letter I send.

In my former I described the sort of return I had, my position and the state of all my affairs:

“For happy though but ill, for ill not worst.”

After I sent that letter, there followed a great fight about my house. I delivered a speech[112] before the pontifices on the 29th of September. I bestowed great pains on the matter, and, if ever I had any oratorical ability, or even if I never had before, on that occasion at any rate, my great indignation lent some vigour to my style. So its publication is a debt which I must not leave unpaid to the rising generation: and to you I will send it very soon, whether you want it or not. The pontifices decreed that “if the party alleging that he had dedicated had not been appointed by name either by order of the people or vote of the plebs, and if he had not been commanded to do so, either by order of the people or by vote of the plebs then it appeared that that part of the site might be restored to me without sacrilege,” I was congratulated at once, everybody thinking that the house had been adjudged to me. But all of a sudden up gets a man to speak, at Appius’ invitation, and announces that the pontifices have decided in his favour and I am trying to take possession by force: he exhorts them to follow him and Appius and defend their shrine of Liberty. Thereupon, though even those pliable persons were partly lost in wonder and partly laughing at the man’s folly, I determined

Footnote 112:

_De domo sua ad pontifices._

cum consules ex senatus consulto porticum Catuli restituendam locassent. Kal. Octobr. habetur senatus frequens. Adhibentur omnes pontifices, qui erant senatores. A quibus Marcellinus, qui erat cupidissimus mei, sententiam primus rogatus quaesivit, quid essent in decernendo secuti. Tum M. Lucullus de omnium collegarum sententia respondit religionis iudices pontifices fuisse, legis esse senatum; se et collegas suos de religione statuisse, in senatu de lege statuturos cum senatu. Itaque suo quisque horum loco sententiam rogatus multa secundum causam nostram disputavit. Cum ad Clodium ventum est, cupiit diem consumere, neque ei finis est factus, sed tamen, cum horas tres fere dixisset, odio et strepitu senatus coactus est aliquando perorare. Cum fieret senatus consultum in sententiam Marcellini omnibus praeter unum adsentientibus, Serranus intercessit. De intercessione statim ambo consules referre coeperunt. Cum sententiae gravissimae dicerentur, senatui placere mihi domum restitui, porticum Catuli locari, auctoritatem ordinis ab omnibus magistratibus defendi, si quae vis esset facta, senatum existimaturum eius opera factum esse, qui senatus consulto intercessisset, Serranus pertimuit, et Cornicinus ad suam veterem fabulam rediit; abiecta toga se ad generi pedes abiecit. Ille noctem sibi postulavit. Non concedebant, reminiscebantur enim Kal. Ianuar. Vix

not to go near the place until the consuls by decree of the Senate had given out the contract for restoring the porch of Catulus. On the first of October there was a full meeting of the Senate. All the pontifices who were senators were summoned: and Marcellinus, a strong partisan of mine, being called upon first for his opinion, asked them what was the purport of their decree. Then M. Lucullus speaking for all his colleagues answered, that the pontifices had to decide points of religion and the Senate points of law: he and his colleagues had settled the religious point and now in the Senate they would join the other senators in settling the legal point. Accordingly as each of them was called upon in his turn, he delivered a long speech in my favour. When it came to Clodius, he wanted to waste the whole day and spoke on endlessly, but at last, after speaking for nearly three hours, he was forced by the indignant outcry of the Senate to wind up his speech. A decree was passed in accordance with Marcellinus’ proposal with only one dissentient voice: and then Serranus put his veto on it. Both consuls at once referred the veto to the Senate, and many resolute speeches were delivered: “that the Senate approved of the restitution of my house,” “that a contract should be drawn up for the portico of Catulus,” “that the Senate’s resolution should be supported by all the magistrates,” “that if any violence occurred, the Senate would hold him responsible who had vetoed its decree.” Serranus showed the white feather and Cornicinus played the same old farce: he threw off his toga and flung himself at his son-in-law’s feet. Serranus demanded a night to think it over. They would not grant it, remembering the first of January. At last with my

