BOOK VI

I

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Laodicea, Feb. 23_, B.C. _50_]

I got your letter on the 5th day before the Terminalia[202] at Laodicea. I was delighted at its tone of affection, kindness, and obliging zeal. I will not pay “gold for brass” (for that is what you ask for), nor will I start an arrangement of my own, but will keep to your order. You say that the last letter you got from me was from Cybistra dated the 21st of September, and you want to know which of yours I have received. Almost all you mention except those which you say were entrusted to Lentulus’ servants at Equotuticus and Brundisium. So your energy is not a dead loss as you fear, but has been well spent, if you aimed at giving me pleasure. For nothing has ever given me more pleasure.

I am exceedingly glad that you approve of my reserve in the case of Appius and my generosity even in the matter of your friend Brutus. I had feared you might not quite like it. For Appius on his journey sent me two or three letters showing pique, because I revoked some of his enactments. It is as if a doctor, when a patient has been placed under the care of another, should be angry with his successor for changing his prescription. So Appius, having starved the province, let blood, and tried every lowering treatment, hands it to me drained of

Footnote 202:

i.e. the 19th of Feb., the Terminalia being on the 23rd.

προσανατρεφομένην eam a me non libenter videt, sed modo suscenset, modo gratias agit. Nihil enim a me fit cum ulla illius contumelia; tantum modo dissimilitudo meae rationis offendit hominem. Quid enim potest esse tam dissimile quam illo imperante exhaustam esse sumptibus et iacturis provinciam, nobis eam obtinentibus nummum nullum esse erogatum nec privatim nec publice? Quid dicam de illius praefectis, comitibus, legatis etiam? de rapinis, de libidinibus, de contumeliis? Nunc autem domus mehercule nulla tanto consilio aut tanta disciplina gubernatur aut tam modesta est quam nostra tota provincia. Haec non nulli amici Appi ridicule interpretantur, qui me idcirco putent bene audire velle, ut ille male audiat, et recte facere non meae laudis, sed illius contumeliae causa. Sin Appius, ut Bruti litterae, quas ad te misit, significabant, gratias nobis agit, non moleste fero, sed tamen eo ipso die, quo haec ante lucem scribebam, cogitabam eius multa inique constituta et acta tollere.

Nunc venio ad Brutum, quem ego omni studio te auctore sum complexus, quem etiam amare coeperam: sed ilico me revocavi, ne te offenderem. Noli enim putare me quicquam maluisse, quam ut mandatis satis facerem, nee ulla de re plus laborasse. Mandatorum autem mihi libellum dedit, isdemque de rebus tu mecum egeras. Omnia sum diligentissime persecutus. Primum ab Ariobarzane sic contendi, ut talenta, quae mihi pollicebatur, illi daret. Quoad mecum rex fuit, perbono loco res erat; post a Pompei procuratoribus sescentis premi coeptus est.

life and cannot bear to see it being fed up by me. Sometimes he is angry, sometimes he thanks me; for no act of mine has reflected on his policy. It is only the difference of my _regime_ that annoys him. There is a very wide difference between a province worn out by expense and losses under his rule and not having to pay a penny out of private or public purse under my administration. I need not mention his prefects, his staff and his legates, the acts of robbery, of rape and insult. But now, upon my word, no private house is managed with such judgement or such economy, or is so well ordered as my whole province. Some friends of Appius put an absurd construction on my policy and declare that I am seeking popularity to damage him, and am acting honourably, not for the sake of my own reputation, but to cause him shame. However, if Appius, as the letter from Brutus which you forward to me shows, expresses his thanks, I am content: but the very day on which I write this letter before dawn I am thinking of annulling many of his wrong enactments and decisions.

I come now to the matter of Brutus. On your advice I zealously cultivated his friendship, I had even begun to feel a real liking for him: but there I pull myself up for fear I should vex you. For do not imagine that there is anything I should prefer better than to execute his commission, or anything on which I have taken more pains. He gave me a volume of commissions, and you spoke to me about his affairs. I have done my best with all of them; first of all I induced Ariobarzanes to pay him the money he promised me. So long as his highness was with me the business was on a good footing: but later the king was dunned by scores of agents from

Pompeius autem cum ob ceteras causas plus potest unus quam ceteri omnes, tum quod putatur ad bellum Parthicum esse venturus. Ei tamen sic nunc solvitur, tricensimo quoque die talenta Attica XXXIII et hoc ex tributis. Nec inde satis efficitur in usuram menstruam. Sed Gnaeus noster clementer id fert; sorte caret, usura nec ea, solida contentus est. Alii neque solvit cuiquam nec potest solvere; nullum enim aerarimn, nullum vectigal habet. Appi instituto tributa imperat. Ea vix in faenus Pompei quod satis sit efficiunt. Amici regis duo tresve perdivites sunt, sed ii suum tam diligenter tenent quam ego aut tu. Equidem non desino tamen per litteras rogare, suadere, accusare regem. Deiotarus etiam mihi narravit se ad eum legatos misisse de re Bruti; eos sibi responsum rettulisse illum non habere. Et mehercule ego ita iudico. nihil illo regno spoliatius, nihil rege egentius. Itaque aut tutela cogito me abdicare aut ut pro Glabrione Scaevola faenus et impendium recusare. Ego tamen, quas per te Bruto promiseram praefecturas, M. Scaptio, L. Gavio, qui in regno rem Bruti procurabant, detuli; nec enim in provincia mea negotiabantur. Tu autem meministi nos sic agere, ut, quot vellet praefecturas, sumeret, dum ne negotiatori. Itaque duas

Pompey. Pompey has more influence than anyone for many reasons and because it is rumoured that he will come to conduct the war against the Parthians. Even to him however payment is made on the following terms. On every thirtieth day some £8,000 is paid and that by tribute imposed on the king’s subjects. Even such a sum will not cover the amount of monthly interest. However our friend Gnaeus is an easy-going creditor. He is willing to forgo his capital and is content with interest, and that not in full. The king pays no one else and has no means to pay. He has no treasury and no regular tribute: he levies taxes on the method of Appius. They are scarcely sufficient to pay the interest on Pompey’s money. His highness has two or three very wealthy friends, but they look after their own pockets as well as you or I. Still I do not cease to write dunning, coaxing and scolding his highness. Deiotarus too has told me that he has sent messengers to him about his debt to Brutus: and they came back with the reply that he has no assets. I can quite believe it, for I have never seen a kingdom more plundered or a king more needy. So I am thinking of resigning my guardianship, or, as Scaevola did for Glabrio, of repudiating both capital and interest. However I have conferred the office of prefect, which I promised Brutus through you, on M. Scaptius and L. Gavius, who are his agents in the kingdom; for they were not conducting their business in my province. You will remember that my principle was that he might have as many offices of prefect at his disposal as he liked, provided he did not give them to business men: so I offered him

ei praeterea dederam. Sed ii, quibus petierat, de provincia decesserant.

Nunc cognosce de Salaminiis, quod video tibi etiam novum accidisse tamquam mihi. Numquam enim ex illo audivi illam pecuniam esse suam; quin etiam libellum ipsius habeo, in quo est: “Salaminii pecuniam debent M. Scaptio et P. Matinio, familiaribus meis.” Eos mihi commendat; adscribit etiam et quasi calcar admovet intercessisse se pro iis magnam pecuniam. Confeceram, ut solverent centesimis sexennii ductis cum renovatione singulorum annorum. At Scaptius quaternas postulabat. Metui, si impetrasset, ne tu ipse me amare desineres; nam ab edicto meo recessissem et civitatem in Catonis et in ipsius Bruti fide locatam meisque beneficiis ornatam funditus perdidissem. Atque hoc tempore ipso impingit mihi epistulam Scaptius Bruti rem illam suo periculo esse, quod nec mihi umquam Brutus dixerat nec tibi, etiam ut praefecturam Scaptio deferrem. Id vero per te exceperamus, ne negotiatori; quodsi cuiquam, huic tamen non. Fuerat enim praefectus Appio et quidem habuerat turmas equitum, quibus inclusum in curia senatum Salamine obsederat, ut fame senatores quinque morerentur. Itaque ego, quo die tetigi provinciam, cum mihi Cyprii legati Ephesum obviam venissent, litteras misi, ut equites ex insula statim decederent. His de causis credo Scaptium iniquius de me aliquid ad Brutum scripsisse. Sed tamen hoc sum animo.

two others besides. But the gentlemen for whom he asked them had left my province.

Now to talk about the people of Salamis, a matter which I see came as a surprise to you as it did to me. Brutus never told me that that money was his. Indeed I have his own memorandum stating “The people of Salamis owe money to M. Scaptius and P. Matinius, my friends.” He recommends these gentlemen to me, and to spur me adds a postscript that he has gone security to them for a large sum. I had arranged that they should pay in compound interest for six years at 12 percent. But Scaptius demanded 48 per cent, I was afraid, if he got his request, that you too would cease to be my friend, for I should have departed from the terms of my own edict, and have ruined utterly a state enjoying the protection of Cato and Brutus himself and distinguished by my attentions. At this very point Scaptius thrusts a letter of Brutus into my hand, stating what Brutus had never told me or you, that Brutus himself was the party concerned, and asking me to give the office of prefect to his agent. But that was the very proviso I had authorized you to make, that no office could be given to a business man, above all to such a fellow as Scaptius. For he had been a prefect of Appius, and indeed had had some squadrons of cavalry, which he had used to beset the Senate at Salamis in their own chamber, so that five Members of the House died of starvation. Accordingly on the day I reached the province, since an embassy from Cyprus had already met me at Ephesus, I sent orders that his cavalry should leave the island at once. This, I fancy, had led Scaptius to write somewhat bitterly about me to Brutus. However, my attitude

Si Brutus putabit me quaternas centesimas oportuisse decernere, cum tota provincia singulas observarem itaque edixissem, idque etiam acerbissimis faeneratoribus probaretur, si praefecturam negotiatori denegatam queretur, quod ego Torquato nostro in tuo Laenio, Pompeio ipsi in Sex. Statio negavi et iis probavi, si equites deductos moleste feret, accipiam equidem dolorem mihi illum irasci, sed multo maiorem non esse eum talem, qualem putassem. Illud quidem fatebitur Scaptius, me ius dicente sibi omnem pecuniam ex edicto meo auferendi potestatem fuisse. Addo etiam illud, quod vereor tibi ipsi ut probem. Consistere usura debuit, quae erat in edicto meo. Deponere volebant: impetravi a Salaminiis, ut silerent. Veniam illi quidem mihi dederunt, sed quid iis fiet, si huc Paulus venerit? Sed totum hoc Bruto dedi; qui de me ad te humanissimas litteras scripsit, ad me autem, etiam cum rogat aliquid, contumaciter, adroganter, ἀκοινονοήτως solet scribere. Tu autem velim ad eum scribas de his rebus, ut sciam, quo modo haec accipiat; facies enim me certiorem.

Atque haec superioribus litteris diligenter ad te perscripseram, sed plane te intellegere volui mihi non excidisse illud, quod tu ad me quibusdam litteris scripsisses, si nihil aliud de hac provincia nisi illius benevolentiam deportassem, mihi id satis esse. Sit sane, quondam ita tu vis, sed tamen cum eo, credo, quod

is this. If Brutus thinks that I ought to have allowed 48 per cent, when throughout my province I have recognized only 12 per cent, and have fixed this rate in my edict, with the approval of the most grasping usurers; if he complains of my refusal to give office to a business man, which I made also to our friend Torquatus in the case of your acquaintance Laenius, and to Pompey himself in the case of Sex. Statius, without annoying either of them; if he is angry at the disbanding of his cavalry, well I shall be sorry that he is angry with me, but I shall be far sorrier at discovering he is not the man I imagined he was. Scaptius will admit that he had the opportunity of getting by my decision all the money allowed by my edict. I will add a point which I fear you may not like, the interest allowed by my edict ought to have ceased to run.[203] The people of Salamis wished to deposit the sum in a temple; but I begged them not to raise the point. They gave way to me: but what will happen to them if Brutus’ brother-in-law, Paulus, comes here? I allowed Brutus all this privilege: and he has written very kind letters about me to you; but to me, even when he asks a favour, he writes in an arrogant, bold tone and uncivilly. Please write to Brutus about the matter, that I may know how he takes it. You can inform me.

To be sure, I had given you the full story in a former letter: but I wanted you to understand clearly that I had not forgotten a remark in one of your letters, that if I took nothing else away from this province except Brutus’ good-will, that would be enough. Be it as you wish, provided it can be so

Footnote 203:

If the money was deposited in a temple.

sine peccato meo fiat. Igitur meo decreto soluta res Scaptio stat. Quam id rectum sit, tu iudicabis; ne ad Catonem quidem provocabo. Sed noli me putare ἐγκελεύσματα illa tua abiecisse, quae mihi in visceribus haerent. Flens mihi meam famam commendasti; quae epistula tua est, in qua non eius mentionem facias? [Sidenote: Aristophanes, _Acharnians_, 659] Itaque irascatur, qui volet; patiar. Τὸ γὰρ εὖ μετ’ ἐμοῦ, praesertim cum sex libris tamquam praedibus me ipse obstrinxerim, quos tibi tam valde probari gaudeo. E quibus unum ἱστορικὸν requiris de Cn. Flavio, Anni filio. Ille vero ante decemviros non fuit, quippe qui aedilis curulis fuerit, qui magistratus multis annis post decemviros institutus est. Quid ergo profecit, quod protulit fastos? Occultatam putant quodam tempore istam tabulam, ut dies agendi peterentur a paucis. Nec vero pauci sunt auctores Cn. Flavium scribam fastos protulisse actionesque composuisse, ne me hoc vel potius Africanum (is enim loquitur) commentum putes. Οὐκ ἔλαθέ σε illud de gestu histrionis. Tu sceleste suspicaris, ego ἀφελῶς scripsi. De me imperatore scribis te ex Philotimi litteris cognosse; sed credo te, iam in Epiro cum esses, binas meas de omnibus rebus accepisse, unas a Pindenisso capto, alteras Laodicea,

without loss of honour to me. So I have given judgement that the payment of the people of Salamis to Scaptius is good at law. The equity of this course I will leave to your consideration. I will not even appeal to Cato: but don’t think I have let slip your exhortations. They are fixed in my heart. With tears in your eyes, you told me to think of my reputation. Is there any letter of yours which does not touch on the topic? So let who will be angry. I can put up with it. “The right is on my side,” especially since I have bound myself to good conduct, with six volumes[204] for bail. I am glad you like the books so much, though there is one point of history which you question, that about Cn. Flavius, the son of Annius. He did not flourish before the days of the decemviri, since he held a curule aedileship, which was instituted long after their time. What good then did he do by publishing the official calendar? It is thought that at one time the calendar was not exposed in public, so that a privileged few might be the sole source of information as to days propitious for business. Moreover, several authorities maintain that this Cn. Flavius was the first man to publish the calendar and to draw up a digest of the forms of legal procedure. So don’t think that I, or rather my spokesman Africanus, invented a fiction. You took my remark about the actor’s mannerism, and suspected a satirical meaning:[205] but I wrote in all _naïveté_. You tell me that Philotimus wrote to you about my being hailed imperator; but I fancy that, now you are in Epirus, you have got my two letters about the business, one from Pindenissus after its capture, another from Laodicea, both

Footnote 204:

The _De Republica_.

Footnote 205:

That it was a hit at Hortensius.

utrasque tuis pueris datas. Quibus de rebus propter casum navigandi per binos tabellarios misi Romam publice litteras.

De Tullia mea tibi adsentior scripsique ad eam et ad Terentiam mihi placere. Tu enim ad me iam ante scripseras: “Ac vellem te in tuum veterem gregem rettulisses.” Correcta vero epistula Memmiana nihil negotii fuit; multo enim malo hunc a Pontidia quam illum a Servilia. Quare adiunges Saufeium nostrum, hominem semper amantem mei, nunc, credo, eo magis, quod debet etiam fratris Appi amorem erga me cum reliqua hereditate crevisse; qui declaravit, quanti me faceret, cum saepe tum in Bursa. Ne tu me sollicitudine magna liberaris.

Furni exceptio mihi non placet; nee enim ego ullum aliud tempus timeo, nisi quod ille solum excipit. Sed scriberem ad te de hoc plura, si Romae esses. In Pompeio te spem omnem otii ponere non miror. Ita res est, removendumque censeo illud “dissimulantem.” Sed enim οἰκονομία si perturbatior est, tibi assignato. Te enim sequor σχεδιάζοντα.

Cicerones pueri amant inter se, discunt, exercentur, sed alter, uti dixit Isocrates in Ephoro et Theopompo, frenis eget, alter calcaribus. Quinto togam puram

delivered to your slaves. For fear of accidents at sea, I sent the public despatch on my campaign to Rome in duplicate by different carriers.

