibi facile me probaturum pro tuo in me beneficio arbitrabar. Memineram me esse unum, qui pro meis maximis in rem publicam meritis supplicia miserrima et crudelissima pertulissem, me esse unum, qui, si offendissem eius animum, cui tum, cum iam in armis essemus, consulatus tamen alter et triumphus amplissimus deferebatur, subicerer eisdem proeliis, ut mea persona semper ad improborum civium impetus aliquid videretur habere populare. Atque haec non ego prius sum suspicatus, quam mihi palam denuntiata sunt, neque ea tam pertimui, si subeunda essent, quam declinanda putavi, si honeste vitare possem. Quam brevem illius temporis, dum in spe pax fuit,

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policy, I still suppose that you have done nothing without cogent reasons.

I think you remember that my vote has always been for peace, even on poor terms, and secondly for holding the city. As to Italy you gave me no inkling. I do not claim that my policy should have prevailed. I followed yours, not indeed for the sake of the state, of which I despaired and which even now lies in ruin and cannot be restored without a most calamitous civil war, but I wanted you, I longed to be with you, nor will I omit any opportunity that may occur of attaining my wish.

In the whole of this crisis I was well aware that my policy of peace did not please the advocates of war. In the first place I professed to prefer peace above all things, not because I had not the same fears as they had, but because I counted those fears of less moment than intestine war. Then indeed, after war had begun, when I saw terms of peace offered to you, and met by you in an honourable and generous way, I began to consider what my own interests were. That line of conduct I suppose your kindness will easily excuse. I remembered that I was the one man of all others who had suffered most cruel misery and punishment for the greatest services to the state; that I was the one man who, if I had offended Caesar (Caesar to whom was offered even on the eve of battle a second consulship and a princely triumph), would be subjected to the same struggle as before; for a personal attack on me seems to be always popular with the disloyal. This idea only came to me after open threats. It was not persecution I feared, if it were inevitable, but I thought I should seek any escape that honour could allow. There is an outline

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rationem nostram vides, reliqui facultatem res ademit. Iis autem, quibus non satis facio, facile respondeo. Neque enim ego amicior C. Caesari umquam fui quam illi neque illi amiciores rei publicae quam ego. Hoc inter me et illos interest, quod, cum et illi cives optimi sint, et ego ab ista laude non absim, ego condicionibus, quod idem te intellexeram velle, illi armis disceptari maluerunt. Quae quoniam ratio vicit, perficiam profecto, ut neque res publica civis a me animum neque tu amici desideres.

XII

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Formiis prid. K. Mart. a. 705_]

Mihi molestior lippitudo erat etiam, quam ante fuerat. Dictare tamen hanc epistulam malui quam Gallo Fadio amantissimo utriusque nostrum nihil ad te litterarum dare. Nam pridie quidem, quoquo modo potueram, scripseram ipse eas litteras, quarum vaticinationem falsam esse cupio. Huius autem epistulae non solum ea causa est, ut ne quis a me dies intermittatur, quin dem ad te litteras, sed etiam haec iustior, ut a te impetrarem, ut sumeres aliquid temporis, quo quia tibi perexiguo opus est, explicari mihi tuum consilium plane volo, ut penitus intellegam.

Omnia sunt integra nobis; nihil praetermissum est, quod non habeat sapientem excusationem, non modo probabilem. Nam certe neque tum peccavi, cum

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of my policy while there was hope of peace; its fulfilment was cut short by circumstances. I have an easy reply to my critics. I have never been more friendly to Caesar than they, and they are not more friendly to the state than I. The difference between them and me is this: they are loyal citizens, and I too deserve the title, but I wanted settlement on terms which I understood you also desired, and they wanted settlement by arms. Since their policy has won, I will do my best that the state may not find me fail in the duties of a citizen, nor you in the duties of a friend.

XII

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, Febr. 28_, B.C. _49_]

I am even more troubled by inflammation of the eyes than I was before. Still I prefer to dictate this letter, rather than let Gallus Fadius, who has a sincere regard for us both, have no letter to give you. Yesterday I wrote myself to the best of my ability a letter containing prognostications, which I hope may prove false. One excuse for the present missive is my desire to let no day pass without communicating with you, but there is a still more reasonable excuse, to beg you to devote a little time to my case, and, as it will be a short business, I hope you will explain your view thoroughly and make it quite intelligible to me.

I have not committed myself at all. There has been no omission on my part for which I cannot give not merely a plausible but a reasonable excuse. Assuredly I was not guilty of any fault, when, to avoid

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imparatam Capuam non solum ignaviae dedecus, sed etiam perfidiae suspicionem fugiens accipere nolui, neque cum post condiciones pacis per L. Caesarem et L. Fabatum allatas cavi, ne animum eius offenderem, cui Pompeius iam armatus armato consulatum triumphumque deferret. Nec vero haec extrema quisquam potest iure reprehendere, quod mare non transierim. Id enim, etsi erat deliberationis, tamen obire non potui. Neque enim suspicari debui, praesertim cum ex ipsius Pompei litteris, idem quod video te existimasse, non dubitarim, quin is Domitio subventurus esset, et plane, quid rectum et quid faciendum mihi esset, diutius cogitare malui.

Primum igitur, haec qualia tibi esse videantur, etsi significata sunt a te, tamen accuratius mihi perscribas velim, deinde aliquid etiam in posterum prospicias fingasque, quem me esse deceat, et ubi me plurimum prodesse rei publicae sentias, ecquae pacifica persona desideretur an in bellatore sint omnia.

Atque ego, qui omnia officio metior, recordor tamen tua consilia; quibus si paruissem, tristitiam illorum temporum non subissem. Memini, quid mihi tum suaseris per Theophanem, per Culleonem, idque saepe ingemiscens sum recordatus. Quare nunc saltem ad illos calculos revertamur, quos tum abiecimus, ut non solum gloriosis consiliis utamur, sed etiam paulo salubrioribus. Sed nihil praescribo; accurate velim perscribas tuam ad me sententiam. Volo etiam exquiras, quam diligentissime poteris

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blame for cowardice and the charge of treachery to boot, I refused to take over Capua in its unprepared state. Nor am I to blame, when, after L. Caesar and L. Fabatus had brought terms of peace, I took precautions not to incur the enmity of a man to whom Pompey was offering the consulship and a triumph, when both were under arms. Finally I cannot rightly be called to account for not crossing the sea: for, though that was a course which was worthy of consideration, still I could not keep Pompey's appointment. Nor could I guess his policy, especially as from his own letter, as I see you inferred, I had no idea that he would fail to relieve Domitius. And certainly I wanted time to consider what was right and what I ought to do.