tamen tibi de mea voluntate concessum est. Postridie senatus consultum factum est id, quod ad te misi. Deinde consules porticum Catuli restituendam locarunt; illam porticum redemptores statim sunt demoliti libentissimis omnibus. Nobis superficiem aedium consules de consilii sententia aestimarunt sestertio viciens, cetera valde inliberaliter, Tusculanam villam quingentis milibus, Formianum HS ducentis quinquaginta milibus. Quae aestimatio non modo vehementer ab optimo quoque, sed etiam a plebe reprenditur. Dices: ‘Quid igitur causae fuit?’ Dicunt illi quidem pudorem meum, quod neque negarim neque vehementius postularim; sed non est id: nam hoc quidem etiam profuisset. Verum iidem, mi T. Pomponi, iidem, inquam, illi, quos ne tu quidem ignoras, qui mihi pinnas inciderant, nolunt easdem renasci. Sed, ut spero, iam renascuntur. Tu modo ad nos veni; quod vereor ne tardius interventu Varronis tui nostrique facias.

Quoniam, acta quae sint, habes, de reliqua nostra cogitatione cognosce. Ego me a Pompeio legari ita sum passus, ut nulla re impedirer. Quod nisi vellem mihi esset integrum, ut, si comitia censorum proximi consules haberent, petere possem, votivam legationem sumpsissem prope omnium fanorum, lucorum; sic enim nostrae rationes utilitatis meae postulabant. Sed volui meam potestatem esse vel petendi vel ineunte

consent the concession was unwillingly made. On the next day the decree which I send was passed. Then the consuls gave out the contract for the restoration of the portico of Catulus; and the contractors immediately pulled down that portico of his to everybody’s satisfaction. The consuls valued my house at nearly £18,000[113] at their assessor’s advice: and the other things very stingily—my Tusculan villa at £4,400 and my Formian at £2,200.[114] This estimate was violently decried not only by all the conservative party, but by the people too. If you ask me the reason, they say it was my bashfulness, as I did not refuse or make pressing demands. But that is not the reason; for that in itself would have counted for me. But the fact is, my dear Pomponius, those very same men—you know quite well who I mean—who cut my wings, do not wish them to grow again. But I hope they are growing. Do you only come to me. But I fear you may be delayed by the visit of your and my friend Varro.

There you have all that has happened. Now you shall dip into my thoughts. I have let myself be appointed legate to Pompey with a reservation that it should not hamper me at all. If I did not want to have a free hand to stand for the censorship, if the next consuls hold a censorial election, I would have taken a votive commission[115] to nearly any shrines or groves. For that was what suited my idea of my interests best. But I wanted to be free either to stand for election or to quit the city at the beginning of summer and meanwhile I thought it good policy

Footnote 113:

2,000,000 sesterces.

Footnote 114:

500,000 and 250,000 sesterces.

Footnote 115:

Cf. p. 163 footnote.

aestate exeundi et interea me esse in oculis civium de me optime meritorum non alienum putavi.

Ac forensium quidem rerum haec nostra consilia sunt, domesticarum autem valde impedita. Domus aedificatur, scis, quo sumptu, qua molestia; reficitur Formianum, quod ego nec relinquere possum nec videre; Tusculanum proscripsi; suburbano facile careo. Amicorum benignitas exhausta est in ea re, quae nihil habuit praeter dedecus, quod sensisti tu absens, nos[116] praesentes; quorum studiis ego et copiis, si esset per meos defensores licitum, facile essem omnia consecutus. Quo in genere nunc vehementer laboratur. Cetera, quae me sollicitant, μυστικώτερα sunt. Amamur a fratre et a filia. Te exspectamus.

III

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae VIII K. Dec. a. 697_]

Avere te certo scio cum scire, quid hic agatur, tum ea a me scire, non quo certiora sint ea, quae in oculis omnium geruntur, si a me scribantur, quam cum ab aliis aut scribantur tibi aut nuntientur, sed ut perspicias ex meis litteris, quo animo ea feram, quae geruntur, et qui sit hoc tempore aut mentis meae sensus aut omnino vitae status.