As to my daughter Tullia I agree with you, and I have written to her and her mother giving my consent. For a former letter of yours to me said “I could wish you had returned to your old associates.” There was no occasion to alter the letter that came from Memmius: for I much prefer to accept this candidate from Pontidia than the other from Servilia. So get our friend Saufeius to help you in this business. He always liked me, and now I trust he will like me all the more, since he is bound to have inherited his brother Appius’ liking for me along with the rest of his inheritance, and Appius often expressed great affection for me, especially in the trial of Bursa. Indeed you will relieve me of a source of great anxiety.

I do not like Furnius’ proviso; there is nothing else I fear, except the point which he makes his sole proviso.[206] I would write to you more fully on the point, if you were in Rome. I am not surprised that you depend entirely on Pompey for keeping the peace. That is quite right, and I think you must delete your phrase “insincere.” If the order of my paragraphs is muddled, you have yourself to blame, as I am following your own harum-scarum way.

My son and nephew are fond of one another, learn their lessons and take their exercise together: but to quote Isocrates’ remark about Ephorus and Theopompus, one wants the rein and the other the spur.

Footnote 206:

Apparently a proposal by a tribune that the governors of Syria and Cilicia could quit their provinces at the end of the year, provided the Parthians were not aggressive.

Liberalibus cogitabam dare; mandavit enim pater. Ea sic observabo, quasi intercalatum non sit. Dionysius mihi quidem in amoribus est; pueri autem aiunt eum furenter irasci; sed homo nec doctior nec sanctior fieri potest nec tui meique amantior. Thermum, Silium vere audis laudari. Valde honeste se gerunt. Adde M. Nonium, Bibulum, me, si voles. Iam Scrofa vellem haberet, ubi posset; est enim lautum negotium. Ceteri infirmant πολίτευμα Catonis. Hortensio quod causam meam commendas, valde gratum. De Amiano spei nihil putat esse Dionysius. Terenti nullum vestigium adgnovi. Moeragenes certe periit. Feci iter per eius possessionem, in qua animal reliquum nullum est. Haec non noram tum, cum Democrito tuo cum locutus sum. Rhosica vasa mandavi. Sed heus tu! quid cogitas? in felicatis lancibus et splendidissimis canistris holusculis nos soles pascere; quid te in vasis fictilibus appositurum putem? Κέρας Phemio mandatum est; reperietur, modo aliquid illo dignum canat.

Parthicum bellum impendet. Cassius ineptas litteras misit, necdum Bibuli erant allatae. Quibus recitatis puto fore ut aliquando commoveatur senatus. Equidem sum in magna animi perturbatione. Si, ut opto, non prorogatur nostrum negotium, habeo Iunium

I intend to celebrate Quintus’ coming of age[207] on the feast of Bacchus.[208] His father asked me to do this, and I shall act on the assumption that there will be no addition to the calendar. Dionysius is in my good graces: but the boys say he is liable to mad fits of temper. However one could not get a master of more learning and better character and more liking for you and me. The praise you hear of Thermus and Silius is deserved: they conduct themselves in very honourable fashion. You may praise M. Nonius, Bibulus, and myself too, if you like. I only wish Scrofa had scope for his tact. He is a fine fellow. The rest do little credit to Cato’s caucus. I am much obliged to you for recommending my case to Hortensius. As to Amianus Dionysius says there is no help. I have met with no trace of Terentius. Moeragenes has certainly been killed. I made a tour through his district and found not a living thing. I did not know this, when I spoke to your agent Democritus. I have ordered the Rhosian ware for you. But what the deuce will you serve up in porcelain, when you are accustomed to give us vegetarian fare on fern-pattern plates and in magnificent baskets? I have ordered a horn for Phemius, and one will be got. I only hope that his tune will be worthy of the instrument.

A war with the Parthians is imminent. Cassius’ despatch was futile, Bibulus’ has not yet come. I think the reading of it will stir the House to action at last. I am very anxious myself. If, as I hope, my tenure of office is not extended, I have June and July

Footnote 207:

On coming of age, which took place at about 15 or 16, the Roman boy left off the purple-bordered _toga praetexta_ and assumed the pure white _toga virilis_.

Footnote 208:

March 17.

et Quinctilem in metu. Esto; duos quidem menses sustinebit Bibulus. Quid illo fiet, quem reliquero, praesertim si fratrem? quid me autem, si non tam cito decedo? Magna turba est. Mihi tamen cum Deiotaro convenit, ut ille in meis castris esset cum suis copiis omnibus. Habet autem cohortes quadringenarias nostra armatura XXX, equitum CIↃ CIↃ. Erit ad sustentandum, quoad Pompeius veniat; qui litteris, quas ad me mittit, significat suum negotium illud fore. Hiemant in nostra provincia Parthi; exspectatur ipse Orodes. Quid quaeris? aliquantum est negotii.

De Bibuli edicto nihil novi praeter illam exceptionem, de qua tu ad me scripseras, “nimis gravi praeiudicio in ordinem nostrum.” Ego tamen habeo ἰσοδυναμοῦσαν, sed tectiorem, ex Q. Muci P. f. edicto Asiatico, EXTRA QVAM SI ITA NEGOTIVM GESTVM EST, VT EO STARI NON OPORTEAT EX FIDE BONA, multaque sum secutus Scaevolae, in iis illud, in quo sibi libertatem censent Graeci datam, ut Graeci inter se disceptent suis legibus. Breve autem edictum est propter hanc meam διαίρεσιν, quod duobus generibus edicendum putavi. Quorum unum est provinciale, in quo est de rationibus civitatum, de aere alieno, de usura, de syngraphis; in eodem omnia de publicanis, alterum, quod sine edicto satis commode transigi non potest, de

to fear. Very good. Bibulus can check them for two months, but what will happen to the man whom I leave behind, especially if he be my brother? Or what will be my own fate, if I do not depart so speedily? It is a great bother. However Deiotarus has decided to join my camp in full force. He has thirty squadrons of four hundred men each armed in our fashion, and two thousand cavalry. He can hold out till Pompey comes. A letter he writes to me presumes that he will conduct the campaign. The Parthians spend the winter in a Roman province. Orodes is expected in person. You may take my word it is a big business.

As to Bibulus’ edict there is no new feature, except that proviso of which you wrote “it is a very grave reflection on our order.”[209] However I have a similar proviso, in more circumspect language, borrowed from the Asiatic edict of Q. Mucius, son of Publius, “Provided that the agreement is not such as contravenes equity.” I have followed Scaevola in many details, among them in the stipulation which the Greeks hold as the salvation of their freedom, that Greek cases are to be settled according to Greek law. The edict is short on account of the division I have made, as I considered it fell better under two heads. The one concerns provincial matters and deals with town accounts, debt, the rate of interest, contracts, and includes all matters referring to the tax-collectors. The second head, embracing matters which cannot properly be settled without an

Footnote 209:

Bibulus had excepted from debts recoverable in his court cases in which _vis_ or _dolus malus_ had been used. The clause was directed against _publicani_ and _negotiatores_ who belonged to the _equites_.

hereditatum possessionibus, de bonis possidendis, vendendis, magistris faciendis, quae ex edicto et postulari et fieri solent. Tertium de reliquo iure dicundo ἄγραφον reliqui. Dixi me de eo genere mea decreta ad edicta urban a accommodaturum. Itaque curo et satis facio adhuc omnibus. Graeci vero exsultant, quod peregrinis iudicibus utuntur. “Nugatoribus quidem,” inquies. Quid refert? tamen se αὐτονομίαν adeptos putant. Vestri enim, credo, graves habent Turpionem sutorium et Vettium mancipem.

De publicanis quid agam, videris quaerere. Habeo in deliciis, obsequor, verbis laudo, orno; efficio, ne cui molesti sint. Τὸ παραδοξότατον, usuras eorum, quas pactionibus adscripserant, servavit etiam Servilius. Ego sic. Diem statuo satis laxam, quam ante si solverint, dico me centesimas ducturum; si non solverint, ex pactione. Itaque et Graeci solvunt tolerabili faenore, et publicanis res est gratissima, si illa iam habent pleno modio, verborum honorem, invitationem crebram. Quid plura? sunt omnes ita mihi familiares, ut se quisque maxime putet. Sed tamen μηδὲν αὐτοῖς—scis reliqua.

De statua Africani (ὢ πραγμάτων ἀσυγκλώστων sed me id ipsum delectavit in tuis litteris) ain tu? Scipio hic Metellus proavum suum nescit censorem non

edict, deals with inheritance, ownership and sale, the appointment of official receivers, matters where suits are wont to be brought and settled in accordance with the terms of an edict. A third head dealing with the rest of judicial procedure I left unwritten. I stated that in such matters my decrees would be based on those of Rome. I observe this rule, and so far satisfy everybody. The Greeks are jubilant at having foreign jurors. You may say that the jurors are wasters: however the Greeks flatter themselves that they have got home rule, and your own jurors are men of the lofty standing of Turpio the shoe maker and Vettius the broker.

You ask how I am dealing with the tax-gatherers. I pet them, indulge them, praise and honour them: and take care they trouble no one. It is very odd that the rates of interest specified in their bonds were upheld even by Servilius. My procedure is this. I name a day fairly remote, before which, if the debtors pay up, I lay down that I shall allow only 12 per cent. But, if they have not paid, judgement will be according to the bond. Accordingly the Greeks pay their debts at a fair rate of interest, and the farmers are gratified, provided they get their fill of compliments and invitations. In short, they are all so intimate with me that each man thinks himself my special favourite. But still you know the old saw.[210]

As to the statue of Africanus (what a medley of topics! but that was the delightful feature of your letter, to my mind), do you really mean that Metellus Scipio does not know his great-grandfather

Footnote 210:

The quotation is incomplete, and the ending of it unknown. Probably it contained advice either against trusting or humouring people too much.

fuisse? Atqui nihil habuit aliud inscriptum nisi cos. ea statua, quae ad Opis nuper[211] posita in excelso est. In illa autem, quae est ad Πολυκλέους Herculem, inscriptum est CENS;[212] quam esse eiusdem status, amictus, anulus, imago ipsa declarat. At mehercule ego, cum in turma inauratarum equestrium, quas hic Metellus in Capitolio posuit, animadvertissem in Serapionis subscriptione Africani imaginem, erratum fabrile putavi, nunc video Metelli. O ἀνιστορησίαν turpem! Nam illud de Flavio et fastis, si secus est, commune erratum est, et tu belle ἠπόρησας, et nos publicam prope opinionem secuti sumus, ut multa apud Graecos. Quis enim non dixit Εὔπολιν, τὸν τῆς ἀρχαίας, ab Alcibiade navigante in Siciliam deiectum esse in mare? Redarguit Eratosthenes; adfert enim, quas ille post id tempus fabulas docuerit. Num idcirco Duris Samius, homo in historia diligens, quod cum multis erravit, inridetur? Quis Zaleucum leges Locris scripsisse non dixit? Num igitur iacet Theophrastus. si id a Timaeo, tuo familiari, reprensum est? Sed nescire proavum suum censorem non fuisse turpe est, praesertim cum post eum consulem nemo Cornelius illo vivo censor fuerit.

Quod de Philotimo et de solutione HS |¯XXDC¯| scribis, Philotimum circiter Kal. Ianuarias in Chersonesum audio venisse. At mi ab eo nihil adhuc. Reliqua mea Camillus scribit se accepisse. Ea quae

Footnote 211:

nuper _Boot_; per te _MSS._

Footnote 212:

_I have adopted Tyrrell’s transposition of_ COS. (= CONSUL) _and_ CENS. (= CENSOR) _though with doubts of its correctness_.

was never censor? Certainly the statue which has lately been placed on high near the temple of Ops has only the inscription COS. But the statue near the Hercules of Polycles bears the inscription CENS.: and the pose, the dress, the ring and the likeness prove that it is a statue of the same person. As a matter of fact, when among the crowd of gilded knights placed by Metellus on the Capitol, I noticed a likeness of Africanus with the name Serapio on the pedestal, I thought it was a workman’s error, but now I see it is Metellus’ mistake. What gross ignorance of history! For that misconception about Flavius and the calendar, if it is such, is widely held: and you were quite right in having doubts about it. I have followed the view which is almost universal, as Greek authors often do. Every one says that Eupolis, the poet of the old Comedy, was thrown into the sea by Alcibiades on his voyage to Sicily. Eratosthenes confutes this, producing plays exhibited by him after that date. But that is no reason for laughing at Duris of Samos, who is an accurate historian, because he follows a vulgar error. All historians agree that Zaleucus drew up laws for the Locrians. It is not therefore fatal to Theophrastus, if he is called to account for that by your friend Timaeus. But not to know that one’s great-grandfather was not censor is shocking, especially as after his consulship no Cornelius was censor during his lifetime.

As for your remarks about Philotimus and the payment of £182,000,[213] I hear that Philotimus came to the Chersonese about the beginning of January, but so far I have heard nothing from him. Camillus writes that he has received my balance. I don’t know how

Footnote 213:

20,600,000 sesterces.

sint, nescio et aveo scire. Verum haec posterius et coram fortasse commodius.

Illud me, mi Attice, in extrema fere parte epistulae commovit; scribis enim sic: Τί λοιπόν; deinde me obsecras amantissime, ne obliviscar vigilare et ut animadvertam, quae fiant. Num quid de quo inaudisti? Etsi nihil eius modi est; πολλοῦ γε καὶ δεῖ. Nec enim me fefellisset nec fallet. Sed ista admonitio tua tam accurata nescio quid mihi significare visa est.

De M. Octavio iterum iam tibi rescribo te illi probe respondisse; paulo vellem fidentius. Nam Caelius libertum ad me misit et litteras accurate scriptas et de pantheris et civitatibus. Rescripsi alterum me moleste ferre, si ego in tenebris laterem, nec audiretur Romae nullum in mea provincia nummum nisi in aes alienum erogari, docuique nec mihi conciliare pecuniam licere nec illi capere monuique eum, quem plane diligo, ut, cum alios accusasset, cautius viveret; illud autem alterum alienum esse existumatione mea, Cibyratas imperio meo publice venari.

Lepta tua epistula gaudio exsultat; etenim scripta belle est meque apud eum magna in gratia posuit. Filiola tua gratum mihi fecit, quod tibi diligenter mandavit, ut mihi salutem adscriberes, gratum etiam Pilia, sed illa officiosius, quod mihi, quem iam pridem numquam vidit. Igitur tu quoque salutem

much it is, and I should like to know. However, we can discuss this later and more conveniently when we meet.

That remark at the end of your letter, my dear Atticus, upset me. You used the phrase, “What more is there to say,” and follow it by a most affectionate warning not to forget to be on the watch and to keep an eye on events. Have you heard anything about any of my staff? I am sure there has been no wrong-doing, _pas du tout_. It could not have escaped my notice, and it will not. But your earnest entreaty seemed to hint something.

As for M. Octavius, I repeat that your reply was excellent. I could wish it had been in more positive terms. For Caelius has sent me a freedman of his and a carefully worded letter about panthers and an offer from the townships to furnish contributions. I replied that the second item is annoying, if my conduct is still a secret and the news has not reached town that in my province no money is exacted except in satisfaction of debts: and I have told him that it would be improper for me to allow payment and for him to take it. I have a sincere regard for him and have warned him that after his prosecution of other people he should conduct himself on more careful lines. As to the second point I have told him it would be a blot on my escutcheon that the people of Cibyra should have a public hunt during my governorship.

Lepta leaps with joy over your letter: for it was nicely written and puts me in his good graces. Your tiny daughter has done me a favour in ordering you earnestly to send me her greetings. It was kind of Pilia and very dutiful of your daughter to send greetings to one whom as yet she has never met. So please

utrique adscribito. Litterarum datarum dies pr. Kal. Ianuar. suavem habuit recordationem clarissimi iuris iurandi, quod ego non eram oblitus. Magnus enim praetextatus illo die fui. Habes ad omnia. Non ut postulasti, χρύσεα χαλκείων, sed paria paribus respondimus.

Ecce autem alia pusilla epistula, quam non relinquam ἀναντιφώνητον. Bene mehercule potuit Lucceius Tusculanum, nisi forte (solet enim) cum suo tibicine. Et velim scire, qui sit eius status. Lentulum quidem nostrum omnia praeter Tusculanum proscripsisse audio. Cupio hos expeditos videre, cupio etiam Sestium, adde sis Caelium; in quibus omnibus est

[Sidenote: Iliad vii, 93]

Αἴδεσθεν μὲν ἀνήνασθαι, δεῖσαν δ’ ὑποδέχθαι.

De Memmio restituendo ut Curio cogitet, te audisse puto. De Egnati Sidicini nomine nec nulla nec magna spe sumus. Pinarium, quem mihi commendas, diligentissime Deiotarus curat graviter aegrum. Respondi etiam minori.

Tu velim, dum ero Laodiceae, id est ad Idus Maias, quam saepissime mecum per litteras colloquare, et cum Athenas veneris (iam enim sciemus de rebus urbanis, de provinciis, quae omnia in mensem Martium sunt conlata), utique ad me tabellarios mittas. Et heus tu! iamne vos a Caesare per Herodem talenta Attica L extorsistis? in quo, ut audio, magnum odium Pompei suscepistis. Putat enim suos nummos vos

give my greetings to both of them in return. The date of your letter, the last day of December, reminded me pleasantly of the famous and unforgotten oath I took.[214] I was a Pompey in state robes that day. There you have my answer to all your points: not as you asked “gold for copper,” but like for like.