Firstly, then, I wish you would write me a careful account of your views, though you have already outlined them, and secondly that you would glance at the future, and give me an idea of what course you think would become me, where you suppose I can serve the state best, and whether the part of a man of peace is required at all, or whether everything depends on a fighter.

And I, who test everything by the standard of duty, yet remember your advice. Had I followed it, I should have been saved from the wretchedness of that crisis in my life. I call to mind the counsel you sent me then by Theophanes and Culleo, and the memory of it often makes me groan. So let me now at last go over the old reckoning which then I cast aside, to the end that I may follow a plan, which has in view not only glory, but also some measure of safety. However, I make no conditions: please give me your candid opinion. And please use your best energies to

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(habebis autem, per quos possis), quid Lentulus noster, quid Domitius agat, quid acturus sit, quem ad modum nunc se gerant, num quem accusent, num cui suscenseant--quid dico num cui? num Pompeio. Omnino culpam omnem Pompeius in Domitium confert, quod ipsius litteris cognosci potest, quarum exemplum ad te misi. Haec igitur videbis, et, quod ad te ante scripsi, Demetri Magnetis librum, quem ad te misit de concordia, velim mihi mittas.

XIIa

CN. MAGNUS PROCOS. S. D. C. MARCELLO, L. LENTULO COSS.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Luceriae XIII aut XII K. Mart. a. 705_]

Ego, quod existimabam dispersos nos neque rei publicae utiles neque nobis praesidio esse posse, idcirco ad L. Domitium litteras misi, primum uti ipse cum omni copia ad nos veniret; si de se dubitaret, ut cohortes XVIIII, quae ex Piceno ad me iter habebant, ad nos mitteret. Quod veritus sum, factum est, ut Domitius implicaretur et neque ipse satis firmus esset ad castra facienda, quod meas XVIIII et suas XII cohortes tribus in oppidis distributas haberet (nam partim Albae, partim Sulmone collocavit), neque se, si vellet, expedire posset.

Nunc scitote me esse in summa sollicitudine. Nam et tot et tales viros periculo obsidionis liberare cupio neque subsidio ire possum, quod his duabus legionibus

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inquire (for you have suitable agents) what our friend Lentulus and what Domitius is doing, what they intend to do, what is their present attitude, whether they blame or are annoyed with anyone--why do I say anyone?--I mean Pompey. Pompey does not hesitate to put the whole blame on Domitius, as can be inferred from his letter, of which I send you a copy. So please consider these points, and, as I wrote you before, kindly send me that volume _On Concord_, by Demetrius of Magnesia, which he sent to you.

XIIa

CN. MAGNUS PROCONSUL SENDS GREETING TO THE CONSULS C. MARCELLUS AND L. LENTULUS.

[Sidenote: _Luceria, Feb. 17 or 18_, B.C. _49_]

As I considered that with divided forces we could be of no service to the state and no protection to one another, I sent a dispatch to L. Domitius to come to me at once with all his forces, and that, if he was dubious about himself, he should send me the nineteen cohorts, which as a matter of fact were on the march to me from Picenum. My fears have been realized. Domitius has been trapped and is not strong enough himself to pitch a camp, because he has my nineteen and his own twelve cohorts scattered in three towns (for some he has stationed at Alba and some at Sulmo), and he is unable to free himself even if he wished.

I must inform you that this has caused me the greatest anxiety. I am anxious to free men so numerous and of such importance from the danger of a siege, and I cannot go to their assistance, because I do not think that I can trust these two

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non puto esse committendum, ut illuc ducantur, ex quibus tamen non amplius XIIII cohortes contrahere potui, quod duas Brundisium misi neque Canusium sine praesidio, dum abessem, putavi esse dimittendum.

D. Laelio mandaram, quod maiores copias sperabam nos habituros, ut, si vobis videretur, alter uter vestrum ad me veniret, alter in Siciliam cum ea copia, quam Capuae et circum Capuam comparastis, et cum iis militibus, quos Faustus legit, proficisceretur, Domitius cum XII suis cohortibus eodem adiungeretur, reliquae copiae omnes Brundisium cogerentur et inde navibus Dyrrachium transportarentur. Nunc, cum hoc tempore nihilo magis ego quam vos subsidio Domitio ire possim, ... se per montes explicare non est nobis committendum, ut ad has XIIII cohortes, quas dubio animo habeo, hostis accedere aut in itinere me consequi possit.

Quam ob rem placitum est mihi (talia video[71] censeri M. Marcello et ceteris nostri ordinis, qui hic sunt), ut Brundisium ducerem hanc copiam, quam mecum habeo. Vos hortor, ut, quodcumque militum contrahere poteritis, contrahatis et eodem Brundisium veniatis quam primum. Arma quae ad me missuri eratis, iis censeo armetis milites, quos vobiscum habetis. Quae arma superabunt, ea si Brundisium iumentis deportaritis, vehementer rei publicae profueritis. De hac re velim nostros certiores faciatis. Ego ad P. Lupum et C. Coponium praetores misi, ut se vobis coniungerent, et militum quod haberent ad vos deducerent.

[71] talia video _Tyrrell_; altia video _MSS._

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legions to march to that place: moreover I have not been able to bring together more than fourteen cohorts of them, because two were sent to Brundisium, and Canusium to my mind could not be left without a garrison in my absence.

Hoping to collect larger forces I instructed D. Laelius, that with your approval one of you should come to me, and the other set out for Sicily with the force you have collected at Capua and in the neighbourhood, and with Faustus' recruits; that Domitius with his twelve cohorts should join up, and all the other troops should concentrate at Brundisium, and from thence be taken by sea to Dyrrachium. Now, since at the present time I am no more able than yourselves to go to Domitius' assistance [and it remains for him][72] to extricate himself by the mountain route, I must take steps that the enemy may not meet my fourteen doubtful cohorts or overtake me on the march.