Armatis hominibus ante diem tertium Nonas Novembres expulsi sunt fabri de area nostra, disturbata porticus Catuli, quae ex senatus consulto consulum

Footnote 116:

nos _added by Madvig_.

to keep myself before the eyes of the citizens who have treated me well.

As regards public affairs those are my plans: but my private affairs are in a horrible muddle. My house is being built and you know the expense and the bother it entails: my Formian villa is being restored, though I cannot bring myself either to abandon it or to look at it. My house at Tusculum I have put up for sale: I can easily do without a suburban residence. My friends’ benevolence has been exhausted in what has brought nothing but dishonour: this you saw, though you were absent, and so do I who am on the spot: and I might have obtained all I wanted easily from their efforts and their wealth, if my champions had allowed it. In this respect I am now in sore straits. My other anxieties may not be rashly mentioned. My brother and daughter are devoted to me. I am looking forward to your coming.

III

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, Nov. 23_, B.C. _57_]

I am sure you are wanting to know what is going on here and to know it from me too, not that there is any more certainty about events which take place before the eyes of the whole world, if I write to you about them, than if others either write or tell you of them: but that you may see from my letters how I am taking events and what are my feelings and my general state of existence.

On the 3rd of November the workmen were driven out of my building-ground by armed assault: the porch of Catulus, which was being repaired on a contract made by the consuls in accordance with a decree of

locatione reficiebatur et ad tectum paene pervenerat, Quinti fratris domus primo fracta coniectu lapidum ex area nostra, deinde inflammata iussu Clodi inspectante urbe coniectis ignibus, magna querela et gemitu non dicam bonorum, qui nescio an nulli sint, sed plane hominum omnium. Ille demens ruere, post hunc vero furorem nihil nisi caedem inimicorum cogitare, vicatim ambire, servis aperte spem libertatis ostendere. Etenim antea, cum iudicium nolebat, habebat ille quidem difficilem manifestamque causam, sed tamen causam; poterat infitiari, poterat in alios derivare, poterat etiam aliquid iure factum defendere; post has ruinas, incendia, rapinas desertus a suis vix iam Decimum designatorem, vix Gellium retinet, servorum consiliis utitur, videt, si omnes, quos vult, palam occiderit, nihilo suam causam difficiliorem, quam adhuc sit, in iudicio futuram. Itaque ante diem tertium Idus Novembres, cum Sacra via descenderem, insecutus est me cum suis. Clamor, lapides, fustes, gladii, haec improvisa omnia. Discessimus in vestibulum Tetti Damionis. Qui erant mecum, facile operas aditu prohibuerunt. Ipse occidi potuit, sed ego diaeta curare incipio, chirurgiae taedet. Ille omnium vocibus cum se non ad iudicium, sed ad supplicium praesens trudi videret, omnes Catilinas

the Senate, and had nearly got as high as the roof, was knocked down: my brother Quintus’ house was first smashed by a discharge of stones from my plot, and then set on fire under Clodius’ orders by firebrands hurled before the eyes of the whole city, amidst the groans and growls—I will not say of the loyal party, which seems to have vanished out of existence—but simply of every human creature. He was rushing about in a frenzy, thinking of nothing but the slaughter of his enemies after this mad freak, and canvassing the city quarter by quarter, openly promising liberation to slaves. Before this, when he was trying to shirk his trial, he had a case hard indeed to support and obviously wrongful, but still it was a case: he could deny things, he could put the blame on others, he could even plead that he had the right on his side in some respects. But after this wreckage, arson and pillage, his own supporters have left him in the lurch and he hardly has a hold now even on Decimus the marshal, or Gellius: he has to take slaves into his confidence and sees, that if he openly commits all the murders he wishes to commit, his case before the court will not be one whit worse than it is now. So, on the 11th of November, as I was going down the Sacred Way, he followed me with his gang. There were shouts, stones, clubs, swords, all without a moment’s warning. We stepped aside into Tettius Damio’s hall: and those who were with me easily prevented his roughs from entering. He might have been killed himself: but I have got tired of surgery and am beginning a regime cure. He realized that there was a universal outcry not for his prosecution but for his execution, and has since behaved in such a way that a Catiline looks ultraconservative