There was another short letter which I will not leave unanswered. Lucceius to be sure was able to do something for the villa at Tusculum, unless perhaps there was the old obstacle of the flute player[215]; and I should like to know its condition. Our friend Lentulus I hear has advertised all his property except that at Tusculum. I should like to see these gentlemen free from debt as well as Sestius and you may add Caelius too. To all of them one may apply the quotation, “ashamed to refuse, but yet afraid to take.” I suppose you have heard of Curio’s idea to recall Memmius. As for the debt due from Egnatius of Sidicinum, I have some hope, but not much. Deiotarus is taking very great care of Pinarius, whom you recommended to me, in a serious illness. So there is my answer to your little letter.

While I am at Laodicea, which will be up to the 15th of May, please correspond with me as often as possible, and on your arrival at Athens at any rate send me letter carriers, since by that time we shall know what has been done in town and about the provinces, of which the affairs are settled in March. By the bye have you yet got Herodes to wring from Caesar that £12,000? I hear you have excited the animosity of Pompey in the matter. He thinks that

Footnote 214:

Cicero refers to the day on which he laid down the consulship. Cf. _Ad Fam._ v, 2.

Footnote 215:

Or “prop.” But the whole passage is uncertain.

comedisse, Caesarem in Nemore aedificando diligentiorem fore. Haec ego ex P. Vedio, magno nebulone, sed Pompei tamen familiari, audivi. Hic Vedius mihi obviam venit cum duobus essedis et raeda equis iuncta et lectica et familia magna, pro qua, si Curio legem pertulerit, HS centenos pendat necesse est. Erat praeterea cynocephalus in essedo, nec deerant onagri. Numquam vidi hominem nequiorem. Sed extremum audi. Deversatus est Laodiceae apud Pompeium Vindullum. Ibi sua deposuit, cum ad me profectus est. Moritur interim Vindullus; quae res ad Magnum Pompeium pertinere putabatur. C. Vennonius domum Vindulli venit. Cum omnia obsignaret, in Vedianas res incidit. In his inventae sunt quinque imagunculae matronarum, in quibus una sororis amici tui hominis “bruti,” qui hoc utatur, et illius “lepidi,” qui haec tam neglegenter ferat. Haec te volui παριστορῆσαι. Sumus enim ambo belle curiosi.

Unum etiam velim cogites. Audio Appium πρόπυλον Eleusine facere. Num inepti fuerimus, si nos quoque Academiae fecerimus? “Puto,” inquies. Ergo id ipsum scribes ad me. Equidem valde ipsas Athenas amo. Volo esse aliquod monumentum; odi falsas inscriptiones statuarum alienarum. Sed, ut tibi placebit, faciesque me, in quem diem Romana incidant

you have snapped up money which was his, and that it will not lessen Caesar’s energy in building a palace near the sacred grove of Diana. This bit of news came to me from P. Vedius, a shady character, but an intimate of Pompey. The fellow met me on the road with two chariots, a carriage and horses and a litter and a large following. If Curio carries his law,[216] he will have to pay £l apiece. Besides other things, there was a dog-faced baboon in a chariot, and some wild asses. I never met such a rascal. But listen to the end of the story, At Laodicea Vedius put up with Pompeius Vindullus, and left his belongings with him, while he came to meet me. Meantime Vindullus died, and his property is supposed to go to Pompeius Magnus. C. Vennonius went to the house and, while sealing all the goods, found Vedius’ baggage. Among this baggage there were five little busts of Roman married ladies, among them one of the sister of your friend Brutus—a brute indeed to be acquainted with the fellow—and one of the wife of Lepidus, whose easy conduct agrees with the meaning of his name. I wanted to tell you this little tale _en passant_, for we are both nice gossips.

There is one thing I wish you to consider. I hear that Appius is putting up a porch at Eleusis. Shall I look a fool, if I do so in the Academy? I dare say you may think so: say so plainly, if you do. I am very fond of the city of Athens. I should like it to have some memorial of myself. I dislike lying titles on the statues of other folk. But as you think best. And please let me know the date of the

Footnote 216:

In _Ad Fam._ viii, 6 a _lex viaria_ and a _lex alimentaria_ are mentioned. Possibly travellers with a large retinue were taxed under the first of these.

mysteria, certiorem, et quo modo hiemaris. Cura, ut valeas. Post Leuctricam pugnam die septingentesimo sexagesimo quinto.

II

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Laodiceae in. m. Mai. a. 704_]

Cum Philogenes, libertus tuus, Laodiceam ad me salutandi causa venisset et se statim ad te navigaturum esse diceret, has ei litteras dedi, quibus ad eas rescripsi, quas acceperam a Bruti tabellario. Et respondebo primum postremae tuae paginae, quae mihi magnae molestiae fuit, quod ad te scriptum est a Cincio de Stati sermone; in quo hoc molestissimum est, Statium dicere a me quoque id consilium probari. Probari autem? De isto hactenus dixerim, me vel plurima vincla tecum summae coniunctionis optare, etsi sunt amoris artissima; tantum abest, ut ego ex eo, quo astricti sumus, laxari aliquid velim. Illum autem multa de istis rebus asperius solere loqui saepe arbitror. In hac autem peregrinatione militiave nostra saepe incensum ira vidi, saepe placatum. Quid ad Statium scripserit, nescio. Quicquid acturus de tali re fuit, scribendum tamen ad libertum non fuit. Mihi autem erit maxumae curae, ne quid fiat secus, quam re se quemque praestare, ac maxumae partes istius

mysteries at Rome, and how you are passing the winter. Keep well. I write this on the seven hundred and sixty-fifth day after the battle of Leuctra.[217]

II

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Laodicea, May_, B.C. _50_]

Your freedman Philogenes has come to visit me at Laodicea and tells me that he is on the point of sailing to join you: so I give him this letter in reply to your letter which I got from Brutus’ letter-carrier. First I will answer your last page which caused me much concern:—that is about Cincius’ communication on the talk he had with Statius. I was particularly concerned at Statius’ remark that the plan had my approval. Approval indeed! I need only say thus much. I wish the ties of friendship to be as many and close as possible between us, though none can be so close as those of our common liking. I am far from wanting the tie between us to be relaxed. Quintus however to my knowledge will often use bitter language on his private affairs, and often I have pacified his anger, as I think you know. On my late tour or military campaign I have seen him often fly in a temper and often calm again. I don’t know what he wrote to Statius; whatever he meant to do, he ought not to have informed a freedman. However I will do my best to prevent any course contrary to our wishes and to propriety. In a case like this it is not enough for a man to make himself responsible for his own conduct only: and

Footnote 217:

Cicero refers thus to the killing of Clodius on Jan. 18, 52 B.C., comparing it with the defeat of the Spartans by Epaminondas at Leuctra in 371 B.C.

officii sunt pueri Ciceronis sive iam adulescentis; quod quidem illum soleo hortari. Ac mihi videtur matrem valde, ut debet, amare teque mirifice. Sed est magnum illud quidem, verum tamen multiplex pueri ingenium; in quo ego regendo habeo negotii satis.

Quoniam respondi postremae tuae paginae prima mea, nunc ad primam revertar tuam. Peloponnesias civitates omnes maritimas esse hominis non nequam, sed etiam tuo iudicio probati, Dicaearchi, tabulis credidi. Is multis nominibus in Trophoniana Chaeronis narratione Graecos in eo reprendit, quod mare tantum secuti sint, nec ullum in Peloponneso locum excipit. Cum mihi auctor placeret (etenim erat ἱστορικώτατος et vixerat in Peloponneso), admirabar tamen et vix adcredens communicavi cum Dionysio. Atque is primo est commotus, deinde, quod de isto Dicaearcho non minus bene existumabat quam tu de C. Vestorio, ego de M. Cluvio, non dubitabat, quin ei crederemus. Arcadiae censebat esse Lepreon quoddam maritumum; Tenea autem et Aliphera ct Tritia νεόκτιστα ei videbantur, idque τῷ τῶν νεῶν καταλόγῳ confirmabat, ubi mentio non fit istorum. Itaque istum ego locum totidem verbis a Dicaearcho transtuli. “Phliasios” autem dici sciebam, et ita fac ut habeas; nos quidem sic habemus. Sed primo me ἀναλογία deceperat, Φλιοῦς, Ὀποῦς, Σιποῦς, quod Ὀπούντιοι, Σιπούντιοι. Sed hoc continuo correximus.

Laetari te nostra moderatione et continentia video.

indeed the principal share of responsibility attaches to the boy, or young man as he is now, Quintus. This I am always telling him. To me he seems to love his mother greatly, as he should, and to be extremely fond of you. He is a lad of high but complex character, and I have enough to do to guide his conduct.

Having devoted my first page to answering your last, I will now return to your first. I relied on the maps of Dicaearchus, a writer of no mean standing and an authority you accept, for the information that all the states of the Peloponnese bordered on the sea. In the account of the cave of Trophonius, which he puts into the mouth of Chaeron, he blames the Greeks on many scores for sticking to the sea coast; and he does not except a single district in the Peloponnese. He was a very accurate historian and lived in the Peloponnese, so that his evidence seemed trustworthy. Still I was surprised and communicated my doubts to Dionysius. Dionysius was startled at first, but finally accepted his authority, since he had as good an opinion of Dicaearchus as you have of C. Vestorius or I of M. Cluvius. Arcadia he agreed had a seaport Lepreon: but Tenea, Aliphera and Tritia were, he considered, more modern, a view he supported by the omission of these places from Homer’s catalogue of the ships. Accordingly I borrowed the passage from Dicaearchus in so many words. I know that Phliasii is the proper form. Please make it so in your copy. I read it in mine. But first of all thinking of Phlious I was misled by a vicious analogy of Opuntii from Opous and Sipuntii from Sipous. But I altered it at once.

I see that you are pleased at my unselfish moderation.

Tum id magis faceres, si adesses. Atque hoc foro, quod egi ex Idibus Februariis Laodiceae ad Kal. Maias omnium dioecensium praeter Ciliciae, mirabilia quaedam effecimus. Ita multae civitates omni aere alieno liberatae, multae valde levatae sunt, omnes suis legibus et iudiciis usae αὐτονομίαν adeptae revixerunt. His ego duobus generibus facultatem ad se aere alieno liberandas aut levandas dedi, uno, quod omnino nullus in imperio meo sumptus factus est (nullum cum dico, non loquor ὑπερβολικῶς), nullus, inquam, ne terruncius quidem. Hac autem re incredibile est quantum civitates emerserint. Accessit altera. Mira erant in civitatibus ipsorum furta Graecorum, quae magistratus sui fecerant. Quaesivi ipse de iis, qui annis decem proximis magistratum gesserant. Aperte fatebantur. Itaque sine ulla ignominia suis umeris pecunias populis rettulerunt. Populi autem nullo gemitu publicanis, quibus hoc ipso lustro nihil solverant, etiam superioris lustri reddiderunt. Itaque publicanis in oculis sumus. “Gratis,” inquis, “viris.” Sensimus. Iam cetera iuris dictio nec imperita et clemens cum admirabili facilitate; aditus autem ad me minime provinciales; nihil per cubicularium; ante lucem inambulabam domi ut olim candidatus. Grata haec et magna mihique nondum laboriosa ex illa vetere militia. Nonis Maiis in Ciliciam cogitabam. Ibi cum Iunium

You would be more pleased, if you were here. In this very assize which I have been holding at Laodicea from the 13th of February to the 1st of May for all the districts except Cilicia, I have done wonders. See how many states have been freed from debt and how many have had their burden lightened. All have revived on acquiring home rule, and using their own enactments in law. I have given them in two ways the chance of freeing themselves or relieving themselves from debt. First by causing them no expense during my administration (and in saying no expense I mean literally not one farthing), which has helped them astonishingly out of their trouble. Secondly the states had suffered from surprising corruption in their own countrymen, that is to say their magistrates. I questioned the men who had held the office of magistrate during the last ten years. They concealed nothing. So without exposure they took on their own backs the repayment of the money: and the communities which had paid the tax-farmers nothing for the present five years have now without any complaints paid up arrears for the last five years too. So I am the apple of their eye to the tax-farmers. “Grateful fellows,” you exclaim. Yes I have experienced their gratitude. The rest of my judicial conduct has been enlightened, but mild and marvellously courteous. There has been none of the difficulty of access so characteristic of provincial governors; and no backstairs jobbery. Before daybreak I walk up and down in my house, as I did of yore when a candidate for office. This is popular and a great boon, and I have not felt it a burden owing to my old training.

On the 15th of May I intend to go to Cilicia.

mensem consumpsissem (atque utinam in pace! magnum enim bellum inpendet a Parthis), Quinctilem in reditu ponere. Annuae enim mihi operae a. d. III Kal. Sextil. emerentur. Magna autem in spe sum mihi nihil temporis prorogatum iri. Habebam acta urbana usque ad Nonas Martias; e quibus intellegebam Curionis nostri constantia omnia potius actum iri quam de provinciis. Ergo, ut spero, prope diem te videbo.

Venio ad Brutum tuum, immo nostrum; sic enim mavis. Equidem omnia feci, quae potui aut in mea provincia perficere aut in regno experiri. Omni igitur modo egi cum rege et ago cotidie per litteras scilicet. Ipsum enim triduum quadriduumve mecum habui turbulentis in rebus, quibus eum liberavi. Sed et tum praesens et postea creberrimis litteris non destiti rogare et petere mea causa, suadere et hortari sua. Multum profeci, sed quantum, non plane, quia longe absum, scio. Salaminios autem (hos enim poteram coërcere) adduxi, ut totum nomen Scaptio vellent solvere, sed centesimis ductis a proxuma quidem syngrapha nec perpetuis, sed renovatis quotannis. Numerabantur nummi: noluit Scaptius. Tu qui ais Brutum cupere aliquid perdere? Quaternas habebat in syngrapha. Fieri non poterat, nec, si posset, ego pati possem. Audio omnino Scaptium

After spending the month of June there (and I pray it may be in peace, for a serious war with the Parthians is certainly coming), July I shall spend on my journey home. I shall have served my year on July the 30th. I have great hopes that my tenure of office may not be extended. I have the city gazette up to the 7th of March. I gather that, thanks to the persistence of my friend Curio, appointments to the province will be the last business to be considered. So, as I hope, I shall see you soon.

I come now to Brutus, your friend or rather mine, since you prefer it. I have done everything that I could accomplish in my own province or attempt in the kingdom of Cappadocia. I have taken every measure with the king and still do so daily—by letter. The king himself was in my company only for three or four days and at a crisis in his affairs, from which I released him. But both then in person and subsequently in repeated letters I have continually begged and besought him in my own name and advised and persuaded him in his own interest. My efforts have borne fruit: but how much at this distance I cannot tell for certain. The people of Salamis however, whom I could influence, I have induced to consent to settle all their debt with Scaptius, but with interest at 12 per cent calculated from the date of the last contract, and not at simple but compound interest. The money was counted down: but Scaptius refused to take it. What kind of a figure do you cut, who say that Brutus will make a sacrifice? Forty-eight per cent was written in the bond. It was an impossible sum. It could not be paid nor could I have permitted it. I hear after all that

paenitere. Nam, quod senatus consultum esse dicebat, ut ius ex syngrapha diceretur, eo consilio factum est, quod pecuniam Salaminii contra legem Gabiniam sumpserant. Vetabat autem Auli lex ius dici de ita sumpta pecunia. Decrevit igitur senatus, ut ius diceretur ex ista syngrapha. Nunc ista habet iuris idem quod ceterae, nihil praecipui. Haec a me ordine facta puto me Bruto probaturum; tibi nescio; Catoni certe probabo.

Sed iam ad te ipsum revertor. Ain tandem, Attice, laudator integritatis et elegantiae nostrae,

“ausus es hoc ex ore tuo——,”

inquit Ennius, ut equites Scaptio ad pecuniam cogendam darem, me rogare? An tu, si mecum esses, qui scribis morderi te interdum, quod non simul sis, paterere me id facere, si vellem? “Non amplius,” inquis, “quinquaginta.” Cum Spartaco minus multi primo fuerunt. Quid tandem isti mali in tam tenera insula non fecissent? Non fecissent autem? immo quid ante adventum meum non fecerunt? Inclusum in curia senatum habuerunt Salaminium ita multos dies, ut interierint non nulli fame. Erat enim praefectus Appi Scaptius et habebat turmas ab Appio. Id me igitur tu, cuius mehercule os mihi ante oculos solet versari, cum de aliquo officio ac laude cogito, tu me, inquam, rogas, praefectus ut Scaptius sit? Alias hoc statueramus, ut negotiatorem neminem, idque Bruto probaramus. Habeat is turmas? Cur potius quam

Scaptius is sorry. As to his argument from a decree of the Senate ordering judgement to be given according to the bond, the reason for that was that in borrowing the money the people of Salamis contravened the law of Gabinius. Aulus’ law forbade that judgement should be given for money so borrowed. So the Senate decreed that judgement might be given on that particular bond. Now the bond in question has the same validity as other bonds, and no special privilege. I fancy Brutus will admit that my behaviour has been proper. I do not know if you will take that view, but certainly Cato will.