[72] Some words appear to be missing here.

Accordingly--and I see M. Marcellus and other members of the House who are here approve--I am resolved to lead my present forces to Brundisium. You I urge to concentrate all the forces you can and to come with them to Brundisium at the first opportunity. I consider that the arms which you meant to send to me should be used to arm your troops. If you will have the remaining arms carted to Brundisium, you will have done the state great service. Please give these instructions to my supporters. I am sending word to the praetors, P. Lupus and C. Coponius, to join you with whatever soldiery they have.

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XIIb

CN. MAGNUS PROCOS. S. D. L. DOMITIO PROCOS.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Luceriae III aut prid. Id. Febr. a. 705_]

Valde miror te ad me nihil scribere et potius ab aliis quam a te de re publica me certiorem fieri. Nos disiecta manu pares adversario esse non possumus; contractis nostris copiis spero nos et rei publicae et communi saluti prodesse posse. Quam ob rem, cum constituisses, ut Vibullius mihi scripserat, a. d. V Id. Febr. Corfinio proficisci cum exercitu et ad me venire, miror, quid causae fuerit, quare consilium mutaris. Nam illa causa, quam mihi Vibullius scribit, levis est, te propterea moratum esse, quod audieris Caesarem Firmo progressum in Castrum Truentinum venisse. Quanto enim magis appropinquare adversarius coepit, eo tibi celerius agendum erat, ut te mecum coniungeres, priusquam Caesar aut tuum iter impedire aut me abs te excludere posset.

Quam ob rem etiam atque etiam te rogo et hortor, id quod non destiti superioribus litteris a te petere, ut primo quoque die Luceriam ad me venires, antequam copiae, quas instituit Caesar contrahere, in unum locum coactae vos a nobis distrahant. Sed, si erunt, qui te impediant, ut villas suas servent, aequum est me a te impetrare, ut cohortes, quae ex Piceno et Camerino venerunt, quae fortunas suas reliquerunt, ad me missum facias.

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XIIb

GREETINGS FROM CN. MAGNUS PROCONSUL TO L. DOMITIUS PROCONSUL.

[Sidenote: _Luceria, Feb. 11 or 12_, B.C. _49_]

I am greatly astonished that you send me no letters, and that I am kept informed of the political situation by others rather than yourself. With divided forces we cannot hope to cope with the enemy: united, I trust we may do something for the safety of our country. Wherefore, as you had arranged, according to Vibullius' letter, to start with your army from Corfinium on the 9th of February and to come to me, I wonder what reason there has been for your change of plan. The reason mentioned by Vibullius is trivial, namely that you were delayed on hearing that Caesar had left Firmum and arrived at Castrum Truentinum. For the nearer our enemy begins to approach, the quicker you ought to have joined forces with me, before Caesar could obstruct your march or cut me off from you.

Wherefore again and again I entreat and exhort you--as I did in my previous letter--to come to Luceria on the first possible day, before the forces which Caesar has begun to collect can concentrate and divide us. But, if people try to keep you back to protect their country seats, I must ask you to dispatch to me the cohorts, which have come from Picenum and Camerinum abandoning their own interests.

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XIIc

CN. MAGNUS PROCOS. S. D. L. DOMITIO PROCOS.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Luceriae XIV K. Mart. a. 705_]

Litteras abs te M. Calenius ad me attulit a d. XIIII Kal. Martias; in quibus litteris scribis tibi in animo esse observare Caesarem, et, si secundum mare ad me ire coepisset, confestim in Samnium ad me venturum, sin autem ille circum istaec loca commoraretur, te ei, si propius accessisset, resistere velle.

Te animo magno et forti istam rem agere existimo, sed diligentius nobis est videndum, ne distracti pares esse adversario non possimus, cum ille magnas copias habeat et maiores brevi habiturus sit. Non enim pro tua prudentia debes illud solum animadvertere, quot in praesentia cohortes contra te habeat Caesar, sed quantas brevi tempore equitum et peditum copias contracturus sit. Cui rei testimonio sunt litterae, quas Bussenius ad me misit; in quibus scribit, id quod ab aliis quoque mihi scribitur, praesidia Curionem, quae in Umbria et Tuscis erant, contrahere et ad Caesarem iter facere. Quae si copiae in unum locum fuerint coactae, ut pars exercitus ad Albam mittatur, pars ad te accedat, ut non pugnet, sed locis suis repugnet, haerebis, neque solus cum ista copia tantam multitudinem sustinere poteris, ut frumentatum eas.

Quam ob rem te magno opere hortor, ut quam primum cum omnibus copiis hoc venias. Consules constituerunt idem facere. Ego M. Tuscilio ad te

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XIIc

CN. MAGNUS PROCONSUL SENDS GREETING TO L. DOMITIUS PROCONSUL.

[Sidenote: _Luceria, Feb. 16_, B.C. _49_]

M. Calenius has brought me a letter from you dated the 16th of February, in which you express the intention of watching Caesar and hurrying to join me in Samnium, if he shall begin to march against me along the coast: but, if he linger in your neighbourhood, you say you wish to oppose his nearer advance.

To my mind your policy is ambitious and brave, but we must take great care that, if divided, we may not be outmatched by the enemy, since Caesar has numerous troops and in a short time will have more. A man of your judgement ought to bear in mind not only the size of Caesar's present array against you but the number of infantry and cavalry that he will soon collect. Evidence of that contingency is in the letter which Bussenius dispatched to me, and it agrees with the missives from others in stating that Curio is concentrating the garrisons which were in Umbria and Etruria and marching to join Caesar. With these forces combined, though one division may be sent to Alba, and another advance on you, and though Caesar may refrain from the offensive and be content to defend his position, still you will be in a fix, nor will you be able with your following to make sufficient head against such numbers to allow of your sending out foraging parties.