Acidinos postea reddidit. Nam Milonis domum, eam quae est in Cermalo, pr. Idus Novembr. expugnare et incendere ita conatus est, ut palam hora quinta cum scutis homines eductis gladiis, alios cum accensis facibus adduxerit. Ipse domum P. Sullae pro castris sibi ad eam impugnationem sumpserat. Tum ex Anniana Milonis domo Q. Flaccus eduxit viros acris; occidit homines ex omni latrocinio Clodiano notissimos, ipsum cupivit, sed ille se in interiora[117] aedium Sullae. Exin senatus postridie Idus. Domi Clodius. Egregius Marcellinus, omnes acres. Metellus calumnia dicendi tempus exemit adiuvante Appio, etiam hercule familiari tuo, de cuius constantia virtute tuae verissimae litterae. Sestius furere. Ille postea, si comitia sua non fierent, urbi minari. Milo, proposita Marcellini sententia, quam ille de scripto ita dixerat, ut totam nostram causam areae, incendiorum, periculi mei iudicio complecteretur eaque omnia comitiis anteferret, proscripsit se per omnes dies comitiales de caelo servaturum.

Contiones turbulentae Metelli, temerariae Appi, furiosissimae Publi. Haec tamen summa, nisi Milo in campo obnuntiasset, comitia futura. Ante diem XII Kal. Decembr. Milo ante mediam noctem cum magna manu in campum venit. Clodius, cum haberet

Footnote 117:

in interiora _Orelli_: ex interiorem _M_.

beside him. For on the 12th of November he attempted to storm and burn Milo’s house—the one on the Cermalus—openly bringing men with shields and drawn swords and others with lighted torches to the spot at eleven o’clock in the morning. His own headquarters during the assault were P. Sulla’s house. Then Q. Flaccus led forth a gallant band from Milo’s family house and slew the most notorious of Clodius’ troop of ruffians. He wanted to slay Clodius himself: but he was skulking in the recesses of Sulla’s house. There followed a meeting of the Senate on the 14th: Clodius stayed at home: Marcellinus behaved splendidly: and everybody was enthusiastic. Metellus with the assistance of Appius and, mark you, your great friend[118] of whose constancy you sent me such a veracious account, tried the ruse of talking the time away. Sestius was furious, Clodius afterwards vowed vengeance on the city, if his election did not take place. Marcellinus posted up his resolution which he had in writing when he delivered it—it provided that my entire case should be included in the trial, the attack on my building ground, the arson and the assault on my person, and that all these should precede the election—and Milo gave notice that he intended to watch the sky for omens on all the election days.

Disorderly meetings were held by Metellus, wild meetings by Appius and raging mad meetings by Publius. But the end of it all was that the elections would have taken place, if Milo had not reported evil omens in the Campus Martius. On the 19th of November Milo took up his position in the Campus before midnight with a large force; while Clodius in spite of

Footnote 118:

Hortensius.

fugitivorum delectas copias, in campum ire non est ausus. Milo permansit ad meridiem mirifica hominum laetitia summa cum gloria. Contentio fratrum trium turpis, fracta vis, contemptus furor. Metellus tamen postulat, ut sibi postero die in foro obnuntietur; nihil esse, quod in campum nocte veniretur; se hora prima in comitio fore. Itaque ante diem XI Kal. in comitium Milo de nocte venit. Metellus cum prima luce furtim in campum itineribus prope deviis currebat: adsequitur inter lucos hominem Milo, obnuntiat. Ille se recepit magno et turpi Q. Flacci convicio. Ante diem X Kal. nundinae. Contio biduo nulla.