Now I come back to yourself. My dear friend, you have praised the nice honour of my conduct “and can you dare with your own mouth,” as Ennius says, ask me to give Scaptius cavalry to collect his debts? Or would you, if you were here,—you who say that you chafe sometimes at not being with me,—would you suffer me to do such a thing, if I wanted? “Not more than fifty men,” you say. Spartacus had fewer men than that at first. The blackguards would have done indescribable damage in such a weak island. Do you say, they would have refrained? Look at the damage they did before I came here. They kept the members of the local Senate prisoners in their Chamber for so long that some died of hunger. For Scaptius was a prefect of Appius, and was allowed some cavalry. Your face is always before my eyes, when I think of duty and honour, and can you, you, I repeat, ask me to give the fellow the office of prefect? I had settled in other cases never to give the office to a man of business, a course which had won the approval of Brutus: and is a fellow like Scaptius to have cavalry? Why should he not be content with a

cohortes? Sumptu iam nepos evadit Scaptius. “Volunt,” inquit, “principes.” Scio; nam ad me Ephesum usque venerunt flentesque equitum scelera et miserias suas detulerunt. Itaque statim dedi litteras, ut ex Cypro equites ante certam diem decederent, ob eamque causam, tum ob ceteras Salaminii nos in caelum decretis suis sustulerunt. Sed iam quid opus equitatu? solvunt enim Salaminii; nisi forte id volumus armis efficere, ut faenus quaternis centesimis ducant. Et ego audebo legere umquam aut attingere eos libros, quos tu dilaudas, si tale quid fecero? Nimis, inquam, in isto Brutum amasti, dulcissime Attice, nos vereor ne parum. Atque haec scripsi ego ad Brutum scripsisse te ad me. Cognosce nunc cetera.

Pro Appio nos hic omnia facimus, honeste tamen, sed plane libenter. Nec enim ipsum odimus et Brutum amamus, et Pompeius mirifice a me contendit, quem mehercule plus plusque in dies diligo. C. Caelium quaestorem huc venire audisti. Nescio, quid sit: sed Pammenia illa mihi non placent. Ego me spero Athenis fore mense Septembri. Tuorum itinerum tempora scire sane velim. Εὐήθειαν Semproni Rufi cognovi ex epistula tua Corcyraea. Quid quaeris? invideo potentiae Vestori.

Cupiebam etiam nunc plura garrire, sed lucet; urget turba, festinat Philogenes. Valebis igitur et valere Piliam et Caeciliam nostrum iubebis litteris et salvebis a meo Cicerone.

company of foot? He is beginning to live in spendthrift style. The leading people of Salamis insist, he declares. Of course; that is why they came to me and with tears told me of his men’s atrocities and their own miseries. Accordingly I sent a letter at once ordering the cavalry to quit Cyprus by a certain day, and that, as well as other acts of mine, has caused the people of Salamis to praise me to the skies in their decrees. There is no need of cavalry now, for the people are ready to pay,—unless perhaps I want to use force to make them pay 48 per cent interest. Were I to do such a thing, I could never venture to read or touch those volumes which you praise. You, my dear fellow, have had far too much regard for Brutus in the matter. I perhaps not enough. I have informed Brutus of the drift of your letter. Now for the remaining topics.

I am pleased to do all I can for Appius here consistently with my honour. I do not dislike him and I like Brutus: and Pompey, for whom I have a higher regard every day, is surprisingly importunate. You have heard that C. Caelius comes here as quaestor. I don’t know why, but I don’t like that affair of Pammenes. I hope to be at Athens in the month of September. Please let me know the dates of your travels. I understood the _naïveté_ of Sempronius Rufus from your letter written in Corcyra. I am really quite jealous of the influence Of Vestorius.

I should like to keep on chatting, but day dawns, the crowd is pressing in and Philogenes is in a hurry. Good-bye, give my greetings to Pilia, when you write, and to your daughter: and accept greetings from my son.

III

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in Cilicia m. Iun. ante V K. Quint. a. 704_]

Etsi nil sane habebam novi, quod post accidisset, quam dedissem ad te Philogeni, liberto tuo, litteras, tamen, cum Philotimum Romam remitterem, scribendum aliquid ad te fuit. Ac primum illud, quod me maxume angebat—non quo me aliquid iuvare posses. Quippe, res enim est in manibus, tu autem abes longe gentium;

πολλὰ δ’ ἐν μεταιχμίῳ νότος κυλίνδει κύματ’ εὐρείης ἁλός.

Obrepit dies, ut vides (mihi enim a. d. III Kal. Sextil. de provincia decedendum est), nec succeditur. Quem relinquam, qui provinciae praesit? Ratio quidem et opinio hominum postulat fratrem, primum quod videtur esse honos, nemo igitur potior; deinde quod solum habeo praetorium. Pomptinus enim ex pacto et convento (nam ea lege exierat) iam a me discesserat; quaestorem nemo dignum putat; etenim est “levis, libidinosus, tagax.” De fratre autem primum illud est. Persuaderi ei non posse arbitror; odit enim provinciam, et hercule nihil odiosius, nihil molestius. Deinde, ut mihi nolit negare, quidnam mei sit officii? cum bellum esse in Syria magnum putetur, id videatur in hanc provinciam erupturum, hic praesidii nihil sit, sumptus annuus decretus sit, videaturne aut pietatis esse meae fratrem relinquere aut diligentiae nugarum aliquid relinquere? Magna igitur, ut vides, sollicitudine adficior, magna inopia consilii. Quid quaeris?

III

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Cilicia, before June 26_, B.C. _50_]

Though I have no fresh news, since I handed a letter for you to your freedman Philogenes, still I must write you a line, since I am sending Philotimus back to Rome. First a thing which gives me much anxiety—not that you can help me at all—for the business is in hand, and you are far away in a foreign land

“and by south wind tossed Between us rolls the wide estranging sea.”

The days steal on, as you see (for I am due to leave my province on the 30th of July), and no successor is appointed. Whom can I leave in charge? Policy and public opinion point to my brother: first because it is right that he should have the honour by preference to anyone else, and secondly because he is the only officer of praetorian rank that I have: for Pomptinus, who came out on that condition, has left me already according to his agreement. My quaestor is notoriously unsuitable; he is “unsteady, wanton and lightfingered.” There is one objection to my brother’s appointment,—he will probably refuse, as he hates provincial life. Certes, it is a hateful bore. Then, supposing he does not like to refuse, what is my proper course? Seeing that a great war is likely in Syria, which will apparently break forth into this district, where there is no protection and only the ordinary supplies have been voted for the year, it would certainly seem unnatural to leave my brother, and careless to leave some nincompoop. As you see I am troubled greatly and badly want advice. In short I

toto negotio nobis opus non fuit. Quanto tua provincia melior! Decedes, cum voles, nisi forte iam decessisti; quem videbitur, praeficies Thesprotiae et Chaoniae. Necdum tamen ego Quintum conveneram, ut iam, si id placeret, scirem, possetne ab eo impetrari: nee tamen, si posset, quid vellem, habebam. Hoc est igitur eius modi.

Reliqua plena adhuc et laudis et gratiae, digna iis libris, quos dilaudas, conservatae civitates, cumulate publicanis satis factum, offensus contumelia nemo, decreto iusto et severo perpauci, nec tamen quisquam, ut queri audeat, res gestae dignae triumpho; de quo ipso nihil cupide agemus, sine tuo quidem consilio certe nihil. Clausula est difficilis in tradenda provincia. Sed haec deus aliquis gubernabit.

De urbanis rebus scilicet plura tu scis; saepius et certiora audis; equidem doleo non me tuis litteris certiorem fieri. Huc enim odiosa adferebantur de Curione, de Paulo; non quo ullum periculum videam stante Pompeio vel etiam sedente, valeat modo; sed mehercule Curionis et Pauli, meorum familiarium, vicem doleo. Formam igitur mihi totius rei publicae, si iam es Romae aut cum eris, velim mittas, quae mihi obviam veniat, ex qua me fingere possim et praemeditari, quo animo accedam ad urbem. Est enim quiddam advenientem non esse peregrinum atque hospitem. Et, quod paene praeterii, Bruti tui causa,

made a mistake over the whole matter. Your sphere is far preferable. You can depart at pleasure; and perhaps you have left already. You can put Thesprotia and Chaonia[218] in charge of anyone you like. I have not yet met my brother to know whether he would consent, if I want him to take it over; nor, should he consent, am I settled in my plans. So much for that.

The rest so far is full of honour and glory and worthy of the volumes which you praise. Communities have found salvation, the whole body of tax-collectors has been satisfied, no one has been annoyed by ill-considered conduct, very few by the severity of upright justice—none so that he could dare complain—and a campaign has been conducted in a way that deserves a triumph, though I shall not seek it greedily, nor seek it at all without your advice. The conclusion is difficult in the matter of handing over the province. But some god will direct my course.

About doings in town of course you know more, as your information comes more frequently and more surely. I am sorry that you do not pass on your news in a letter, for tiresome tidings have reached me about Curio and Paulus, not that there would seem anything to fear, if Pompey keeps his influence or even his inactivity. Only let him recover his health. But I am annoyed for Curio and Paulus, my friends. So, if you are now in town, or when you are there, please send me a sketch of the political situation to meet me on my way, that I may mould my conduct upon it and bethink me of the proper spirit in which to approach Rome. It is something not to arrive as a foreigner and a stranger. There was one point I nearly omitted. As I have said often, I have

Footnote 218:

The country round Atticus’ house in Epirus.

ut saepe ad te scripsi, feci omnia. Cyprii numerabant; sed Scaptius centesimis renovato in singulos annos faenore contentus non fuit. Ariobarzanes non in Pompeium prolixior per ipsum quam per me in Brutum. Quem tamen ego praestare non poteram; erat enim rex perpauper, aberamque ab eo ita longe, ut nihil possem nisi litteris; quibus pugnare non destiti. Summa haec est. Pro ratione pecuniae liberalius est Brutus tractatus quam Pompeius. Bruto curata hoc anno talenta circiter c, Pompeio in sex mensibus promissa cc. Iam in Appi negotio quantum tribuerim Bruto, dici vix potest. Quid est igitur, quod laborem? Amicos habet meras nugas, Matinium, Scaptium. Qui quia non habuit a me turmas equitum, quibus Cyprum vexaret, ut ante me fecerat, fortasse suscenset, aut quia praefectus non est, quod ego nemini tribui negotiatori, non C. Vennonio, meo familiari, non tuo, M. Laenio, et quod tibi Romae ostenderam me servaturum; in quo perseveravi. Sed quid poterit queri is, qui, auferre pecuniam cum posset, noluit? Scaptio, qui in Cappadocia fuit, puto esse satis factum. Is a me tribunatum cum accepisset, quem ego ex Bruti litteris ei detulissem, postea scripsit ad me se uti nolle eo tribunatu.

Gavius est quidam, cui cum praefecturam detulissem Bruti rogatu, multa et dixit et fecit cum quadam mea contumelia, P. Clodi canis. Is me nec proficiscentem Apameam prosecutus est, nec, cum postea in castra venisset atque inde discederet, num quid vellem, rogavit, et fuit aperte mihi nescio quare

done everything for your friend Brutus. The people of Cyprus were paying down the money. Scaptius was not content with 12 per cent compound interest. Ariobarzanes is not more accommodating to Pompey for his own sake than to Brutus for mine. Still I could not go bail for him, for he is a very needy monarch and I was such a long way off that I could only press him on paper, as I did continually. The conclusion is this. In proportion to the sum lent, Brutus has been treated more liberally than Pompey: for Brutus there has been got this year about £24,400. To Pompey has been promised £48,800 within six months. In the business of Appius, my concessions to Brutus are almost incalculable. I have no reason to distress myself. Brutus’ friends are men of straw, Matinius, and Scaptius, who is perhaps angry because he could not get troops to harry Cyprus as he had done before my time, or because he was not made a prefect, an office I have not granted to any man of business, not to C. Vennonius, my friend, nor to your friend M. Laenius. I have persevered in the course that I told you at Rome I should keep: but a man who refused to take his money, when he could, cannot grumble. The other Scaptius who was in Cappadocia I think is satisfied. First of all he accepted a military tribuneship from me, which a letter from Brutus had persuaded me to offer him; but he wrote me afterwards that he did not want to take it up.

There is a person Gavius, who, after I had offered him a post as prefect at Brutus’ request, said and did a good deal to disparage me. He is Clodius’ puppydog. He did not condescend to be one of my escort when I left Apamea, nor, when he came into camp later and was leaving it, did he ask if I had any commissions. For some unknown reason he was an

non amicus. Hunc ego si in praefectis habuissem, quem tu me hominem putares? Qui, ut scis, potentissimorum hominum contumaciam numquam tulerim, ferrem huius adseculae? etsi hoc plus est quam ferre, tribuere etiam aliquid beneficii et honoris. Is igitur Gavius, cum Apameae me nuper vidisset Romam proficiscens, me ita appellavit, ut Culleolum vix auderem: “Unde,” inquit, “me iubes petere cibaria praefecti?” Respondi lenius, quam putabant oportuisse, qui aderant, me non instituisse iis dare cibaria, quorum opera non essem usus. Abiit iratus. Huius nebulonis oratione si Brutus moveri potest, licebit eum solus ames, me aemulum non habebis. Sed illum eum futurum esse puto, qui esse debet. Tibi tamen causam notam esse volui et ad ipsum haec perscripsi diligentissime. Omnino (soli enim sumus) nullas umquam ad me litteras misit Brutus, ne proxime quidem de Appio, in quibus non inesset adrogans, ἀκοινονόητον aliquid. Tibi autem valde solet in ore esse:

[Sidenote: Lucilius.]

“Granius autem Non contemnere se et reges odisse superbos.”

In quo tamen ille mihi risum magis quam stomachum movere solet. Sed plane parum cogitat, quid scribat aut ad quem.

Q. Cicero puer legit, ut opinor, et certe, epistulam inscriptam patri suo. Solet enim aperire idque de meo consilio, si quid forte sit, quod opus sit sciri. In ea autem epistula erat idem illud de sorore quod ad me. Mirifice conturbatum vidi puerum. Lacrimans

open enemy of mine. If I had counted such a fellow among my prefects, you might doubt what kind of creature I am. You know I will not brook discourtesy from men of power, and should I put up with it from this hanger-on? Though, to be sure, gracious bestowal of honour is something more than putting up with a man. So Gavius, when on his road to Rome he saw me lately at Apamea, addressed me as I should scarcely address Culleolus. “Where,” said he, “am I to look for my pickings?” I answered less sternly than those present thought proper, that I was not accustomed to give pickings to men whose services I had not used. He went off in a temper. If Brutus listens to the talk of such a shady customer, you may have him to yourself. I shall not be your rival. But I think he will behave all right. However I wanted you to know the circumstances, and I have recounted the matter very fully to Brutus. Between ourselves Brutus has never sent me a letter, not even lately about Appius, without a touch of arrogance and intolerance. You often quote the lines,

“But Granius too Has self-conceit and hates the pride of kings.”

However in this business he excites my laughter rather than my rage, and evidently he does not consider sufficiently what he writes and to whom.

The young Quintus, I fancy, yes I am sure, read your letter addressed to his father, for he usually opens his father’s letters—and that by my advice—in case there is anything he ought to know. The letter contained that same passage about your sister that you wrote to me. The boy was awfully upset. He

mecum est questus. Quid quaeris? miram in eo pietatem, suavitatem humanitatemque perspexi. Quo maiorem spem habeo nihil fore aliter, ac deceat. Id te igitur scire volui.

Ne illud quidem praetermittam. Hortensius filius fuit Laodiceae gladiatoribus flagitiose et turpiter. Hunc ego patris causa vocavi ad cenam, quo die venit, et eiusdem patris causa nihil amplius. Is mihi dixit se Athenis me exspectaturum, ut mecum decederet. “Recte,” inquam; quid enim dicerem? Omnino puto nihil esse, quod dixit; nolo quidem, ne offendam patrem, quem mehercule multum diligo. Sin fuerit meus comes, moderabor ita, ne quid eum offendam, quem minime volo.

Haec sunt; etiam illud. Orationem Q. Celeris mihi velim mittas contra M. Servilium. Litteras mitte quam primum; si nihil, nihil fieri vel per tuum tabellarium. Piliae et filiae salutem. Cura, ut valeas.

IV

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in itinere paulo post Non. Iun. a. 704_]

Tarsum venimus Nonis Iuniis. Ibi me multa moverunt, magnum in Syria bellum, magna in Cilicia latrocinia, mihi difficilis ratio administrandi, quod paucos dies habebam reliquos annui muneris, illud autem difficillimum, relinquendus erat ex senatus consulto,

came to me complaining in tears. I saw much good feeling in him, and a kind and courteous disposition, which increases my hope for a satisfactory issue to the matter: so I want you to know it.