Therefore I beg you earnestly to come here on the first opportunity with all your forces. The consuls have decided to do the same. I have instructed

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mandata dedi providendum esse, ne duae legiones sine Picentinis cohortibus in conspectum Caesaris committerentur. Quam ob rem nolito commoveri, si audieris me regredi, si forte Caesar ad me veniet; cavendum enim puto esse, ne implicatus haeream. Nam neque castra propter anni tempus et militum animos facere possum, neque ex omnibus oppidis contrahere copias expedit, ne receptum amittam. Itaque non amplius xiiii cohortes Luceriam coegi. Consules praesidia omnia deducturi sunt aut in Siciliam ituri. Nam aut exercitum firmum habere oportet, quo confidamus perrumpere nos posse, aut regiones eius modi obtinere, e quibus repugnemus; id quod neutrum nobis hoc tempore contigit, quod et magnam partem Italiae Caesar occupavit, et nos non habemus exercitum tam amplum neque tam magnum quam ille. Itaque nobis providendum est, ut summam rei publicae rationem habeamus. Etiam atque etiam te hortor, ut cum omni copia quam primum ad me venias. Possumus etiam nunc rem publicam erigere, si communi consilio negotium administrabimus; si distrahemur, infirmi erimus. Mihi hoc constitutum est.

His litteris scriptis Sicca abs te mihi litteras et mandata attulit. Quod me hortare, ut istuc veniam, id me facere non arbitror posse, quod non magno opere his legionibus confido.

XIId

CN. MAGNUS PROCOS. S. D. L. DOMITIO PROCOS.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Luceriae XIII K. Mart. 705_]

Litterae mihi a te redditae sunt a. d. XIII Kal. Martias, in quibus scribis Caesarem apud Corfinium

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M. Tuscilius to tell you that we must beware lest the two legions without the cohorts from Picenum come within sight of Caesar. Accordingly do not be disturbed if you hear of my retreat in the face of Caesar's possible advance, for I consider that I must take every step to avoid being trapped. The season of the year and the spirit of my troops prevents me from making a camp; nor is it wise to collect the garrisons from all the towns, lest room for retreat be lost. So I have not mustered more than fourteen cohorts at Luceria. The consuls will bring in all their garrisons to me or start for Sicily. We must either have an army strong enough to allow of our breaking through the enemy's lines, or get and hold localities we can defend. At the present moment we have neither of those advantages: a large part of Italy is held by Caesar, and our army is neither so well equipped nor so large as his. We must therefore take care to look to the main issue. Again and again I beg you to come to me as soon as possible with all your forces. Even now the constitution may be restored, if we take common counsel in our action. Division means weakness: of that I am positive.

After I had written my letter Sicca brought me a dispatch and message from you. I fear I cannot comply with your request for assistance, because I do not put much trust in these legions.

XIId

CN. MAGNUS PROCONSUL SENDS SALUTATION TO DOMITIUS PROCONSUL.

[Sidenote: _Luceria Feb. 17_, B.C. _49_]

A dispatch from you reached me on the 17th of February saying that Caesar had pitched his camp in

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castra posuisse. Quod putavi et praemonui, fit, ut nec in praesentia committere tecum proelium velit et omnibus copiis conductis te implicet, ne ad me iter tibi expeditum sit atque istas copias coniungere optimorum civium possis cum his legionibus, de quarum voluntate dubitamus. Quo etiam magis tuis litteris sum commotus. Neque enim eorum militum, quos mecum habeo, voluntate satis confido, ut de omnibus fortunis rei publicae dimicem, neque etiam, qui ex dilectibus conscripti sunt consulibus, convenerunt.

Quare da operam, si ulla ratione etiam nunc efficere potes, ut te explices, hoc quam primum venias, antequam omnes copiae ad adversarium conveniant. Neque enim celeriter ex dilectibus hoc homines convenire possunt, et, si convenirent, quantum iis committendum sit, qui inter se ne noti quidem sunt, contra veteranas legiones, non te praeterit.

XIII

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Formiis K. Mart. a. 705_]

Lippitudinis meae signum tibi sit librarii manus et eadem causa brevitatis; etsi nunc quidem, quod scriberem, nihil erat. Omnis exspectatio nostra erat in nuntiis Brundisinis. Si nanctus hic esset Gnaeum nostrum, spes dubia pacis, sin ille ante tramisisset, exitiosi belli metus. Sed videsne, in quem hominem inciderit res publica, quam acutum, quam vigilantem, quam paratum? Si mehercule neminem occiderit nec cuiquam quicquam ademerit, ab iis, qui eum maxime timuerant, maxime diligetur. Multum mecum municipales homines loquuntur, multum rusticani; nihil

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the neighbourhood of Corfinium. What I expected and foretold has happened: he refuses to meet you in the field at present, and he is hemming you in with all his forces concentrated, so that the road may not be clear for you to join me and unite your loyal contingent with my legions whose allegiance is questionable. Consequently I am all the more upset by your dispatch: for I cannot place sufficient confidence in the loyalty of my men to risk a decisive engagement, nor have the levies recruited for the consuls come here.

So do your best, if any tactics can extricate you even now, to join me as soon as possible before our enemy can concentrate all his forces. The levies cannot reach here at an early date, and, even if they were concentrated, you must see how little trust can be put in troops, which do not even know one another by sight, when facing a veteran army.

XIII

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, March 1_, B.C. _49_]

Let my secretary's handwriting be proof that I am suffering from inflammation of the eyes, and that is my reason for brevity, though now to be sure I have no news. I depend entirely on news from Brundisium. If Caesar has come up with our friend Pompey, there is some slight hope of peace: but, if Pompey has crossed the sea, we must look for war and massacre. Do you see the kind of man into whose hands the state has fallen? What foresight, what energy, what readiness! Upon my word, if he refrain from murder and rapine, he will be the darling of those who dreaded him most. The people of the country towns and the farmers talk to me a great deal. They care for nothing at all

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prorsus aliud curant nisi agros, nisi villulas, nisi nummulos suos. Et vide, quam conversa res sit; illum, quo antea confidebant, metuunt, hunc amant, quem timebant. Id quantis nostris peccatis vitiisque evenerit, non possum sine molestia cogitare. Quae autem impendere putarem, scripseram ad te et iam tuas litteras exspectabam.