Ante diem VIII Kal. haec ego scribebam hora noctis nona. Milo campum iam tenebat. Marcellus candidatus ita stertebat, ut ego vicinus audirem. Clodi vestibulum vacuum sane mihi nuntiabatur: pauci pannosi linea lanterna. Meo consilio omnia illi fieri querebantur ignari quantum in illo heroe esset animi, quantum etiam consilii. Miranda virtus est. Nova quaedam divina mitto; sed haec summa est. Comitia fore non arbitror; reum Publium, nisi ante occisus erit, fore a Milone puto; si se in turba ei iam[119] obtulerit, occisum iri ab ipso Milone video. Non dubitat facere, prae se fert; casum illum nostrum non extimescit. Numquam enim cuiusquam

Footnote 119:

se in turba ei iam _Klotz_: se uti turbae iam _NCZ_^b: si sentitur veiam _M_.

his picked gangs of runaway slaves did not venture to show himself. Milo to the huge delight of everybody and to his own great credit stayed there till midday: and the three brethren’s struggle ended in disgrace, their strength broken and their mad pride humbled. Metellus; however, demands that the prohibition should be repeated in the forum on the next day. There was no necessity, he said, for Milo to come to the Campus at night; he would be in the Comitium at six in the morning. So on the 20th Milo went to the Comitium in the early hours of the morning. At daybreak Metellus came sneaking into the Campus by something like byepaths. Milo catches the fellow up “between the groves”[120] and serves his notice: and he retired amid loud jeers and insults from Q. Flaccus. The 21st was a market-day, and for two days there were no meetings.

It is now three o’clock on the morning of the 23rd as I am writing. Milo has already taken possession of the Campus. Marcellus, the candidate, is snoring loud enough for me to hear him next door. I have just had news that Clodius’ hall is utterly deserted, save for a few rag and bob tails with a canvas lantern. His side are complaining that I am at the bottom of it all: but they little know the courage and wisdom of that hero. His valour is marvellous. I can’t stop to mention some of his new strokes of genius. But this is the upshot: I believe the elections will not be held, and Milo will bring Publius before the bar, unless he kills him first. If he gives him a chance in a riot, I can see Milo will kill him with his own hands. He has got no scruples

Footnote 120:

A spot between the Capitol and the Campus Martius, where Romulus founded his Asylum.

invidi et perfidi consilio est usus, nec inerti nobili crediturus.

Nos animo dumtaxat vigemus, etiam magis, quam cum florebamus, re familiari comminuti sumus. Quinti fratris tamen liberalitati pro facultatibus nostris, ne omnino exhaustus essem, illo recusante subsidiis amicorum respondemus. Quid consilii de omni nostro statu capiamus, te absente nescimus. Quare adpropera.

IV

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Romae III K. Febr. a. 698_]

Periucundus mihi Cincius fuit ante diem III Kal. Febr. ante lucem; dixit enim mihi te esse in Italia seseque ad te pueros mittere. Quos sine meis litteris ire nolui, non quo haberem, quod tibi, praesertim iam prope praesenti, scriberem, sed ut hoc ipsum significarem, mihi tuum adventum suavissimum exspectatissimumque esse. Quare advola ad nos eo animo, ut nos ames, te amari scias. Cetera coram agemus. Haec properantes scripsimus. Quo die venies; utique cum tuis apud me eris.

IVa

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Antiati m. Apr. aut Mai. a. 698_]

Perbelle feceris, si ad nos veneris. Offendes designationem Tyrannionis mirificam in librorum meorum bibliotheca, quorum reliquiae multo meliores sunt, quam putaram. Et velim mihi mittas de tuis

about it and avows his intentions, undeterred by my downfall: for he has never followed the advice of a jealous and treacherous friend, nor trusted in a weak aristocrat.