There is one thing I must not pass over. The young Hortensius, during the gladiatorial exhibition at Laodicea, behaved in a shameful and scandalous way. For his father’s sake I invited him to my table on the day of his arrival, and for the same father’s sake treated him handsomely.[219] He said that he would await my departure in Athens, that we might go home together. I could only say, “Very well.” But I don’t fancy at all that he meant what he said. I hope not, lest I offend his father, who is my very good friend. But if he comes in my suite, I will arrange so as to avoid offence to a man I don’t want to offend.

So much for that, there is one thing more. Please send me Q. Celer’s speech against M. Servilius. Write to me at your first opportunity. If there is no news, write to say so, or even send a verbal message. Give my love to your wife and daughter. Keep well.

IV

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _On the road, shortly after June 5_, B.C. _50_]

I came to Tarsus on the 5th of June. There I was upset by many troubles: a big war in Syria, big cases of robbery in Cilicia, my difficulty in arranging things, considering there are only a few days left of my year of office: but the hardest problem of all is that, according to a decree of the Senate, some one must be left

Footnote 219:

or “did nothing more for him.”

qui praeesset. Nihil minus probari poterat quam quaestor Mescinius. Nam de Caelio nihil audiebamus. Rectissimum videbatur fratrem cum imperio relinquere; in quo multa molesta, discessus noster, belli periculum, militum improbitas, sescenta praeterea. O rem totam odiosam! Sed haec fortuna viderit, quoniam consilio non multum uti licet.

Tu, quando Romam salvus, ut spero, venisti, videbis, ut soles, omnia, quae intelleges nostra interesse, imprimis de Tullia mea, cuius de condicione quid mihi placeret, scripsi ad Terentiam, cum tu in Graecia esses; deinde de honore nostro. Quod enim tu afuisti, vereor, ut satis diligenter actum in senatu sit de litteris meis.

Illud praeterea μυστικώτερον ad te scribam, tu sagacius odorabere. Τῆς δάμαρτός μου ὁ ἀπελεύθερος (οἶσθα, ὃν λέγω) ἔδοξέ μοι πρώην, ἐξ ὧν ἀλογευόμενος παρεφθέγγετο, πεφυρακέναι τὰς ψήφους ἐκ τῆς ὠνῆς τῶν ὑπαρχόντων τοῦ Κροτωνιάτου τυραννοκτόνου. Δέδοικα δή, μή τι νοήσῃς. Εἷς δήπου τοῦτο δὴ περισκεψάμενος τὰ λοιπὰ ἐξασφάλισαι. Non queo tantum, quantum vereor, scribere; tu autem fac, ut mihi tuae litterae volent obviae. Haec festinans scripsi in itinere atque agmine. Piliae et puellae Caeciliae bellissimae salutem dices.

in charge. The quaestor Mescinius is by no means a suitable person. Of Caelius I hear nothing. The proper thing seems to be to leave my brother with military power, but that involves many difficulties—our separation, risk of war, mutiny in the troops, a thousand other hazards. A hateful business altogether. But fortune must look to it, since reason serves our purpose little.

You, having come safe to Rome, as I hope, will as usual look to everything that concerns me, especially the matter of my daughter, about whose marriage settlement I have written to Terentia expressing my intentions, since you were in Greece. Then please look after my triumph. For as you were absent from town, I fear the Senate hardly paid sufficient attention to my despatch.

The following point I will write to you in dark phrases: your cleverness will scent my meaning. My wife’s freedman (you know whom I mean) seemed to me lately from casual words of his to have cooked his accounts on the sale of the goods of the Crotonian tyrannicide.[220] I fear you have noticed something. Look into this matter yourself alone, and secure what is left. I cannot write all my fears. Take care that your letter flies to meet me. I write in haste on the march and with my army. Give my love to your wife and to your very charming little daughter.

Footnote 220:

T. Annius Milo, who assumed the name Milo in honour of the well-known athlete of Croton of that name. The freedman referred to is Phylotimus. From v, 8 it appears that he bought for Cicero at the sale of Milo’s property.

V

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. in castris V K. Quint. a. 704_]

Nunc quidem profecto Romae es. Quo te, si ita est, salvum venisse gaudeo; unde quidem quam diu afuisti, magis a me abesse videbare, quam si domi esses; minus enim mihi meae notae res erant, minus etiam publicae. Quare velim, etsi, ut spero, te haec legente aliquantum iam viae processero, tamen obvias mihi litteras quam argutissimas de omnibus rebus crebro mittas, imprimis de quo scripsi ad te antea. Τῆς ξυναόρου τῆς ἐμῆς οὑξελεύθερος ἔδοξέ μοι θαμὰ βατταρίζων καὶ ἀλύων ἐν τοῖς ξυλλόγοις καὶ ταῖς λέσχαις ὑπό τι πεφυρακέναι τὰς ψήφους ἐν τοῖς ὑπάρχουσιν τοῖς τοῦ Κροτωνιάτου. Hoc tu indaga, ut soles, ast hoc magis. Ἐξ ἄστεως ἑπταλόφου στείχων παρέδωκεν μνῶν κδʹ, μηʹ ὀφειλημα τῷ Καμίλλῳ, ἑαυτόν τε ὀφείλοντα μνᾶς κδ’ ἐκ τῶν Κροτωνιατικῶν καὶ ἐκ τῶν Χερρονησιτικῶν μηʹ καὶ μνᾶς κληρονομῆσαι χμʹ, χμʹ. Τούτων δὲ μηδὲ ὀβολὸν διευθετῆσθαι πάντων ὀφειληθέντων τοῦ δευτέρου μηνὸς τῇ νουμηνίᾳ. Τὸν δὲ ἀπελεύθερον αὐτοῦ ὄντα ὁμώνυμον τῷ Κόνωνος πατρὶ μηδὲν ὁλοσχερῶς πεφροντικέναι. Ταῦτα οὖν πρῶτον μέν, ἵνα πάντα σώζηται, δεύτερον δέ, ἵνα μηδὲ τῶν τόκων ὀλιγωρήσῃς τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς προεκκειμένης ἡμέρας. Ὅσας αὐτὸν ἠνέγκαμεν, σφόδρα δέδοικα· καὶ γὰρ παρῆν πρὸς ἡμᾶς κατασκεψόμενος

V

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _In camp, June 26_, B.C. _50_]

You must certainly be at Rome now. If you are, I am glad of your safe arrival. So long as you were away from town, you seemed to me to be further off than if you were in Rome, for I heard less of my own business and less of the business of the state. So please send plenty of chatty letters on every kind of subject to meet me, though I hope, when you read this, I shall be well on my journey home. Above all write me on the subject I raised in my former letter. From the stuttering hesitation of my wife’s freedman in our meetings and talks I infer that he has been cooking his accounts a little in the matter of the sale of the Crotonian’s[221] goods. Investigate the matter with your usual care, but pay still more attention to this. When leaving the city of the seven hills he tendered an account of debts of some £100 and £200[222] to Camillus, and put himself down as owing £100 from Milo’s goods and £200 from the property in the Chersonese, and as having inherited two sums of £2,600,[223] of which not a penny had been paid, though all were due on the 1st of the second month. Milo’s freedman, Timotheus, the namesake of Conon’s father, he said, had never given a thought to the matter. Now first try and secure the whole amount, and secondly don’t overlook the interest from the afore-mentioned day. All the time I had to endure him, I was much upset. He came to me to spy out

Footnote 221:

i.e. T. Annius Milo.

Footnote 222:

24 and 48 minae, worth a little over £4 each.

Footnote 223:

640 minae.

καί τι σχεδὸν ἐλπίσας· ἀπογνοὺς δ’ ἀλόγως ἀπέστη ἐπειπών “εἴκω· αἰσχρόν τοι δηρόν τε μένειν”—meque [Sidenote: Iliad, ii, 298] obiurgavit vetere proverbio τὰ μὲν διδόμενα—. Reliqua vide et, quantum fieri potest, perspiciamus.

Etsi annuum tempus prope iam emeritum habebamus (dies enim XXXIII erant reliqui), sollicitudine provinciae tamen vel maxime urgebamur. Cum enim arderet Syria bello, et Bibulus in tanto maerore suo maximam curam belli sustineret, ad meque legati eius et quaestor et amici eius litteras mitterent, ut subsidio venirem, etsi exercitum infirmum habebam, auxilia sane bona, sed ea Galatarum, Pisidarum, Lyciorum (haec enim sunt nostra robora), tamen esse officium meum putavi exercitum habere quam proxume hostem, quoad mihi praeesse provinciae per senatus consultum liceret. Sed, quo ego maxime delectabar, Bibulus molestus mihi non erat, de omnibus rebus scribebat ad me potius. Et mihi decessionis dies λεληθότως obrepebat. Qui cum advenerit, ἄλλο πρόβλημα, quem praeficiam, nisi Caldus quaestor venerit; de quo adhuc nihil certi habebamus.

Cupiebam mehercule longiorem epistulam facere, sed nec erat res, de qua scriberem, nec iocari prae cura poteram. Valebis igitur et puellae salutem Atticulae dices nostraeque Piliae.

the land, and had some hopes. When he lost them, he left without an explanation, saying: “I give in, ’Twere shame to tarry long,” and casting in my teeth the old proverb “take the goods the gods provide you.”[224] Look after the rest, and let us investigate the matter as thoroughly as possible.

Though I have nearly served my year (for only thirty-three days remain), still I am greatly concerned about my province. Syria is ablaze with war, and Bibulus is burdened with its cares in the midst of his own great sorrow,[225] and his legates, quaestor and friends write to me to go to his aid: so, although the army I have is weak—the auxiliaries certainly are good, Galatians, Pisidians, Lycians, the main strength of my force—I have thought it my duty to keep an army facing the foe, so long as I am authorized by the Senate’s decree to be in charge of my province. But what pleases me greatly is that Bibulus gives no trouble. He writes to me about any other topic by preference, and the day of my departure creeps on unnoticed. When it arrives, there is the further problem of my substitute, unless my quaestor Caldus comes, of whom so far I have no news.

I should like to write a longer letter, but I have no news, and care keeps me from jesting; so good-bye, and love to your little daughter and to your wife.

Footnote 224:

This proverb is referred to in Plato’s _Gorgias_ 499c, and given in full by Olympiodorus in the form τὰ ἐκ τῆς τύχης διδόμενα κόσμει “make the best of what fortune gives.”

Footnote 225:

The murder of his sons in Egypt.

VI

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Rhodi circ. IV Id. Sext. a. 704_]

Ego, dum in provincia omnibus rebus Appium orno, subito sum factus accusatoris eius socer. “Id quidem,” inquis, “di adprobent!” Ita velim teque ita cupere certo scio. Sed, crede mihi, nihil minus putaram ego, qui de Ti. Nerone, qui mecum egerat, certos homines ad mulieres miseram; qui Romam venerunt factis sponsalibus. Sed hoc spero melius; mulieres quidem valde intellego delectari obsequio et comitate adulescentis. Cetera noli ἐξακανθίζειν.

Sed heus tu! πυροὺς εἰς δῆμον Athenis? placet hoc tibi? Etsi non impediebant mei certe libri. Non enim ista largitio fuit in cives, sed in hospites liberalitas. Me tamen de Academiae προπύλῳ iubes cogitare, cum iam Appius de Eleusine non cogitet? De Horterisio te certo scio dolere; equidem excrucior; decreram enim cum eo valde familiariter vivere.

Nos provinciae praefecimus Caelium. “Puerum,” inquies, “et fortasse fatuum et non gravem et non continentem!” Adsentior; fieri non potuit aliter. Nam, quas multo ante tuas acceperam litteras, in quibus ἐπέχειν te scripseras, quid esset mihi faciendum de relinquendo, eae me pungebant; videbam enim, quae tibi essent ἐποχῆς causae, et erant eaedem mihi.

VI

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Rhodes, circa Aug. 10_, B.C. _50_]

While in my province I show Appius every honour, suddenly I find myself father-in-law of Dolabella his accuser. You invoke heaven’s benison. So say I, and you I know are sincere. Believe me, it was the last thing I had expected. Indeed I had even sent trusty agents to Terentia and Tullia about the suit of Ti. Nero, who had made proposals to me: but they arrived in town only when the betrothal was over. However I hope the better course has been taken. I understand that my women folk are highly pleased with the young man’s obliging and courteous temper. As for the rest, don’t pick holes in him.

Good gracious! Do you approve of corn doles to Athens? My own books to be sure do not forbid such a dole, for it was not a largesse to fellow-citizens, but a graceful present in return for hospitality. Still do you encourage me in the matter of the porch for the Academy, when Appius has abandoned his design of a porch at Eleusis? I am sure you are sorry about the news of Hortensius. Personally I am distracted: for it had been my intention to live on intimate terms with him.

I have put Caelius in charge of my province. “A mere boy” you will object, “and perhaps silly, and lacking in dignity and self-control.” I agree; but there was no alternative. The letter I got from you some time ago, in which you said you suspended judgement as to what I ought to do about my substitute, caused me a pang; for I understood the grounds

Puero tradere? fratri autem? Illud non utile nobis. Nam praeter fratrem nemo erat, quem sine contumelia quaestori, nobili praesertim, anteferrem. Tamen, dum impendere Parthi videbantur, statueram fratrem relinquere aut etiam rei publicae causa contra senatus consultum ipse remanere. Qui posteaquam incredibili felicitate discesserunt, sublata dubitatio est. Videbam sermones: “Hui, fratrem reliquit! Num est hoc non plus annum obtinere provinciam? Quid, quod senatus eos voluit praeesse provinciis, qui non praefuissent? At hic triennium!” Ergo haec ad populum. Quid, quae tecum? Numquam essem sine cura, si quid iracundius aut contumeliosius aut neglegentius, quae fert vita hominum. Quid, si quid filius puer et puer bene sibi fidens? qui esset dolor? quem pater non dimittebat teque id censere moleste ferebat. At nunc Caelius non dico equidem “quod egerit—,” sed tamen multo minus laboro. Adde illud. Pompeius, eo robore vir, iis radicibus, Q. Cassium sine sorte delegit, Caesar Antonium; ego sorte datum offenderem, ut etiam inquireret in eum, quem reliquissem? Hoc melius, et huius rei plura exempla, senectuti quidem nostrae profecto aptius.

of your hesitation and felt them myself. Could I hand it over to a boy? But ought I to hand it over to my brother? The latter is prejudicial to my own interests. My brother was the only man it would not be an insult to prefer to the quaestor, especially as that officer was of noble birth. Still, while the Parthians seemed threatening, I determined to leave my brother in charge, or even to run counter to the decree of the Senate and for the sake of the Republic remain here myself. Their marvellously opportune retirement removed my doubts. I foresaw the world’s comment. “So he has left his brother in charge! Is this holding a province for one year only? And what about the decree of the Senate that ex-governors should not be eligible? Why, his brother was governor for three years.” These are the arguments for the public; but for you I have private reasons. I should have been in constant anxiety as to some exhibition of temper or overbearingness or negligence; for such things will happen. Perhaps his son, a mere headstrong lad, would have given me cause for distress: his father would not send him away, and was annoyed with you for saying that he ought. As for Caelius, I cannot say that I am unconcerned about his past behaviour: but still I am far less concerned. Then there is another point. Pompey (and think of his power and position) chose Q. Cassius without regard to the lot, and Caesar too chose Antony. I could not affront Caelius who had been given to me by lot, and so make him a spy on the actions of my successor. No; my present course is better, accords well with precedent and is well suited to my time of life. But,

At te apud eum, di boni, quanta in gratia posui. Eique legi litteras non tuas, sed librarii tui.

Amicorum litterae me ad triumphum vocant, rem a nobis, ut ego arbitror, propter hanc παλιγγενεσίαν nostram non neglegendam. Quare tu quoque, mi Attice, incipe id cupere, quo nos minus inepti videamur.

VII

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Tarsi ante III K. Sext. a. 704_]

Quintus filius pie sane me quidem certe multum hortante, sed currentem, animum patris sui sorori tuae reconciliavit. Eum valde tuae litterae excitarunt. Quid quaeris? confido rein, ut volumus, esse.

Bis ad te antea scripsi de re mea familiari, si modo tibi redditae litterae sunt, Graece ἐν αἰνιγμοῖς. Scilicet nihil est movendum; sed tamen ἀφελῶς percontando de nominibus Milonis et, ut expediat, ut mihi receperit, hortando, aliquid tu proficies.

Ego Laodiceae quaestorem Mescinium exspectare iussi, ut confectas rationes lege Iulia apud duas civitates possem relinquere. Rhodum volo puerorum causa, inde quam primum Athenas, etsi etesiae valde refiant; sed plane volo his magistratibus; quorum voluntatem in supplicatione sum expertus. Tu tamen mitte mihi, quaeso, obviam litteras, numquid putes rei publicae nomine tardandum esse nobis. Tiro ad

heavens, how I have put you in his good books. I read him a letter, not in your own hand, but in that of your secretary.[226]

Friends write me to come home to my triumph, a matter, I think, in view of my political renaissance, hardly to be neglected. So I hope, my dear Atticus, that you will look forward to it too, to make me appear less foolish.