XIV

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Formiis VI Non. Mart. a. 705_]

Non dubito, quin tibi odiosae sint epistulae cotidianae, cum praesertim neque nova de re aliqua certiorem te faciam neque novam denique iam reperiam scribendi ullam sententiam. Sed, si dedita opera, cum causa nulla esset, tabellarios ad te cum inanibus epistulis mitterem, facerem inepte; euntibus vero, domesticis praesertim, ut nihil ad te dem litterarum, facere non possum et simul, crede mihi, requiesco paulum in his miseriis, cum quasi tecum loquor, cum vero tuas epistulas lego, multo etiam magis. Omnino intellego nullum fuisse tempus post has fugas et formidines nostras, quod magis debuerit mutum esse a litteris, propterea quod neque Romae quicquam auditur novi nec in his locis, quae a Brundisio absunt propius quam tu bidui aut tridui.[73] Brundisi autem omne certamen vertitur huius primi temporis. Qua quidem exspectatione torqueor. Sed omnia ante Nonas sciemus. Eodem enim die video Caesarem a Corfinio post meridiem profectum esse, id est Feralibus, quo Canusio mane Pompeium. Eo modo autem ambulat Caesar et iis congiariis militum celeritatem incitat, ut timeam, ne citius ad Brundisium, quam

[73] bidui aut tridui _Reid_: biduum aut triduum _MSS._

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but their lands, their little homesteads and their tiny hoards. And see how public opinion has changed. They fear the man they once trusted, and adore the man they once dreaded. It pains me to think of the mistakes and wrongs of ours that are responsible for this reaction. I wrote you what I thought would be our fate, and I now await a letter from you.

XIV

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, March 2_ B.C. _49_]

I have no doubt my daily letter must bore you, especially as I have no fresh news, nor can I find any new excuse for a letter. If I should employ special messengers to convey my chatter to you without reason, I should be a fool: but I cannot refrain from entrusting letters to folk who are bound for Rome, especially when they are members of my household. Believe me, too, when I seem to talk with you, I have some little relief from sorrow, and, when I read a letter from you, far greater relief. I am quite aware that there has been no time, since fear drove me to flight, when silence and no letters would have been more appropriate, for the good reason that there is no fresh news at Rome, nor here--two or three days' journey nearer Brundisium. The issue of this first campaign will turn entirely on the action at Brundisium: and I am on thorns to hear the result. However, all will be known by the 7th. On the noon of the day (that is the 21st of February), on the morning of which Pompey left Canusium, I see that Caesar set out from Corfinium. But Caesar marches in such a way, and so spurs his men with largess, that I fear he may reach Brundisium sooner than we

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opus sit, accesserit. Dices: "Quid igitur proficis, qui anticipes eius rei molestiam, quam triduo sciturus sis?" Nihil equidem; sed, ut supra dixi, tecum perlibenter loquor, et simul scito labare meum consilium illud, quod satis iam fixum videbatur. Non mihi satis idonei sunt auctores ii, qui a te probantur. Quod enim umquam eorum in re publica forte factum exstitit? aut quis ab iis ullam rem laude dignam desiderat? Nec mehercule laudandos existimo, qui trans mare belli parandi causa profecti sunt. Quamquam haec ferenda non erant. Video enim, quantum id bellum et quam pestiferum futurum sit. Sed me movet unus vir; cuius fugientis comes, rem publicam recuperantis socius videor esse debere. "Totiensne igitur sententiam mutas?" Ego tecum tamquam mecum loquor. Quis autem est, tanta quidem de re quin varie secum ipse disputet? simul et elicere cupio sententiam tuam, si manet, ut firmior sim, si mutata est, ut tibi adsentiar. Omnino ad id, de quo dubito, pertinet me scire, quid Domitius acturus sit, quid noster Lentulus.

De Domitio varia audimus, modo esse in Tiburti haut lepide, modo cum Lepidis[74] accessisse ad urbem, quod item falsum video esse. Ait enim Lepidus eum nescio quo penetrasse itineribus occultis occultandi sui causa an maris apiscendi, ne is quidem scit. Ignorat etiam de filio. Addit illud sane molestum, pecuniam Domitio satis grandem, quam is Corfini habuerit, non esse redditam. De Lentulo autem nihil audimus. Haec velim exquiras ad meque perscribas.

[74] aut lepidi quo cum lepidus _M_: _the reading of the text is that of Tyrrell, who suspects a pun on the name Lepidus_.

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want. You may wonder why I forestall disagreeable tidings which will be known in three days' time. I have no reason, except, as I said before, that I love to talk to you; and at the same time I want you to know that what I had counted my fixed resolve is shaken. The precedents you quote with approval don't quite fit my case. They are those of men who have never distinguished themselves by great political action, and are not looked up to for any act of merit. Nor, let me tell you, have I any praise for those who have crossed the sea to make preparations for war--unbearable as things here were. For I foresee how great and calamitous that war will be. I am influenced only by one man, whom I think I ought to accompany in flight, and help in the restoration of the constitution. I may seem variable; but I talk with you as I talk with myself, and there is no one who, in such a crisis, does not view matters in many lights. Moreover, I want to get your opinion, to encourage me, if you have not changed it, or otherwise to win my assent. It is particularly necessary for me to know in my dilemma what course Domitius and my friend Lentulus will take.

As for Domitius I hear many reports: at one time that he is at Tibur out of sorts, at another that he has consorted with the Lepidi in their march to Rome. That I see is untrue. For Lepidus says that he is following a hidden path, but whether to hide or reach the sea even he does not know. Lepidus has no news about his son either. He adds a provoking detail, that Domitius has failed to get back a large sum of money which he had at Corfinium. Of Lentulus I have no news. Please make inquiries on these points and inform me.

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XV

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Formiis V Non. Mart. a. 705_]

A. d. V Nonas Martias epistulas mihi tuas Aegypta reddidit, unam veterem, IIII Kal. quam te scribis dedisse Pinario, quem non vidimus; in qua exspectas, quidnam praemissus agat Vibullius, qui omnino non est visus a Caesare (id altera epistula video te scire ita esse), et quem ad modum redeuntem excipiam Caesarem, quem omnino vitare cogito, et αὐθήμερον[75] fugam intendis[76] commutationemque vitae tuae, quod tibi puto esse faciendum, et ignoras, Domitius cum fascibusne sit. Quod cum scies, facies, ut sciamus. Habes ad primam epistulam.