So far as my mind is concerned, I am as strong as ever I was even in my most palmy days, if not stronger; but my circumstances are straitened. My brother Quintus’ liberality I shall repay, in spite of his protests, as the state of my finances compels me—by the aid of friends, so as not entirely to beggar myself. What general course of action to adopt I cannot make up my mind without your assistance; so make haste.

IV

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rome, Jan. 28_, B.C. _56_]

I was charmed by Cincius’ visit on the 28th of Rome. January before daybreak: for he told me you were in Italy and he was sending some men to you. I did not like them to go without a letter from me—not that I had anything to write, especially when you are so near, but that I might express my delight at your arrival and how I have longed for it. So fly to me with the assurance that your love for me is fully reciprocated. The rest we will discuss when we meet. I am writing in haste. The day you arrive, mind, you and your party are to accept my hospitality.

IVa

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Antium, Apr. or May_, B.C. _56_]

I shall be delighted if you can pay me a visit. You will be surprised at Tyrannio’s excellent arrangement in my library. What is left of it is much better than I expected: still I should be glad if you would

librariolis duos aliquos, quibus Tyrannic utatur glutinatoribus, ad cetera administris, usque imperes, ut sumant membranulam, ex qua indices fiant, quos vos Graeci, ut opinor, σιλλύβους appellatis. Sed haec, si tibi erit commodum. Ipse vero utique fac venias, si potes in his locis adhaerescere et Piliam adducere. Ita enim et aequum est et cupit Tullia. Medius fidius ne tu emisti λόχον[121] praeclarum. Gladiatores audio pugnare mirifice. Si locare voluisses, duobus his muneribus liber esses.[122] Sed haec posterius. Tu fac venias et de librariis, si me amas, diligenter.

V

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Antiati m. Apr. aut Mai. a. 698_]

Ain tu? an me existimas ab ullo malle mea legi probarique quam a te? Cur igitur cuiquam misi prius? Urgebar ab eo, ad quem misi, et non habebam exemplar. Quid? Etiam (dudum enim circumrodo, quod devorandum est) subturpicula mihi videbatur esse παλινῳδία. Sed valeant recta, vera, honesta consilia. Non est credibile, quae sit perfidia in istis principibus, ut volunt esse et ut essent, si quicquam haberent fidei. Senseram, noram inductus, relictus, proiectus ab iis. Tamen hoc eram animo, ut cum iis in re publica consentirem. Idem erant qui fuerant. Vix aliquando te auctore resipui. Dices ea te monuisse, suasisse, quae facerem, non etiam ut scriberem. Ego mehercule mihi necessitatem volui

Footnote 121:

λόχον _Bosius_; locum _M_; ludum _Ernesti_.

Footnote 122:

liber esses _Pius_; liberasses _M_.

send me two of your library slaves for Tyrannio to employ to glue pages together and assist in general, and would tell them to get some bits of parchment to make title-pieces, which I think you Greeks call “sillybi.” That is only if it is convenient to you. In any case mind you come yourself, if you can stick in such a place, and bring Pilia with you. For that is only right and Tullia wishes her to come. My word! you have bought a fine troop. I hear your gladiators are fighting splendidly. If you had cared to let them out, you would have cleared your expenses on these two shows. But of that later. Be sure you come, and, as you love me, remember the library slaves.

V

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Antium, Apr. or May_, B.C. _56_]

Come now, do you really imagine I prefer my things to be read and criticized by anyone but you? Then why did I send them to anyone else first? The man I sent them to was very pressing and I had not a copy. Anything else? Well, yes—though I keep mouthing the pill instead of swallowing it—I was a bit ashamed of my palinode. But good-bye to honesty, straightforwardness and uprightness! You would hardly believe the treachery of our leaders, as they want to be and would be, if they had any honour. I knew full well how they had taken me in, abandoned me and cast me off. Still I resolved to stick to them in politics. But they have proved the same as ever: and at last I have come to my senses under your guidance. You will say your advice applied exclusively to my actions and did not include writing too. The fact is, I