VII

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Tarsus, before July 30_, B.C. _50_]

The boy Quintus has contrived to reconcile his father to your sister. He showed the proper feeling of a son, and I gave him much encouragement, which he received nothing loath. He was greatly moved by your letter. I trust that matters are as we wish.

I have written to you twice about a domestic matter of mine in Greek and in riddles, if only my letters have reached you. Don’t take decided steps: but still you may do some good by questioning the man simply about Milo’s accounts, and urging him to settle the business as he promised.

I have ordered my quaestor Mescinius to wait at Laodicea, so that in accordance with the Julian law I may leave copies of my accounts in two cities. I want to go to Rhodes for the sake of the boys, thence as soon as possible to Athens, though the Etesian winds are very contrary. But I wish to reach Rome during the magistracy of men whose good-will I experienced over that thanksgiving in my honour. However please send a letter to meet me, saying if you think there can be any political reason for delay.

Footnote 226:

Presumably dictated to him by Cicero himself.

te dedisset litteras, nisi eum graviter aegrum Issi reliquissem. Sed nuntiant melius esse. Ego tamen angor; nihil enim illo adulescente castius, nihil diligentius.

VIII

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Ephesi K. Oct. a. 704_]

Cum instituissem ad te scribere calamumque sumpsissem, Batonius e navi recta ad me venit domum Ephesi et epistulam tuam reddidit pridie Kal. Octobres. Laetatus sum felicitate navigationis tuae, opportunitate Piliae, etiam hercule sermone eiusdem de coniugio Tulliae meae. Batonius autem miros terrores ad me attulit Caesarianos, cum Lepta etiam plura locutus est, spero falsa, sed certe horribilia, exercitum nullo modo dimissurum, cum illo praetores designates, Cassium tribunum pl., Lentulum consulem facere, Pompeio in animo esse urbem relinquere.

Sed heus tu! numquid moleste fers de illo, qui se solet anteferre patruo sororis tuae filii? at a quibus victus! Sed ad rem.

Nos etesiae vehementissime tardarunt; detraxit XX ipsos dies etiam aphractus Rhodiorum. Kal. Octobr. Epheso conscendentes hanc epistulam dedimus L. Tarquitio simul e portu egredienti, sed expeditius naviganti. Nos Rhodiorum aphractis ceterisque longis navibus tranquillitates aucupaturi eramus; ita tamen properabamus, ut non posset magis.

Tiro would have written you a letter, but I left him at Issus seriously ill. However a message has reached me that he is better. Still I am upset: for he is a model youth and very attentive.

VIII

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Ephesus, Oct. 1_, B.C. _50_]

Just as I had determined to write to you and had taken up my pen, Batonius came straight from his ship to my house at Ephesus and gave me your letter on the 29th of September. I am delighted about your good voyage, and your opportune meeting with your wife and also at her remarks about the marriage of my daughter. But Batonius brought news that was simply awful about Caesar, and was even more frank in conversation with Lepta. I hope his news is false: it was certainly terrifying. He says that Caesar will refuse to disband his army, that the officials elect, praetors, Cassius the tribune and Lentulus the consul take his part, and that Pompey thinks of leaving Rome.

But by the by, are you so sorry for the fellow that thinks himself superior to the uncle of your sister’s son? What fine opponents to beat him! But to business.

The Etesian winds have hindered me much: the open Rhodian boats too caused me a delay of exactly twenty days. On the 1st of October, as I am embarking from Ephesus, I give this letter to L. Tarquitius, who is leaving the harbour at the same time, but sailing by a faster boat. I have had to wait for fair weather owing to the undecked boats and other war vessels of the Rhodians. However I am hurrying as fast as possible.

De raudusculo Puteolano gratum. Nunc velim dispicias res Romanas, videas, quid nobis de triumpho cogitandum putes, ad quem amici me vocant. Ego, nisi Bibulus, qui, dum unus hostis in Syria fuit, pedem porta non plus extulit quam domi[227] domo sua, adniteretur de triumpho, aequo animo essem. Nunc vero αἰσχρὸν σιωπᾶν. Sed explora rem totam, ut, quo die congressi erimus, consilium capere possimus.

Sat multa, qui et properarem et ei litteras darem, qui aut mecum aut paulo ante venturus esset. Cicero tibi plurimam salutem dicit. Tu dices utriusque nostrum verbis et Piliae tuae et filiae.

IX

CICERO ATTICO SAL.

[Sidenote: _Scr. Athenis Id. Oct. a. 704_]

In Piraeea cum exissem pridie Idus Octobr., accepi ab Acasto, servo meo, statim tuas litteras. Quas quidem cum exspectassem iam diu, admiratus sum, ut vidi obsignatam epistulam, brevitatem eius, ut aperui, rursus σύγχυσιν litterularum, quia solent tuae compositissimae et clarissimae esse, ac, ne multa, cognovi ex eo, quod ita scripseras, te Romam venisse a. d. XII Kal. Oct. cum febri. Percussus vehementer nec magis, quam debui, statim quaero ex Acasto. Ille et tibi et sibi visum et ita se domi ex tuis

Footnote 227:

domi _is added by Tyrrell and Purser_.

Many thanks for paying the man of Puteoli[228] his pence. Now please consider politics, and see what you think I should do about the triumph, to which my friends invite me. I should have been quite happy, had not Bibulus been trying for a triumph, though the man never set his foot outside his house so long as there was one enemy in Syria any more than he set foot out of his house in town when he was consul. But as it is “’twere base to hold one’s peace.”[229] But consider the whole matter, that we may be able to decide something on the day we meet.

That’s enough, considering I am in a hurry and am giving this letter to a man who will arrive at the same time as myself or just before me. My son pays you his best respects. Please give the compliments of both of us to your wife and daughter.

IX

CICERO TO ATTICUS, GREETING.

[Sidenote: _Athens, Oct. 15_, B.C. _50_]

As soon as I landed in port on the 14th of Oct. I received your letter from my slave Acastus. I have been looking forward to it so long that I was surprised at its brevity, as I looked at the letter before breaking the seal. Again, when I opened it, I was startled at the illegibility of the scribble, for your hand is generally very fine and legible. In short I gathered from the style of writing that you had arrived in town, as you stated, on the 19th of Sept., suffering from an attack of fever. Much disturbed, as I was bound to be, I questioned my slave. He said that both he

Footnote 228:

Vestorius.

Footnote 229:

Euripides; Frag. αἰσχρὸν σιωπᾶν βαρβάρους δ’ ἐᾶν λέγειν.

audisse, ut nihil esset incommode. Id videbatur approbare, quod erat in extremo, febriculam tum te habentem scripsisse. Sed te amavi tamen admiratusque sum, quod nihilo minus ad me tua manu scripsisses. Quare de hoc satis. Spero enim, quae tua prudentia et temperantia est, et hercule, ut me iubet Acastus, confido te iam, ut volumus, valere.

A Turranio te accepisse meas litteras gaudeo. Παραφύλαξον, si me amas, τὴν τοῦ φυρατοῦ φιλοτιμίαν αὐτότατα. Hanc, quae mehercule mihi magno dolori est (dilexi enim hominem), procura, quantulacumque est, Precianam hereditatem prorsus ille ne attingat. Dices nummos mihi opus esse ad apparatum triumphi. In quo, ut praecipis, nec me κενὸν in expetendo cognosces nec ἄτυφον in abiciendo.

Intellexi ex tuis litteris te ex Turranio audisse a me provinciam fratri traditam. Adeon ego non perspexeram prudentiam litterarum tuarum? Ἐπέχειν te scribebas. Quid erat dubitatione dignum, si esset quicquam, cur placeret fratrem et talem fratrem relinqui? Ἀθέτησις ista mihi tua, non ἐποχὴ videbatur. Monebas de Q. Cicerone puero, ut eum quidem neutiquam relinquerem. Τοὐμὸν ὄνειρον ἐμοί. Eadem omnia, quasi conlocuti essemus, vidimus. Non fuit faciendum aliter, meque ἐπιχρονία ἐποχὴ tua dubitatione liberavit. Sed puto te accepisse de hac re epistulam scriptam accuratius.

and you thought that it was nothing serious and that he had gathered as much from your people. This view seemed to be supported by a remark at the end of your letter that at the time of writing you had a touch of fever. However I was greatly surprised and pleased at your writing to me in your own hand under the circumstances. So I will say no more. For I hope considering your careful and temperate life—and to be sure Acastus bids me be confident—that you are now as well as I could wish.

I am glad you got my letter from Turranius. Keep a very strict eye, as you love me, on the untimely designs of that cooker of accounts Philotimus. As to this legacy from Precius, which is a great sorrow to me—for I loved him indeed—don’t let the fellow lay a finger on it, small as it is. You will say that I want money for the outfit of my triumph. You shall see that following your advice I will not show foolish vanity in seeking a triumph, nor be phlegmatic enough to refuse it.

I gather from your letter that you heard from Turranius I had given over my province to my brother. Do you imagine that I overlooked the cautious tone of your letter? You wrote that you were doubtful. There could have been no reason for doubts, if there had been grounds for leaving a brother and such a brother in charge. I took your doubts for dogmatic rejection. You warn me on no account to leave the young Quintus. Your words repeat my dream. The same vision came to us both, as though we had talked it over. There was nothing else to be done, and your long doubt has relieved me of hesitation. But I fancy you must have already got a letter on this topic written in more detail.

Ego tabellarios postero die ad vos eram missurus; quos puto ante ventures quam nostrum Saufeium. Sed eum sine meis litteris ad te venire vix rectum erat. Tu mihi, ut polliceris, de Tulliola mea, id est de Dolabella, perscribes, de re publica, quam praevideo in summis periculis, de censoribus, maximeque de signis, tabulis quid fiat, referaturne. Idibus Octobribus has dedi litteras, quo die, ut scribis, Caesar Placentiam legiones IIII. Quaeso, quid nobis futurum est? In arce Athenis statio mea nunc placet.

END OF VOL. I.

I mean to send letter-carriers to you to-morrow, who I fancy will arrive before our friend Saufeius: but it was hardly proper that he should come to you without a letter from me. Please write me fully, as you promise, about my little daughter, that is about her husband Dolabella, about the political situation in which I foresee much trouble, about the censors, and above all about the business of statues and pictures, and whether the matter will come up before the Senate.[230] The 15th of October is the date of this letter, a day on which you say Caesar is going to bring four legions to Placentia. I wonder what will be our fate. My present quarters on the Acropolis at Athens seem to me the best place.

Footnote 230:

The censors had fixed a limit on private expenditure on works of art: but their edict required the confirmation of the Senate before it became law.

CHRONOLOGICAL ORDER OF THE LETTERS.[231]

I. 5 November, 68[232]

6 November or December, 68

7 February, 67

8 February, 67

9 February, 67

10 Before July, 67

11 July or August, 67

3 Late in 67

4 Early in 66

1 July, 65

2 July, 65

12 January 1, 61

13 January 25, 61

14 February 13, 61

15 March 15, 61

16 June, 61

17 December 5, 61

18 January 20, 60

19 March 15, 60

20 May, 60

II. 1 June, 60

2 December, 60

3 December, 60

10 March 29, 59

4 April, 59

5 April, 59

6 April, 59

7 April, 59

8 April, 59

9 April, 59

12 April 18, 59

11 April, 59

13 April 23, 59

14 April, 59

15 April, 59

16 May, 59

17 May, 59

18 June or July, 59

19 July-October, 59

20 July-October, 59

21 July-October, 59

22 July-October, 59

23 July-October, 59

24 Before October 18, 59

25 Before November 1, 59

III. 3 April 5(?),58

2 April 8, 58

5 April 10 (?), 58

4 April 13, 58

1 April, 58

6 April 17, 58

7 April 29, 58

8 May 29, 58

9 June 13, 58

10 June 17, 58

11 June 27, 58

12 July 17, 58

14 July 21, 58

13 August 5, 58

15 August 17, 58

16 August 19, 58

17 September 4, 58

18 September, 58

19 September 15, 58

20 October 4, 58

21 October 28, 58

22 November 25, 58

23 November 29, 58

24 December 10, 58

25 December, 58

26 January, 57

27 January, 57

IV. 1 September, 57

2 October, 57

3 November 23, 57

4 January 28, 56

4a April or May, 56

5 April or May, 56

6 April or May, 56

7 April or May, 56

8 April or May, 56

8a Autumn, 56

10 April 22, 55

9 April 27, 55

11 May, 55

12 May, 55

13 November 14, 55

14 May 10, 54

16 June or July, 54

15 July 27, 54

17 October 1, 54

18 October, 54

19 November, 54

V. 1 May 5 or 6, 51

2 May 10, 51

3 May 11, 51

4 May 12, 51

5 May 15, 51

6 May 19, 51

7 May 20, 51

8 June 2 or 3, 51

9 June 14, 51

10 June 29 or July 1, 51

11 July 6, 51

12 July, 51

13 July 26, 51

14 July 27, 51

15 August 3, 51

16 August, 51

17 August, 51

18 September 20, 51

19 September 20, 51

20 December, 51

21 February 13, 50

VI. 1 February 24, 50

2 May, 50

3 June, 50

4 June, 50

5 June 26, 50

7 July, 50

6 August, 10 (?) 50

8 October 1, 50

9 October 15, 50

Footnote 231:

In many cases the dates and order are only approximate and authorities differ about them. I have generally accepted the dates given in the Teubner edition.

Footnote 232:

Some date this letter early in 67, and the next towards the end of January, 67.

INDEX OF NAMES.

[_The references are to the pages of Latin text._]

Abdera, 322

Academia, 12, 22, 28, 440, 470

Acastus, 478, 480

Achaia, 204

Achaici, 32

Acidinus, 276

Acilius Glabrio, 418

Actium, 354

Acutiliana controversia, 10; -num negotium, 14

Acutilius, 14, 20

Aegyptus, 120

Aelia lex, 62, 136

Aelius Tubero (Q), 314

Aemilia tribus, 148

Aemilius Paulus (L), 188, 302, 324, 422, 456

Aemilius Scaurus (M), 308, 310, 316

Aetolia, 388

Afranius (L), _consul_ 60 B.C., 82, 262. _See also_ Auli filius

Africanus, _see_ Cornelius Scipio Africanus

Agamemnon, 78

Ahala, _see_ Servilius Ahala

Albanum (praedium), 298

Albanus (mons), 10

Alcibiades, 434

Alexander Magnus, 390

Alexander, _poet_, 184

Alexandrea, 120

Alexandrinus rex, _i.e._ Ptolemy Auletes, 154

Alexis, 396

Aliphera, 444

Allobroges, 34, 102, 194

Amalthea (Ἀμαλθεία), 32, 64, 110, 132, 172

Amaltheum (Ἀμαλθεῖον), 64

Amanus (mons), 390, 394

Amianus, 428

Andromacha, 308

Andronicus (C.), 374

Anicatus, 170

Anneius (M.), 346

Anniana domus, 276

Annius, 424

Annius Milo Papianus (T.), 276, 278, 290, 302, 316, 354, 360, 474, _cf._ 464, 466. _See also_ Κροτωνιάτης

Annius Saturninus, 336

Antias (praedium), 142

Antiates, 126

Antilibanus, 154

Antiochia, 382, 390, 398

Antiochus Gabinius, 330

Antiphon, 308

Antium, 100, 116, 124, 134, 138, 140, 142, 290, 300

Antius, 324

Antonius (C.), _consul_ 63 B.C., 2, 28, 30, 32, 64, 112, 114

Antonius (M.), _triumvir_, 472

Apamea, 376, 388, 458, 460

Apamense forum, 404

Apelles, 176, 386

Apenas, 292

Apollinares ludi, 166

Apollonidensis, 370

Apollonius, 288

Appia (via), 142

Appi Forum, 140

Appius, _see_ Claudius Pulcher (Appius)

Appuleia, 300

Appuleius, 364

Apulia, 332

Aquilius Gallus (C.), 2, 300

Aquinum, 338

Arabarches, 160

Araus, 354

Arbuscula, 308

Arcadia, 444

Arcanum (praedium), 338

Archias, 64

Archilochium edictum, 174; -a -ta, 178

Ἄρειος πάγος, 42

Argiletanum aedificium, 46

Ariminum, 386

Ariobarzanes, 394, 416, 458

Ariopagitae, 52, 364

Ariopagus, 364

Aristarchus, 40

Aristodemus, 132

Aristus, 360

Aristoteles, 298, 314

Aristotelium pigmentum, 100

Armenii reges, 128; -nius, 388

Arpinas (homo), 58, 290; -ates aquae, 58

Arpinas (praedium), 18, 156, 158, 336, 338

Arpinum, 134, 140, 148

Arretini, 84

Arrius (C.), 148, 150

Arrius (Q.), 74, 122, 130

Artavasdes, 388, 398

Asia, 46, 64, 72, 156, 200, 208, 222, 236, 318, 372, 380, 402, 404

Asiaticum edictum, 430; iter, 306

Asinius Dento, 390–2

Astyanax, 308

Athenae, 14, 22, 102, 204, 206, 208, 318, 358, 360, 362, 366, 438, 440, 452, 462, 470, 482

Ἀθηναίων (πολιτεία), 112

Athenio, 142

Atiliana praedia, 336; -num nomen, 386

Atilius Serranus (Sex.), 268

Attica talenta, 404, 418, 438

Atticula, 468. _See also_ Caecilia

Atticus, _see_ Pomponius Atticus

Atticus homo, 90

Aufidius (T.), 2

Aufidius Lurco, 60

Auli filius, _i.e._, Afranius (L.) _q.v._, 60, 80, 96, 114

Auli lex, _see_ Gabinia lex

Aurelianus, 316

Autroniana domus, 38

Autronius Paetus, 196, 202

Axius (Q.), 28, 308, 398

Baiae, 58

Balbus, _see_ Cornelius Balbus

Batonius, 476

Beneventum, 344

Bibulus, _see_ Calpurnius Bibulus

Bona Dea, 118

Bovillana pugna, 368

Βοῶπις, _i.e._, Clodia, 146, 182, 186

Britannia, 310, 330

Britannicum bellum, 324

Brundisina colonia, 260; -ni, 260

Brundisium, 48, 196, 198, 200, 202, 204, 260, 346, 352, 364, 414

Brutus, _see_ Junius Brutus

Bursa, _see_ Munatius Plancus Bursa

Buthrotum, 126, 290, 312, 318, 400

Caecilia, 452, 464; _cf._ Atticula

Caecilia lex, 136

Caeciliana fabula, 64

Caecilius (Q.), 4, 6, 28, 170

Caecilius (T.), _see_ Eutychides

Caecilius Bassus (Q.), 134

Caecilius Metellus (M.), _praetor_ 69 B.C., 100

Caecilius Metellus Celer (Q.), _consul_ 60 B.C., 74, 76, 80, 82, 86, 96, 104, 106, 462

Caecilius Metellus Creticus (Q.), 82

Caecilius Metellus Nepos (Q.), 122, 142, 244, 246, 254, 276, 278, 290

Caecilus Metellus Numidicus (Q.), 52

Caecilius Metellus Pius Scipio (P.) (_formerly_ P. Cornelius Scipio Nasica _q.v._), 4, 110, 434. _See also_ Nasica.