[75] _I have ventured to read_ αὐθήμερον _for the corrupt_ authemonis _of M, as being an easy alteration palæographically. Many suggestions have been made_ (_e.g._ Automedontis _by Müller_).

[76] intendis _F. Schütz_: tendis _MSS._

Secutae sunt duae pr. Kal. ambae datae, quae me convellerunt de pristino statu iam tamen, ut ante ad te scripsi, labantem. Nec me movet, quod scribis "Iovi ipsi iniquum." Nam periculum in utriusque iracundia positum est, victoria autem ita incerta, ut deterior causa paratior mihi esse videatur. Nec me consules movent, qui ipsi pluma aut folio facilius moventur. Officii me deliberatio cruciat cruciavitque adhuc. Cautior certe est mansio, honestior existimatur traiectio. Malo interdum, multi me non caute quam pauci non honeste fecisse existiment. De Lepido et Tullo quod quaeris, illi vero non dubitant,

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XV

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, March 3_ B.C. _49_]

On the 3rd of March Aegypta[77] brought me your letters, one an old one dated February 26, which you say you handed to Pinarius, whom I have not seen. In that letter you were waiting to hear the result of Vibullius' advance mission. He did not meet Caesar at all, as I see from your second letter you are aware. You also wanted to know how I shall receive Caesar on his return. I intend to shun him altogether. And you contemplate flight on the day he comes, and a change in your life, which I agree is politic. You wrote too that you do not know if Domitius keeps his fasces. When you do know, please tell me. That settles the first letter.

[77] A slave of Cicero's.

There follow two more dated the 28th of February, which hurled me from my old position, when I was already tottering, as I had informed you. I am not upset by your phrase "angry with almighty God."[78] There is danger not only in Pompey's anger, but in Caesar's, and the issue is doubtful, though to me the worst cause seems better equipped. Nor am I influenced by the consuls, who themselves are more easily moved than leaf or feather. It is consideration of my duty that tortures me and has been torturing me all along. To remain in Italy is certainly safer: to cross the sea the path of honour. Sometimes I prefer that many should accuse me of rashness, rather than the select few of dishonourable action. For your query about Lepidus and Tullus, they have

[78] This probably means that Pompey had said he would be angry with every one who did not leave Rome, even with Jupiter.

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quin Caesari praesto futuri in senatumque venturi sint.

Recentissima tua est epistula Kal. data, in qua optas congressum pacemque non desperas. Sed ego, cum haec scribebam, nec illos congressuros nec, si congressi essent, Pompeium ad ullam condicionem accessurum putabam. Quod videris non dubitare, si consules transeant, quid nos facere oporteat, certe transeunt vel, quo modo nunc est, transierunt. Sed memento praeter Appium neminem esse fere, qui non ius habeat transeundi. Nam aut cum imperio sunt ut Pompeius, ut Scipio, Sufenas, Fannius, Voconius, Sestius, ipsi consules, quibus more maiorum concessum est vel omnes adire provincias, aut legati sunt eorum. Sed nihil decerno; quid placeat tibi, et quid prope modum rectum sit, intellego.

Plura scriberem, si ipse possem. Sed, ut mihi videor, potero biduo. Balbi Corneli litterarum exemplum, quas eodem die accepi quo tuas, misi ad te, ut meam vicem doleres, cum me derideri videres.

XVa

BALBUS CICERONI IMP. SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae ex. m. Febr a. 705_]

Obsecro te, Cicero, suscipe curam et cogitationem dignissimam tuae virtutis, ut Caesarem et Pompeium perfidia hominum distractos rursus in pristinam concordiam reducas. Crede mihi Caesarem non solum fore in tua potestate, sed etiam maximum beneficium te sibi dedisse iudicaturum, si hoc te reicis. Velim

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decided to meet Caesar and to take their seats in the House.

In your last letter, dated the 1st of March, you long for a meeting between the two leaders, and have hopes of peace. But at the time of writing I fancy they will not meet, and that, if they do, Pompey will not agree to any terms. You seem to have no doubt as to what I ought to do, if the consuls go over-seas; well they will go, or rather have now gone. But bear in mind that of their number it is practically only Appius who has not a right to cross. The rest are either invested with military power, like Pompey, Scipio, Sufenas, Fannius, Voconius, Sestius and the consuls themselves, who by old custom may visit all the provinces; or else they are legates. However I have no positive views. I know what you approve and pretty well what it is right to do.

My letter would be longer, if I could write myself. I fancy I shall be able in two days' time. I have had Cornelius Balbus' letter, which I received on the same day as yours, copied, and I forward it to you, that you may sympathize with me on seeing me mocked.

XVa

BALBUS SALUTES CICERO THE IMPERATOR.

[Sidenote: _Rome, Feb._, B.C. _49_]

I beg you, Cicero, to consider a plan eminently suited to your character, namely to recall Caesar and Pompey to their former state of friendship, which has been broken by the treachery of others. Believe me that Caesar will not only meet your wishes, but will esteem any endeavours of yours in this matter as a very great service. I wish Pompey would take the same

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idem Pompeius faciat. Qui ut adduci tali tempore ad ullam condicionem possit, magis opto quam spero. Sed, cum constiterit et timere desierit, tum incipiam non desperare tuam auctoritatem plurimum apud eum valituram.

Quod Lentulum consulem meum voluisti hic remanere, Caesari gratum, mihi vero gratissimum medius fidius fecisti. Nam illum tanti facio, ut non Caesarem magis diligam. Qui si passus esset nos secum, ut consueveramus, loqui et non se totum etiam ab sermone nostro avertisset, minus miser, quam sum, essem. Nam cave putes hoc tempore plus me quemquam cruciari, quod eum, quem ante me diligo, video in consulatu quidvis potius esse quam consulem. Quodsi voluerit tibi obtemperare et nobis de Caesare credere et consulatum reliquum Romae peragere, incipiam sperare etiam consilio senatus auctore te, illo relatore Pompeium et Caesarem coniungi posse. Quod si factum erit, me satis vixisse putabo.

Factum Caesaris de Corfinio totum te probaturum scio: et, quo modo in eius modi re, commodius cadere non potuit, quam ut res sine sanguine confieret. Balbi mei tuique adventu delectatum te valde gaudeo. Is quaecumque tibi de Caesare dixit, quaeque Caesar scripsit, scio, re tibi probabit, quaecumque fortuna eius fuerit, verissime scripsisse.