imponere huius novae coniunctionis, ne qua mihi liceret labi ad illos, qui etiam tum, cum misereri mei debent, non desinunt invidere. Sed tamen modici fuimus ὑποθέσει, ut scripsi. Erimus uberiores, si et ille libenter accipiet, et ii subringentur, qui villam me moleste ferunt habere, quae Catuli fuerat, a Vettio emisse non cogitant; qui domum negant oportuisse me aedificare, vendere aiunt oportuisse. Sed quid ad hoc, si, quibus sententiis dixi, quod et ipsi probarent, laetati sunt tamen me contra Pompei voluntatem dixisse? Finis sit. Quoniam, qui nihil possunt, ii me nolunt amare, demus operam, ut ab iis, qui possunt, diligamur. Dices: “Vellem iam pridem.” Scio te voluisse et me asinum germanum fuisse. Sed iam tempus est me ipsum a me amari, quando ab illis nullo modo possum.

Domum meam quod crebro invisis est mihi valde gratum. Viaticum Crassipes praeripit. Tu “de via recta in hortos.” Videtur commodius ad te: postridie scilicet; quid enim tua? Sed viderimus. Bibliothecam mihi tui pinxerunt constructione et sillybis. Eos velim laudes.

VI

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in villa m. Apr. aut Mai. a. 698_]

De Lentulo scilicet sic fero, ut debeo. Virum bonum et magnum hominem et in summa magnitudine animi multa humanitate temperatum perdidimus nosque

wanted to tie myself down to this new alliance so as to leave myself no chance of slipping back to those who do not cease to envy me, even when they ought to pity me. However, I was quite moderate in my treatment of the subject, as I have said. I will let myself go more, if he takes it well, and those make wry faces who are annoyed to see me occupy a villa which used to belong to Catulus, forgetting that I bought it from Vettius; and who declare I ought not to have built a house, but ought to have sold the site. That however is nothing compared with their unholy joy, when the very speeches I delivered in support of their views were alienating me from Pompey. Let us have an end of it. Since those who have no influence refuse me their affection, I may as well try to win that of those who have some influence. You will say you wish I had before. I know you wished it, and I was a downright ass. But now is the time to show affection for myself, since I cannot get any from them anyhow.

I am very grateful to you for going to see my house so often. Crassipes is swallowing all my travelling money. You say I must go straight to your country house. It seems to me more convenient to go to your town house, and on the next day, it can’t make any difference to you. But we shall see. Your men have beautified my library by binding the books and affixing title-slips. Please thank them,

VI

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _At his country house, Apr. or May_, B.C. _56_]

The news about Lentulus I feel of course as I ought: we have lost a good man and a fine fellow, and one who combined a remarkable strength of character with great courtesy. Still I find some consolation,

malo solacio, sed non nullo tamen, consolamur, quod ipsius vicem minime dolemus, non ut Saufeius et vestri, sed mehercule quia sic amabat patriam, ut mihi aliquo deorum beneficio videatur ex eius incendio esse ereptus. Nam quid foedius nostra vita, praecipue mea? Nam tu quidem, etsi es natura πολιτικός, tamen nullam habes propriam servitutem, communi frueris nomine[123]; ego vero, qui, si loquor de re publica, quod oportet, insanus, si, quod opus est, servus existimor, si taceo, oppressus et captus, quo dolore esse debeo? Quo sum scilicet, hoc etiam acriore, quod ne dolere quidem possum, ut non ingratus videar. Quid, si cessare libeat et in otii portum confugere? Nequiquam. Immo etiam in bellum et in castra. Ergo erimus ὀπαδοί, qui ταγοὶ esse noluimus? Sic faciendum est, tibi enim ipsi (cui utinam semper paruissem!) sic video placere. Reliquum iam[124] est

Σπάρταν ἔλαχες, ταύταν κόσμει.

Non mehercule possum et Philoxeno ignosco, qui reduci in carcerem maluit. Verum tamen id ipsum mecum in his locis commentor, ut ista improbem, idque tu, cum una erimus, confirmabis.