Caecilius Trypho, 206

Caelius Caldus (C.), 452, 464, 468, 470, 472

Caelius Rufus (M.), 436, 438

Caepio, _see_ Servilius Caepio

Caesar, _see_ Julius Caesar

Caesariani terrores, 476

Caesonius (M.), 2

Caieta, 10, 12

Caldus, _see_ Caelius Caldus (C)

Calliope, 116

Calpurnius Bibulus (M.), 74, 146, 148, 154, 166, 170, 172, 174, 178, 188, 190, 346, 378, 382, 390, 398, 428, 430, 468, 478

Calpurnius Piso (C.), _consul_ 67 B.C., 4, 34, 44, 74

Calpurnius Piso (L.), _consul_ 133 B.C., 84

Calpurnius Piso Frugi (C.), 10, 190, 244

Calvinus, _see_ Domitius Calvinus

Calvus “ex Nanneianis ille,” 54

Camillus, _see_ Furius Camillus

Campana lex, 162

Campanus ager, 152, 154, 158

Candavia, 204

Caninius Satyrus (A.), 4, 6

Canusinus hospes, 32

Capena porta, 260

Capitolinus clivus, 108

Capitolium, 260, 434

Cappadocia, 382, 388, 390, 394, 458

Capua, 166

Cassius Longinus (C.), 382, 390, 398, 428

Cassius Longinus (Q.), 396, 39S, 472, 476

Castricianum mendum, 130

Catilina, _see_ Sergius Catilina

Cato, _see_ Porcius Cato

Catulus, _see_ Lutatius Catulus

Celer, _see_ Pilius Celer

Ceos, 366

Cephalus, 314

Ceramicus, 22

Cerialia, 142, 144

Cermalus, 276

Cestius, 370

Chaerippus, 288, 346

Chaeron, 444

Chaonia, 456

Χερρονησιτικά, 466

Chersonesus, 434

Cibyratae, 436; — pantherae, 402

Cibyraticum forum, 404

Cicero, _see_ Tullius Cicero

Cicero (Cn.), _nickname for Pompey_, 60

Cicerones, _see_ Tullii Cicerones

Cicilia, 330, 382, 388, 390, 402, 408, 446, 462

Cincia lex, 96

Cincius (L.), 2, 18, 20, 64, 92, 96, 280, 442

Claudius (Ser.), 96

Claudius Marcellus (M.), _consul_, 51 B.C., 278, 362, 404

Claudius Nero (Tib.), 470

Claudius Pulcher (Appius), 180, 234, 266, 276, 300, 310, 320, 330, 372, 374, 378, 380, 406, 414, 416, 418, 420, 426, 440, 450, 452, 458, 460, 470

Clodia lex, 248

Clodiana fabula, 78; -na religio, 40; -nae operae, 42; num latrocinium, 276; -num negotium, 176

Clodianus, _i.e._, Cornelius Lentulus Clodianus, _consul_, 72 B.C., 84

Clodi (C.), filius, _see_ Claudius Pulcher (Appius)

Clodius Pulcher (P.), 30, 34, 36, 44, 46, 52, 56, 58, 62, 78, 80, 86, 118, 124, 128, 132, 134, 138, 142, 150, 164, 168, 170, 178, 182, 190, 192, 228, 234, 246, 248, 266, 268, 274, 276, 278, 290, 306, 308, 310, 458

Cluvius (M.), 444

Coctia lex, 326

Colossi, 388

Comensis, 362

Compitalia, 116; -liciae ambulationes, 116

Considius (Q.), 28

Considius Gallus (Q.), 192

Corcyra, 100, 290, 354; -aea epistula, 452

Corinthium aes, 110

Cornelius (M.), 32

Cornelius (Q.), 28

Cornelius Balbus (L), 116, 142

Cornelius Dolabella (P.), 482

Cornelius Lentulus Clodianus, 84

Cornelius Lentulus, _son of Clodianus_, 82

Cornelius Lentulus Crus (L.), _consul_, 49 B.C., 476

Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus (Cn.), 268, 276

Cornelius Lentulus Niger (L.), _flamen_, 284, 288

Cornelius Lentulus (L.), _son of Niger_, 188, 326

Cornelius Lentulus Spinther (P.), 244, 246, 254, 344, 400, 408, 414, 438

Cornelius Lentulus Sura (P.), 58

Cornelius Scipio Africanus Aemilianus (P.), 314, 424, 432

Cornelius Scipio Nasica (P.), (_afterwards_ Q. Caecilius Metellus Pius Scipio _q.v._), 4, 110, 434

Cornelius Sulla (L.), _dictator_, 84

Cornelius Sulla (P.), 276, 328

Cornelius Sulla Faustus (L.), _son of the dictator_, 296

Cornicinus, _see_ Oppius Cornicinus

Cornificius (Q.), _tribune_, 69 B.C., 2, 34

Cornutus (C.), 46

Cosconius (C.), 168

Cossinius (L.), 92, 96, 100

Crassipes, _see_ Furius Crassipes

Crassus, _see_ Licinius Crassus

Crater, 134

Culleo, _see_ Terentius Culleo

Culleolus, 460

Cumanum (praedium), 296, 298, 340, 380

Curiana πτῶσις, 158

Curio, _see_ Scribonius Curio

Curiones, _see_ Scribonii Curiones

Curius (M’.), 308

Curius (Q.), 4

Curtius Postumus (M.), 124

Cybistra, 382, 390, 414

Cyprii, 402, 404, 458; — legati, 420

Cyprus, 402, 406, 452, 458

Cyrea, 298

Cyrrhestica, 382, 398

Cyrus, 114

Cyzicus, 200, 220, 230, 232

Darius, 390

Decimius (C.), 318

Decimus, 274

Deiotarus, 378, 382, 384, 396, 398, 412, 418, 430, 438

Delos, 366

Δημήτηρ, 292

Demetrius, 298

Demetrius Magnes, 300

Democritus, 428

Demosthenes, 102

Dicaearchus, 112, 144, 154, 444

Didia lex, 136

Diodotus, 174

Dionysius, 292, 300, 302, 304, 312, 332, 334, 344, 356, 428, 444. _See also_ Pomponius (M.)

Diphilus, 166

Dodonaea quercus, 120

Dolabella, _see_ Cornelius Dolabella

Domitius Ahenobarbus (L.), 6, 62, 190, 228

Domitius Calvinus (Cn.), 292, 308, 316, 320

Drusus, _see_ Livius Drusus

Drusus, _of Pisaurum_, 130

Duris, _of Samos_, 434

Duronius (C.), 354

Dyrrachini, 244

Dyrrachium, 66, 204, 244, 260

Egnatius (L.), 300

Egnatius Sidicinus, 438

Eleusis, 440, 470

Eleutherocilices, 392

Ennius (M.), 450

Ephesius praetor, 368

Ephesus, 204, 206, 332, 368, 370, 372, 388, 420, 452, 476

Ephorus, 426

Epicharmus, 88

Epiroticus, 32; -ca emptio 16; -cae litterae, 396

Epirus, 32, 120, 150, 196, 200, 202, 204, 218, 222, 232, 236, 238, 240, 242, 244, 252, 306, 318, 342, 352, 380, 384, 386, 398, 424

Equus Tuticus, 414

Eratosthenes, 124, 434

Ἡρώδης, 112

Εὐμολπίδαι, 22

Euphrates, 380, 398

Eupolis (Εὔπολις), 434

Eutychides, 304, 318, 354

Fabius, 106

Fabius Luscus, 294

Fadius Gallus (T.), 250

Fannius (C.), _son-in law of Laelius_, 314

Fannius (C.), _tribune_ 59 B.C., 190

Fausta, 354

Faustus, _see_ Cornelius Sulla Faustus

Favonius (M.), 44, 110, 264, 324

Figulus, _see_ Marcius Figulus _and_ Nigidius Figulus

Firmani fratres 294; -nus 294

Flaccus, _see_ Fulvius Flaccus, Laenius Flaccus _and_ Valerius Flaccus

Flaminia via, 4; -nius circus 40

Flavius (Cn.), 424, 434

Flavius (L.), 80, 84

Fonteius (Fontius) (M.), 18, 308

Formiae, 146

Formiani, 146–8

Formianum (estate), 12, 120, 134, 138, 140, 144, 146, 148, 150, 270, 272

Fufia lex, 62, 316

Fufius Calenus (Q.), 38, 44, 46, 48, 50, 160

Fulvius Flaccus (Q.), 276, 278

Fulvius Nobilior (M.), 330

Funisulanus, 344

Furius, 170, 172

Furius Camillus (C.) (Κάμιλλος), 354, 434, 466

Furius Crassipes, 284, 300

Furius Philus, 314

Furnius, 340, 384, 426

Gabinia lex, 408, 410, 450

Gabinius, 122, 188, 328, 330, 332

Galatae, 468

Galba, _see_ Sulpicius Galba

Gallia, 4, 82, 96, 110, 316

Gallicum bellum, 82

Gallus, _see_ Aquilius Gallus

Gavius (L.) _of Firmum_, 294, 418, 458

Gavius Caepio (T.), 392

Gellius Poplicola, 274

Glabrio, _see_ Acilius Glabrio

Gnaeus, _i.e._ Pompeius Magnus (Cn.), _q.v._ 142, 152, 418

Graecia, 102, 362, 464

Graecus, 96, 288, 362; -a natio, 100; -ae litterae, 306; -e, 90, 96, 100, 474; -i, 156, 282, 358, 368, 410, 430, 432, 434, 444, 446; -i cives, 404; -i libri, 98, 110; -um (commentarium), 90; -um poema, 64

Granius (Q.), 460

Γυραί, 366

Gyarus, 366

Haedui, 82

Halimetus, 300

Helonius, 366

Helvetii, 82

Hercules, 434

Herennius (C.), 78, 86

Herennius (Sex.), 78

Hermathena, 8, 12

Hermeraclae, 24

Hermes, 12; -ae, 20, 22

Hermo, 400

Herodes, 438

Hierosolymarius, 136

Hilarus, _freedman of Cicero_, 30

Hipparchus, 124

Hirrus, _see_ Lucilius Hirrus

Hispania, 296, 362

Hortalus, _cognomen of Hortensius_, 194, 306; _cf._ Hortensius

Hortensiana, 288

Hortensius (Q.), _orator_, 34, 44, 48, 50, 52, 114, 210, 340, 356, 366, 380, 428, 470

Hortensius (Q.), _son of the orator_, 462

Hypsaeus, _see_ Plautius Hypsaeus

Ialysus, 176

Iconium, 388, 400

Idaeus pastor, 78

Ilium, 206

Interamna, 104

Interamnates, 308

Iphicrates, 114

Isauricum forum, 404

Isocrates, 100, 426

Issus, 390

Italia, 42, 86, 152, 174, 196, 202, 222, 230, 260, 280

Iulia lex, 162, 358, 402, 474

Iulius Caesar (C.), _dictator_, 4, 30, 34, 74, 106, 110, 116, 13O, 142, 154, 162, 166, 178, 188, 190, 236, 304, 308, 310, 312, 316, 318, 320, 330, 332, 342, 348, 350, 360, 362, 368, 370, 394, 396, 400, 438, 440, 472, 482

Iulius Caesar (L.), _consul_ 64 B.C., 2, 8, 324

Iulius Caesar Strabo Vopiscus (C.), 412

Iunia lex, 136, 316

Iunius Brutus (M.), 190, 380, 384, 403, 408, 410, 412, 414, 416, 418, 420, 422, 442, 448, 450, 452, 456, 458, 460

Iunius Silanus (D.), 2

Iuventas, 78

Iuventius Laterensis (M.), 162, 190

Iuventius Talna, 56

Κικέρων (ὁ μικρός), (_i.e._ Tullius Cicero (Q.), son of the orator, _q.v._), 138, 150

Κικέρων ὁ φιλόσοφος, (_i.e._ Tullius Cicero (Q.), the orator, _q.v._), 144

Κόνων, 466

Κορινθίων (πολιτεία), 112

Κροτωνιάτης, (_i.e._ T. Annius Milo, _q.v._), 464, 466

Κροτωνιατικά, 466

Κύρου παιδεία, 114

Laconicum, 298

Laelius, 170, 172

Laelius Sapiens (C.), 314

Laenius Flaccus (M.), 396, 400, 406, 422, 458

Λαιστρυγονίη, 146

Lamia (L. Aelius), 354

Laodicea, 372, 374, 376, 380, 388, 392, 396, 400, 404, 414, 424, 438, 442, 446, 462, 474

Larinum, 300

Laterensis, _see_ Iuventius Laterensis

Laterium, 290

Latinus ἀττικισμός, 332; -ae (tribus), 8; -ni (libri), 96, 98, 112; -num (commentarium), 90

Lentulus, _ship-owner_, 20, 22

Lentulus, _see also_ Cornelius Lentulus

Lepreon, 444

Lepta (Q.), 378, 426, 476

Leucata, 356

Leuctrica pugna, 442

Liberalia, 428

Libertas, 266, 324

Licinia lex, 136, 316

Licinius Crassus (M.), 12, 40, 42, 72, 80, 116, 120, 122, 146, 176, 182, 190, 222, 224, 250, 298, 302, 314

Licinius Lucullus Ponticus (L.), 4, 44, 90, 190

Licinius Lucullus (M.), _brother of the last_, 78, 268

Licinius Macer (C.), 12

Ligur _or_ Ligus (L.), 346

Ligurinus μῶμος, 392

Livineius Regulus (L.), 234

Livineius Trypho (L.), 234

Livius Drusus, 310, 316, 324

Locri, 434

Lollius Palicanus (L.), 2, 80

Lucceius (L. M. f.), 396, 412, 438

Lucceius (L. Q. f.), 10, 14, 26, 46, 74, 110, 288, 296, 300

Lucilius (Sex.), 392

Lucilius Hirrus (C.), 316

Lucretius (Q.), 316

Lucrinenses res, 296

Luculli, 64

Lucullus, _see_ Licinius Lucullus

Lurco, _see_ Aufidius Lurco

Lutatius Catulus (Q.), _consul_ 78 B.C., 34, 54, 94, 148, 190, 192, 284

Lutatius Catulus (Q.), _consul_ 102 B.C., 268, 270, 272

Lycaonia, 374

Lycaonium forum, 404

Lycii, 468

Lycurgei, 36

Macedonia, 188, 196, 206, 388

Macer, _see_ Licinius Macer

Macro, 300

Maecia tribus, 310

Magnus, _see_ Pompeius Magnus

Mallius, 64

Manilius (M’), 314

Manlius Torquatus (A.), 340, 346, 406, 422

Manlius Torquatus (L.), 330

Marcellinus, _see_ Cornelius Lentulus Marcellinus

Marcellus, _see_ Claudius Marcellus

Marcius Figulus (C.), 8

Marcius Philippus (L.), 368, 370, 408

Martius campus, 78, 326

Maso, _see_ Papirius Maso

Matinius (P.), 406, 420, 458

Megabocchus, 130

Megarica signa, 20, 22

Melita, 198, 386

Memmiana epistula, 426

Memmius (C.), 78, 142, 144, 308, 316, 320, 364, 438

Menelaus, 78

Menniana praedia, 336

Menophilus, 292

Menturnae, 340

Menturnenses (litterae), 344

Mescinius Rufus (L.), 464, 474

Messalla (or Messala), _see_ Valerius Messalla

Messius (C.), 262, 264, 310

Metellina oratio, 36

Metellus, _see_ Caecilius Metellus

Metrodorus, _of Scepsus_, 118

Milo, _see_ Annius Milo

Minerva, 12

Minucius Thermus (Q.), 2, 4, 370, 396, 412, 428

Misenum, 36

Mitilenae, 364

Moeragenes, 374, 428

Molo, 110

Mucia, _wife of Pompey_, 30

Mucius Scaevola (P.), _consul_ 133 B.C., 84

Mucius Scaevola (Q.), _augur_, 314

Mucius Scaevola (Q.), _pontifex maximus_, 380, 418, 430

Mucius Scaevola (Q.), _tribune_ 54 B.C., 322, 330

Mulviana controversia, 150

Munatius Plancus Bursa (T.), 426

Musae (Μοῦσαι,) 52, 118, 124

Mytilenaei, 362

Nanneiani, 54

Nar, 308

Nares Luc(aniae), 196

Nasica, 110. _Cf._ Caecilius Metellus Pius Scipio

Natta, 294

Neapolis, 16, 296

Nemus, 440

Nepos, _see_ Caecilius Metellus Nepos (Q.)