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view; but it is rather a dream of mine than a hope, that he can be persuaded to come to terms at this time. When he becomes settled and recovers from fright, I shall have better hopes that your influence may avail with him.

In desiring my friend the consul Lentulus to remain in Rome, you have gratified Caesar, and myself too, I may assure you, in the highest degree. I value Lentulus as much as Caesar. If he had allowed me to renew my old intercourse, and had not again and again avoided conversation with me, I should be less unhappy than I am. For do not think that this crisis causes anyone more torment than it causes me, when I see him, to whom I am more devoted than to myself, acting in office in a way quite unfitted for a consul. If he only takes your advice and believes our professions about Caesar, and serves the remainder of his office in Rome, then I shall begin to hope that by the advice of the Senate, on your suggestion and at his formal motion, there may be effected a reconciliation between Pompey and Caesar. In that event I shall think my life's mission accomplished.

I know that you will approve entirely of Caesar's action about Corfinium. Under the circumstances there could have been nothing better than a settlement without bloodshed. I am delighted that you are pleased with the arrival of my and your Balbus. Whatever Balbus has told you about Caesar, and whatever Caesar has said to you in his letters, I am confident Caesar will convince you by his acts, be his fortune what it will, that his professions were quite sincere.

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XVI

CICERO ATTICO,

[Sidenote: _Scr. Formiis IV Non. Mart. a. 705_]

Omnia mihi provisa sunt praeter occultum et tutum iter ad mare superum. Hoc enim mari uti non possumus hoc tempore anni. Illuc autem, quo spectat animus, et quo res vocat, qua veniam? Cedendum enim est celeriter, ne forte qua re impediar atque alliger. Nec vero ille me ducit, qui videtur; quem ego hominem ἀπολιτικώτατον omnium iam ante cognoram, nunc vero etiam ἀστρατηγητότατον. Non me igitur is ducit, sed sermo hominum, qui ad me a Philotimo scribitur. Is enim me ab optimatibus ait conscindi. Quibus optimatibus, di boni! qui nunc quo modo occurrunt, quo modo autem se venditant Caesari! Municipia vero deum; nec simulant, ut cum de illo aegroto vota faciebant. Sed plane, quicquid mali hic Pisistratus non fecerit, tam gratum erit, quam si alium facere prohibuerit. Propitium hunc sperant, illum iratum putant. Quas fieri censes ἀπαντήσεις ex oppidis, quos honores! "Metuunt," inquies. Credo, sed mehercule illum magis. Huius insidiosa elementia delectantur, illius iracundiam formidant. Iudices de CCCLX, qui praecipue Gnaeo nostro delectabantur, ex quibus cotidie aliquem video, nescio quas eius Lucerias horrent. Itaque quaero, qui sint isti optimates,

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XVI

CICERO TO ATTICUS.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, March 4_, B.C. _49_]

[Sidenote: Iliad vi, 442]

I have made provision for everything except a secret and safe passage to the Adriatic. The other route I cannot face at this time of the year. How can I get to that place on which my mind is set, and whither fate calls? My departure must be in haste, for fear some obstacle and hindrance should arise. It is not, as one might think, Pompey who induces me to go. I have long known him to be the poorest of statesmen, and I now see he is the poorest of generals. I am not induced by him, but by the common talk of which Philotimus informs me. He says that the loyalists are tearing me to tatters. Loyalists, good God! And see how they are running to meet Caesar, and selling themselves to him. The country towns are treating him as a god, and there is no pretence about it, as there was in the prayers for Pompey's recovery from illness. Any mischief this Pisistratus may leave undone will give as much satisfaction as if he had prevented another from doing it. People hope to placate Caesar; they think that Pompey is angered. What ovations from the towns and what honour is paid him! In fright I dare say, but they are more afraid of Pompey. They are delighted with the cunning kindness of Caesar, and afraid of the anger of his rival. Those who are on the jury list of 360 judges, the especial partisans of Pompey, some of whom I see daily, shudder at vague Lucerias[79] which they conjure up. So I ask what sort of loyalists are

[79] Cf. VIII, 11, where Pompey at Luceria is said to have talked of a proscription.

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qui me exturbent, cum ipsi domi maneant. Sed tamen, quicumque sunt, αἰδέομαι Τρῶας,. Etsi, qua spe proficiscar, video, coniungoque me cum homine magis ad vastandum Italiam quam ad vincendum parato dominumque exspecto. Et quidem, cum haec scribebam, IIII Nonas, iam exspectabam aliquid a Brundisio. Quid autem "aliquid"? quam inde turpiter fugisset, et victor hic qua se referret et quo. Quod ubi audissem, si ille Appia veniret, ego Arpinum cogitabam.

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these, to banish me, while they remain at home? Still whoever they are "I fear the Trojans." Yet I see clearly with what a prospect I set out, and I join myself with a man ready to devastate our country rather than to conquer its oppressor, and I look to serve a tyrant. And indeed on March 4, the date of this letter, I am expecting every moment some news from Brundisium. Why do I say "some news," when it is news of his disgraceful flight, and the route by which the victor is returning and the direction in which he is moving. On hearing that, I think of going to Arpinum, if Caesar comes by the Appian way.

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M. TULLI CICERONIS EPISTULARUM AD ATTICUM LIBER NONUS

I CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano prid. Non. Mart. a. 705_]

Etsi, cum tu has litteras legeres, putabam fore ut scirem iam, quid Brundisi actum esset (nam Canusio VIIII Kal. profectus erat Gnaeus; haec autem scribebam pridie Nonas XIIII die post, quam ille Canusio moverat), tamen angebar singularum horarum exspectatione mirabarque nihil allatum esse ne rumoris quidem; nam erat mirum silentium. Sed haec fortasse κενόσπουδα sunt, quae tamen iam sciantur necesse est; illud molestum, me adhuc investigare non posse, ubi P. Lentulus noster sit, ubi Domitius. Quaero autem, quo facilius scire possim, quid acturi sint, iturine ad Pompeium et, si sunt, qua quandove ituri sint.