A te litteras crebro ad me scribi video, sed omnes uno tempore accepi. Quae res etiam auxit dolorem

Footnote 123:

frueris nomine _Pius_; fueris nonne _M_.

Footnote 124:

reliquum iam _Orelli_; reliquia _M_.

though a poor one, in the thought that I need not grieve for him—not for the same reason as Saufeius and your Epicurean friends, but because he was so true a patriot that it seems as though a merciful providence had snatched him from his country’s fiery ruin. For what could be more shameful than the life we are all leading, especially myself? You, in spite of a political bent, have avoided wearing any special yoke; but you share the universal bondage. But think of the sufferings I undergo, when I am taken for a lunatic, if I say what I ought about the State, for a slave, if I say what expediency dictates, and for a cowed and helpless bondsman, if I hold my tongue. I suffer as you may suppose, with the added bitterness that I cannot show my grief without seeming ungrateful. Well! why shouldn’t I take a rest, and flee to the haven of retirement? I haven’t the chance. Then be it war and camp. And so I must be a subaltern, after refusing to be a captain. So be it. That I see is your opinion, and I wish I had always followed your advice. Hobson’s choice[125] is all that is left to me. But upon my soul I can’t stomach it, and have a fellow feeling for Philoxenus, who preferred to go back to his prison.[126] However, I am spending my time here devising a way of confounding their policy, and when we meet you will strengthen my purpose.

I see your letters were written at several times, but I received them all together, and that increased

Footnote 125:

Lit. “Sparta has fallen to your lot, do it credit,” a phrase denoting that one has no choice. Cf. p. 95.

Footnote 126:

Philoxenus of Cythera, a dithyrambic poet, was condemned to the quarries for criticizing the literary compositions of Dionysius of Syracuse. He was given a chance of freedom, if he altered his opinion; but preferred to return to the quarries.

meum. Casu enim trinas ante legeram, quibus meliuscule Lentulo esse scriptum erat. Ecce quartae fulmen! Sed ille, ut scripsi, non miser, nos vero ferrei.

Quod me admones, ut scribam illa Hortensiana, in alia incidi non immemor istius mandati tui; sed mehercule in incipiendo refugi, ne, qui videor stulte illius amici intemperiem non tulisse, rursus stulte iniuriam illius faciam inlustrem, si quid scripsero, et simul ne βαθύτης mea, quae in agendo apparuit, in scribendo sit occultior, et aliquid satisfactio levitatis habere videatur. Sed viderimus; tu modo quam saepissime ad me aliquid. Epistulam, Lucceio nunc quam misi, qua, meas res ut scribat, rogo, fac ut ab eo sumas (valde bella est) eumque, ut adproperet, adhorteris et, quod mihi se ita facturum rescripsit, agas gratias, domum nostram, quoad poteris, invisas, Vestorio aliquid significes. Valde enim est in me liberalis.

VII

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Arpinati m. Apr. aut Mai. a. 698_]

Nihil εὐκαιρότερον epistula tua, quae me sollicitum de Quinto nostro, puero optimo, valde levavit. Venerat horis duabus ante Chaerippus; mera monstra nuntiarat. De Apollonio quod scribis, qui illi di irati! homini Graeco, qui conturbat atque idem putat sibi

my sorrow; for, as it happened, I first read the three in which you said Lentulus was a little better; and then, lo and behold, a thunderbolt in the fourth. Still, as I said, he is out of misery, while we live on in an Iron Age.[127]

I have not forgotten your advice to write that attack on Hortensius, though I have drifted into other things. But upon my word, I jibbed at the very beginning. I look foolish enough for not submitting to his conduct, outrageous though it was, from a friend, and, if I were to write about it, I fear I should enhance my folly by advertising his insult, while at the same time the self-restraint which I showed in my actions might not be so apparent in writing, and this way of taking satisfaction might seem rather weak. But we will see. Be sure you send me a line as often as you can, and take care you get from Lucceius the