Nero, _see_ Claudius Nero

Nicanor, 344, 396

Nigidius Figulus (P.), 112

Ninnius Quadratus (L.), 248

Nonius Sufenas (M.), 306, 428

Numestius (Numerius), 170, 184, 186, 192

Octavius (C.), _father of Augustus_, 112

Octavius (M.), 402, 436

Ὁμηρικῶς, 48

Opimius, 320

Oppius (C.), 336, 348

Oppius Cornicinus (Cn.), 268

Ὀπούντιοι, 444

Ὀποῦς, 444

Ops, 434

Orodes, 382, 398, 430

Osaces, 390

Otho, _see_ Roscius Otho

Pacciana epistula, 318

Paccius (M.), 312

Paciliana domus, 46

Pacorus, 382

Paetus, _see_ Papirius Paetus

Palatina palaestra, 120

Palicanus, _see_ Lollius Palicanus

Pammenes, 398

Pammenia illa, 452

Pamphylium forum, 404

Panhormus, 90

Papia lex, 330

Papirius Maso (M.), 346

Papirius Paetus (L.), 96, 98, 110, 296

Parilia, 134, 298

Paris, 78

Parthicum bellum, 398, 418, 428; -otium, 372

Parthus, 356, 378; -i, 362, 380, 388, 390, 398, 404, 430, 448, 472

Patrae, 356

Patro, 364, 386

Paulus, _see_ Aemilius Paulus (L.)

Peducaeus (Sex.), 12, 14

Pella, 206

Πελληναίων (πολιτεία), 112

Peloponnesiae civitates, 444

Peloponnesus, 444

Pentelici Hermae, 20

Phaetho, 206

Phemius, 396, 404, 428

Philadelphus, 28

Philippicae orationes, 102

Philippus, _king_, 60

Philippus, _see_ Marcius Philippus

Philogenes, 370, 394, 442, 452, 454

Philomelium, 388

Philotimus, 120, 298, 344, 348, 354, 378, 386, 424, 434, 454

Philoxenus, 286

Philus, _see_ Furius Philus

Phliasii, 444

Φλιοῦς, 444

Φωκυλίδης, 296

Pilia, 282, 300, 316, 364, 436, 452, 462, 464, 468, 476, 478

Pilius Celer (Q.), 330

Pinarius (T.), 438

Pindenissitae, 388

Pindenissus, 392, 424

Piraeus, 314, 366, 478

Pisaurensis Drusus, 130

Pisidae, 468

Piso, _see_ Calpurnius Piso _and_ Pupius Piso

Pituanius, 306

Placentia, 482

Plaetorianum incendium, 396

Plancius (Cn.), 30, 222, 244

Plancus, _see_ Munatius Plancus

Plato, 108, 314

Plautius Hypsaeus, 206

Plautus, 56

Plotia lex, 80

Plotius (A.), 374

Πολυκλῆς, 434

Polycharmus, 364

Pompeianus cistophorus, 126; -na laus, 42; -ni prodromi, 28; -num (praedium), 92, 110, 120, 296, 340

Pompeius Magnus (Cn.), 4, 28, 30, 38, 40, 42, 60, 74, 80, 84, 86, 88, 106, 116, 146, 166, 170, 178, 180, 182, 184, 188, 190, 192, 206, 208, 210, 212, 218, 220, 222, 226, 236, 244, 246, 250, 262, 264, 270, 284, 296, 298, 308, 310, 316, 318, 326, 334, 342, 348, 350, 352, 362, 368, 382, 386, 400, 406, 412, 418, 426, 430, 438, 440, 452, 456, 458, 472, 476. _See also_ Cicero (Cn.) _and_ Sampsiceramus

Pompeius Rufus (Q.), 324

Pompeius Vindullus, 440

Pomponia, 14, 18, 110, 116, 118, 120, 338

Pomponius (M.), 304 (_i.e._, Dionysius _q.v._)

Pomponius Atticus (T.), 28, 132, 138, 144, 154, 172, 198, 210, 230, 238, 244, 246, 270, 326, 436, 450, 452, 474

Pomptina tribus, 310

Pomptinus (C.), 330, 338–40, 346, 348, 350, 352, 358, 362, 390, 406, 454

Pontidia, 412, 426

Pontius Aquila (L.), 6, 340, 342, 344

Porcius Cato (C.), 306, 316, 318

Porcius Cato (M.), 36, 42, 62, 74, 80, 108, 122, 136, 138, 174, 224, 310, 324, 330, 420, 424, 428, 450

Posidonius, 100

Postumia, 406, 412

Postumius, 406

Postumus, _see_ Curtius Postumus (M.)

Πουλυδάμας, 122

Preciana hereditas, 480

Procilius, _historian_, 112

Procilius, 306, 316

Prognostica, _name of a book_, 110

Protogenes, 176

Ptolemaeus, 296

Publius, _see_ Clodius Pulcher (P.)

Pulchellus (_i.e._, Clodius Pulcher (P.), _q.v._), 104, 162, 180

Pulcher, _see_ Clodius Pulcher (P.)

Pupius Piso Frugi Calpurnianus (M.), _consul_ 61 B.C., 32, 38, 42, 44, 48, 56

Puteolanus, 374; -na res, 296; -ni, 340; -num raudusculum, 478

Puteoli, 36, 296

Quintus, _see_ Tullius Cicero (Q.)

Rabiriana domus, 16

Rabirius (C.), 102

Rantius, 322

Reatini, 308

Regulus, _see_ Livineius Regulus

Rex, 58

Rhinton, 94

Rhodii, 362, 366, 368, 476

Rhodos, 100, 110, 384, 474

Rhosica vasa, 428

Roma, 4, 8, 10, 14, 22, 68, 92, 104, 112, 124, 126, 132, 134, 140, 142, 144, 148, 150, 156, 158, 180, 186, 208, 212, 256, 258, 266, 290, 298, 302, 306, 308, 340, 350, 352, 354, 356, 360, 368, 370, 374, 378, 380, 382, 384, 386, 394, 396, 406, 408, 412, 426, 454, 456, 460, 464, 466, 470, 478

Romanus homo, 90; populus, 54–6; -na mysteria, 440; -nae res, 42, 44, 76, 306, 326, 478; -ni cives, 384, 402, 404; -ni equites, 78, 290

Romulus, 108

Roscia lex, 168

Roscius Otho (L.), 102

Rosia (rura), 308

Rufio Vestorianus, 340. _See also_ Sempronius Rufus

Rutilius Rufus (P.), 314

Sacra via, 274

Salaminius senatus, 450; -nii, 406, 408, 420, 422, 448, 450, 452

Salamis, 420

Saliarem in modum, 356

Sallustius (Cn.), 10, 26

Salus, 260

Samius, 434

Sampsiceramus (_i.e._ Pompeius Magnus), 146, 154, 158, 184

Samus, 368

Saturnalia, 388, 392

Saturninus, _see_ Annius Saturninus

Satyrus, _see_ Caninius Satyrus

Saufeius (L.), 10, 134, 286, 426, 482

Scaevola, _see_ Mucius Scaevola

Scaptius (M.), 406, 408, 410, 420, 422, 424, 448, 450, 452, 458

Scaptius (M.), _in Cappadocia_, 418, 458

Scaurus, _see_ Aemilius Scaurus

Scepsius, _see_ Metrodorus of Scepsus

Scipio, _see_ Caecilius Metellus Pius Scipio (P.) _and_ Cornelius Scipio

Scribonii Curiones, 190

Scribonius Curius (C.), _consul_ 76 B.C., 42, 48, 62

Scribonius Curio (C.), _son of the last_, 130, 132, 142, 160, 166, 168, 188, 190, 224, 240, 438, 448, 456

Scrofa, _see_ Tremellius Scrofa

Sebosus, 148, 150

Seius (M.), 370, 396

Seleuciana provincia, 332

Selicius (Q.), 28

Sempronius Rufus (C.), 452. _See also_ Rufio Vestorianus

Septem Aquae, 308

Septimius (C.), 188

Serapion, _geographer_, 118, 124

Serapion, _see_ Cornelius Scipio Nasica Serapion

Sergius Catilina (L.), 2, 8, 42, 58, 102, 274

Serranus, _see_ Atilius Serranus

Servilia, 346, 426

Servilius (M.), 462

Servilius Ahala (C.), 190

Servilius Caepio Brutus (_i.e._ M. Junius Brutus _q.v._), 188, 190

Servilius Vatta (P.), 432

Servilius Vatta Isauricus (P.), _praetor_ 54 B.C., 90, 110, 310, 330

Servius, _see_ Sulpicius Rufus

Sestius (P.), 234, 238, 242, 250, 276, 380, 438

Sicca, 196, 198

Sicilia, 104, 434

Sicinius, 346

Siculus Epicharmus, 88; -i, 104, 364

Sicyon, 32

Sicyonii, 90, 96, 110, 146, 178

Sidicinus, _see_ Egnatius Sidicinus

Silanus, _see_ Iunius Silanus

Silius Nerva (P.), 428

Σιπούντιοι, 444

Σιποῦς, 444

Socrates, 314

Σωκρατικῶς, 116

Solonium, 116, 134

Sophocles, 130

Sopolis, 330

Sositheus, 30

Σπάρτα, 94, 286

Spartacus, 450

Spongia, 56

Statius, 162, 164, 338, 442

Statius (Sex.), 422

Sufenas, _see_ Nonius Sufenas

Sulla, _see_ Cornelius Sulla

Sullani homines, 84

Sulpicius Galba (P.), 2

Sulpicius Rufus (Ser.), 122, 346, 404

Sybota, 354

Synnadense forum, 404

Synnas (Synneda), 376, 388

Syria, 56, 296, 382, 390, 454, 462, 468, 478

Syros, 366

Tadiana res, 16; -num negotium, 20

Tadius, 16, 20

Talna, _see_ Juventius Talna

Tarentinus (ager), 200

Tarentum, 200, 350

Tarquitius (L.), 476

Tarsenses, 402

Tarsus, 378, 380, 390, 402, 406, 462

Tauri pylae, 390

Taurus, 374, 382, 390, 402, 412

Τέμπη, 308

Tenea, 444

Terentia, 8, 16, 28, 116, 120, 132, 138, 144, 150, 200, 208, 210, 236, 250, 426, 404

Terentius, 290,, 428

Terentius, _tribune_ 54 B.C., 322

Terentius Culleo (Q.), 228

Terentius Varro (M.), 170, 178, 182, 192, 206, 222, 224, 238, 270, 304, 312, 362

Terminalia, 414

Tettius Damio, 274

Teucris (Τεῦκρις), 28, 38, 46

Thallumetus, 366

Thalna, _see_ Iuventius Thalna

Theophanes (Θεοφάνης), 122, 144, 158, 362

Theophrastus (Θεόφραστος), 118, 136, 154, 434

Theopompium genus, 126

Theopompus, 426

Thermus, _see_ Minucius Thermus

Thesprotia, 456

Thessalia, 244

Thessalonica, 68, 206, 208, 212, 214, 218, 222, 230, 236, 242, 244

Thurium, 200

Thyillus, 22, 30, 64

Tiberius, 402

Tigranes, 118, 128

Tigranes filius, 206

Timaeus, 434

Tiro, _see_ Tullius Tiro

Titinius (Q.), 118, 402

Titus (Τίτος Ἀθηναῖος), _see_ Pomponius Atticus

Torquatus, _see_ Manlius Torquatus

Tralles, 372

Transpadanus, 362; -ni 342

Trebonius (C.), 292

Trebulanum (praedium), 340, 342, 344

Tremellius Scrofa (Cn.), 346, 428

Tres Tabernae, 32, 140, 142, 144

Triarius, _see_ Valerius Triarius

Tritia, 444

Tritones piscinarum, 136

Τρῳάδες, 122

Τρῶες, 122

Trophoniana narratio, 444

Trypho, _see_ Caecilius Trypho

Tubero, _see_ Aelius Tubero

Tullia (_or_ Tulliola), 10, 16, 20, 26, 134, 238, 260, 282, 426, 464, 476, 482

Tullii Cicerones, 378, 396, 426

Tullius, _scribe_, 344, 346

Tullius (L.), _legate of Cicero_, 346, 362, 372, 402

Tullius Cicero (L.), _cousin of Cicero_, 12

Tullius Cicero (M.), _the orator_, 378. _See also_ Κικέρων ὁ φιλόσοφος

Tullius Cicero (M.), _his son_, 76, 132, 138, 312, 332, 356, 452, 478; _see also_ Κικέρων (ὁ μικρός).

Tullius Cicero (Q.), _brother of the orator_, 6, 10, 14, 16, 18, 20, 46, 64, 66, 90, 118, 126, 132, 156, 208, 216, 220, 230, 234, 236, 238, 244, 250, 256, 260, 264, 274, 288, 290, 296, 304, 310, 314, 330, 334, 338, 360, 392, 396, 402, 406, 412, 456

Tullius Cicero (Q.), _son of the last_, 112, 250, 288, 290, 296, 426, 444, 460, 474, 480

Tullius Tiro (M.), 474

Turpio, 432

Turranius (D.), 18, 480

Tusculana villa, 270; -num aedificium, 46; -um (praedium), 12, 16, 18, 22, 110, 134, 138, 272, 302, 314, 336, 438

Tyrannio, 124, 280, 282, 292

Valerius, 114

Valerius, _interpreter_, 30

Valerius (P.), 412

Valerius Flaccus (L.), 82, 194

Valerius Messalla (M.), 296, 310, 316, 320, 366, 386

Valerius Messalla Niger (M.), _consul_ 61 B.C., 32, 36, 38, 40, 44, 262

Valerius Triarius (P.), 316, 324

Varius (P.), 4

Varro, _see_ Terentius Varro

Vatinius (P.), 126, 130, 138, 190

Vedianae res, 440

Vedius (P.), 440

Veiento, 322

Velinus lacus 308; -na tribus, 310

Vennonius (C.), 440, 458

Venus, 176

Venusia, 348

Vestorius (C.), 288, 304, 316, 332, 340, 444, 452

Vettius, 284

Vettius, _a broker_, 432

Vettius (L.), 188, 190

Vettius Chrysippus, 120

Vibius, 174

Vibo, 198

Visellius, 250

Volaterrani, 84

Volusius (Cn.), 362

Volusius (Q.), 402

Xeno, _of Apollonis_, 370

Xeno, _of Athens_, 360, 364

Xenocrates, 52

Zaleucus, 434

Zoster, 360

W. H. Smith & Son, The Arden Press, Stamford Street, S.E.

TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES

1. P. 52, corrected “ὃππως” to “ὅππως”. 2. P. 88, corrected “ταυτα” to “ταῦτα”. 3. P. 156, corrected “δε” to “δὲ”. 4. P. 359, corrected “ἒρδοι τις ἥν ἕκαστος εἰδείη τέχνην” to “ἔρδοι τις ἣν ἕκαστος εἰδείη τέχνην”. 5. Silently corrected typographical errors in punctuation and spelling in the index which didn't agree with the text. 6. Retained anachronistic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings as printed. 7. Enclosed italics font in _underscores_. 8. Superscripts are denoted by a caret before a single superscript character, e.g. M^r.