Urbem quidem iam refertam esse optimatium audio, Sosium et Lupum, quos Gnaeus noster ante putabat Brundisium venturos esse quam se, ius dicere. Hinc vero vulgo vadunt; etiam M'. Lepidus, quocum diem conterere solebam, eras cogitabat. Nos autem in Formiano morabamur, quo citius audiremus; deinde Arpinum volebamus; inde, iter qua maxime ἀναπάντητον esset, ad mare superum remotis sive omnino missis lictoribus. Audio enim bonis viris, qui et nunc

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CICERO'S LETTERS TO ATTICUS BOOK IX

I

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, March 6_, B.C. _49_]

Although, when you read this letter, I think I shall know what has been done at Brundisium, since Pompey left Canusium on the 21st of February and I am writing this on the 6th of March, fourteen days after his departure from Canusium, still I am in agonies of suspense as to what each hour may bring, and I am astonished that I do not even get a rumour. There is a strange hush. But perhaps this is much ado about nothing, when we must know all about it soon enough. But it does worry me that so far I have been unable to discover the whereabouts of my friend Lentulus and of Domitius. I want to know, that I may be able to find out what they are going to do, whether they are going to Pompey, and, if so, by what route and on what date.

Town, I am told, is now crammed full with our party. Sosius and Lupus, who, Pompey thought, would reach Brundisium before himself, are, it appears, sitting as magistrates. From here there is a general move: even M'. Lepidus, with whom I used to spend the day, thinks of starting to-morrow. I am lingering in my villa at Formiae to get news the sooner. Then I intend to go to Arpinum: from Arpinum I proceed to the Adriatic, choosing the least frequented route and leaving behind or even dismissing my lictors. For I am told that certain

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et saepe antea magno praesidio rei publicae fuerunt, hanc cunctationem nostram non probari multaque in me et severe in conviviis tempestivis quidem disputari.

Cedamus igitur et, ut boni cives simus, bellum Italiae terra marique inferamus et odia improborum rursus in nos, quae iam exstincta erant, incendamus et Luccei consilia ac Theophani persequamur. Nam Scipio vel in Syriam proficiscitur sorte vel cum genero honeste vel Caesarem fugit iratum. Marcelli quidem, nisi gladium Caesaris timuissent, manerent. Appius est eodem in timore et inimicitiarum recentium etiam. Praeter hunc et C. Cassium reliqui legati, Faustus pro quaestore; ego unus, cui utrumvis licet. Frater accedit, quem socium huius fortunae esse non erat aequum. Cui magis etiam Caesar irascetur, sed impetrare non possum, ut mancat. Dabimus hoc Pompeio, quod debemus. Nam me quidem alius nemo movet, non sermo bonorum, qui nulli sunt, non causa quae acta timide est, agetur improbe. Uni, uni hoc damus ne id quidem roganti nec suam causam, ut ait, agenti, sed publicam. Tu quid cogites de transeundo in Epirum, scire sane velim.

II

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano Non. Mart. a. 705_]

Etsi Nonis Martiis die tuo, ut opinor, exspectabam epistulam a te longiorem, tamen ad eam ipsam brevem,

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loyalists, who now and formerly have been a bulwark of the Republic, do not like my staying in Italy, and that they sit half the day over their festive boards making caustic remarks about me.

So I must depart, and, to be a good citizen, wage war on Italy, kindle against myself again the hatred of the disloyal which had died down, and follow the plans of Lucceius and Theophanes. For Scipio can be said to set out for Syria, his allotted province, or to accompany his son-in-law, which is an honourable excuse, or to flee from Caesar's anger. The Marcelli would of course have stayed, had they not feared the sword of Caesar. Appius has the same reason for alarm, and additional reason through a fresh quarrel. Except Appius and C. Cassius all the others hold military commands, Faustus being proquaestor. I am the only one who could go or stay as I like. Besides there is my brother, whom it is not fair to involve in my trouble. With him Caesar will be even more angry, but I cannot induce him to stay behind. This sacrifice I will make to Pompey, as loyalty bids. For no one else influences me, neither talk of loyalists--for there are none--nor our cause, which has been conducted in panic and will be conducted in disgrace. To one man, one only, I make this sacrifice, though he does not even ask it and though the battle he is fighting is, as he says, not his own but the State's, I should much like to know what you think about crossing into Epirus.

II

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Formiae, March 7_, B.C. _49_]

Though the 7th of March, the day I think for your attack of fever,[80] should bring me a longer letter

[80] Or "your birthday." Cf. ix, 5.

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quam IIII Nonas ὑπὸ τὴν λῆψιν dedisti, rescribendum putavi. Gaudere ais te mansisse me et scribis in sententia te manere. Mihi autem superioribus litteris videbare non dubitare, quin cederem ita, si et Gnaeus bene comitatus conscendisset, et consules transissent. Utrum hoc tu parum commeministi, an ego non satis intellexi, an mutasti sententiam? Sed aut ex epistula, quam exspecto, perspiciam, quid sentias, aut alias abs te litteras eliciam. Brundisio nihildum erat allatum.

IIa

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Formiano VIII Id. Mart. a. 705_]

O rem difficilem planeque perditam! quam nihil praetermittis in consilio dando; quam nihil tamen, quod tibi ipsi placeat, explicas! Non esse me una cum Pompeio gaudes ac proponis, quam sit turpe me adesse, cum quid de illo detrahatur; nefas esse approbare. Certe; contra igitur? "Di," inquis, "averruncent!" Quid ergo fiet, si in altero scelus est, in altero supplicium? "Impetrabis," inquis, "a Caesare, ut tibi abesse liceat et esse otioso." Supplicandum igitur? Miserum. Quid, si non impetraro? "Et de triumpho erit," inquis, "integrum." Quid, si hoc ipso premar? accipiam? Quid foedius? Negem? Repudiari se totum, magis etiam quam olim in XX viratu, putabit. Ac solet, cum se purgat, in me

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from you, still I suppose I ought to answer the shorter note, which you sent on the 4th on the eve of your attack. You say you are glad that I have stayed in Italy, and you write that you abide by your former view. But an earlier letter led me to think you had no doubt I ought to go, if Pompey embarked with a good following and the consuls crossed too. Have you forgotten this, or have I failed to understand you, or have you changed your mind? But I shall either learn your opinion from the