xliiii. I would remind you, also, that a printed edition of this work
was published by Tom Hearne, Oxford, 1727, 8vo., which is not one of his most common books; the text was taken from several old Manuscripts, and the value of a large-paper copy fluctuates between four and six guineas. The next authority, therefore, whom I shall quote upon this subject, is supposed to have been the production of the justly famous old John Lydgate, who was in his days a very eminent English Poet; being born about 1375, and dying about 1461. He was a Monk of the Abbey of Bury, in Suffolk; and of these historical verses by him there is a Manuscript copy, written on parchment in an old Court-hand, ornamented with vermillion chorusses and lines, in No. 565, of the Harleian Manuscripts, in the British Museum. You will find them forming Articles 8 and 9 of that volume, and thus entered in the Catalogue, volume i. page 351. ‘_A Poem upon the Wars of King Henry the V. in France; and his return to England, after the battle of Agincoure; composed perhaps by John Lidgate_.’--‘_The making of_ (i. e. Poem upon) _the comynge of the Kynge_ (Henry V.) _out of Fraunce, to London. By John Lidgate, the Monke of Bury._’ Such are the titles of these verses, from which I shall repeat to you all that concerns the King’s entry at London Bridge; and, firstly, at page 111 b. the story runs thus, beginning at the second stanza of ‘_Passus Tercius_.’
“The Mayr of london was Redy bown, With all y^e craftes of that Cite Alle clothyd in red, thorugh out y^e town A semely sight it was to se: To y^e black Hethe thanne rod he, And spredde y^e way on euery syde; Xx^{ti} M^l. men myght wel se Oure comely kynge for to abyde. _Wot ze right well that thus it was Gloria tibi Trinitas._
The kyng from Eltham sone he nam, Hyse presoners with hym dede brynge; And to y^e Blake Heth ful sone he cam, He saw london with oughte lesynge. ‘Heill Ryall london,’ seyde our kyng, ‘Crist y^e kepe from euere care!’ And thanné zaf it his blessyng And preied to Crist that it well fare. _Wot ze right well that thus it was, Gloria tibi Trinitas._
The Mair hym mette with moche honour With alle y^e Aldermen with oughte lesyng; ‘Heyl,’ seide y^e Mair, ‘thou conquerour, The grace of God with the doth spryng: Heil Duk, Heil Prynce, Heil comely Kyng; Most worthiest Lord vndir Crist ryall, Heil rulere of Remes with oughte lettyng, Heil flour of knyghthood now ouer all.’ _Wot ze right well that thus it was, Gloria tibi Trinitas._
‘Here is come youre Citee all Zow to worchepe, and to magnyfye; To welcome zow bothe gret and small, With zow euere more to lyue and dye.’ ‘Graunt mercy Sires,’ oure kyng ’gan say, And toward london he ’gan ryde; This was vp on Seynt Clementys day They welcomed hym on euery side. _Wot ze right well that thus it was, Gloria tibi Trinitas._
The lordes of Fraunce thei ’gan say then, ‘Jngelond is nought as we wene; Jt farith by these Englyssh men, As it doth by a swarm of bene: Jngeland is lik an hyve with jnne, There fleeres makith vs full evell to wryng, Tho ben there arrowes sharpe and kene, Thorugh oure harneys they do vs styng.’ _Wot ze right well that thus it was, Gloria tibi Trinitas._
To london Brygge thanne rood oure kyng, The processions there they mette hym ryght; ‘_Ave Rex Anglorum_,’ thei ’gan syng, ‘_Flos Mundi_,’ thei seide, ‘goddys knyght.’ To london Brigge whan he com right, Vp on the gate ther stode on hy A gyaunt, that was full grym of myght, To teche the Frensshe men curtesy. _Wot ze right well that thus it was, Gloria tibi Trinitas._
And at the Drawe brigge that is faste by, Two toures there were vp pight; An Antelope and a Lyon stondyng hym by, Above them Seynt George oure lady’s knyght. Be syde hym many an Angell bright, ‘_Benedictus_’ thei ’gan synge; ‘_Qui venit in nomine domini_, goddys knyght’ _Gracia Dei_ with zow doth sprynge.’ _Wot ze right well that thus it was, Gloria tibi Trinitas._”
“Thus finish Lydgate’s verses, so far as they relate to these Pageants on London Bridge; but as they tell us nothing of the Royal display upon that occasion, let me remark to you, that we are told, in an Heraldical Manuscript in the Harleian Collection, No. 6079, folio 24 a, that ‘At the cominge in of Kinge Henry the V^{th} out of Fraunce into Englande, his coursers were trapped w^{th} trappers of partye colours: scilicet, one syde blewe velute embroudered w^{th} Antellopes sittinge vpon stayres w^{th} longe flowers springinge betwixt their horns.’ Which trappings were, by the King’s order, subsequently given to the Abbey of Westminster for the vestry, where they were converted into copes and other Ecclesiastical habits.”
“But before you quite shut up your account of these Pageants, my good Mr. Postern,” said I, as he came to a close, “let _me_ say a word or two, touching those Royal supporters, which sat upon the columns on London Bridge; since there are many curious little points of Antiquity to be met with in the history of Heraldic bearings. The first use of an Antelope as a supporter to the King’s Arms, is doubtfully hinted at in a Manuscript in the Harleian Library in the British Museum, No. 2259, as having been so ancient as the reign of King Richard II.; though we are much more certain that King Henry IV. entertained a Pursuivant named Antelope, and probably adopted such an animal as his dexter supporter, from the family of Bohun, Earl of Hereford and Essex, into which he married. The instance of a Lion also appearing as a supporter, is mentioned in Gough’s ‘_Sepulchral Monuments_,’ which you have already quoted, volume ii., part ii., page 68, from the information of John Charles Brooke, Esq., Somerset Herald, who says that when Henry V. became King, he bore on the dexter side of his Arms, a Lion rampant guardant, and on the sinister, an Antelope. We read also that he bore an Antelope and a Swan, and two Antelopes; and you may see all these excellently drawn and described in Mr. Thomas Willement’s ‘_Regal Heraldry_,’ London, 1821, 4to., pages 21, 28, 30, 33, and 36.”
“Many thanks to you, Mr. Geoffrey Barbican,” recommenced my visitor, “for this most opportune display of your Heraldical learning: and, in returning to London Bridge, I must observe, that as all history is but a record of the evanescent scenes of human life, it must, of course, be formed of all those strong lights and shades which are so very conspicuous in its original; and hence arises that striking contrast of events, which so frequently fills us with solemnity and awe. We retire, perchance, from a banquet to a prison, or from a triumph to an execution; at least, such is the nature of the next event which I find for our Chronicles, for the Towers of London Bridge usually claimed a portion in most of the victims of the axe and the scaffold. The principles of the Lollards, as they were invidiously called, were then rapidly spreading; and Sir John Oldcastle, commonly called the good Lord Cobham, was one of the most active leaders in the religious reform commenced by Wickliffe: as he was not only at a very considerable cost in collecting and transcribing his works, which he caused to be widely distributed, but he also maintained many of his disciples as itinerant preachers throughout the country. Oldcastle had, however, escaped from the power of the Clergy who had condemned him as a heretic, and confined him in the Tower; when King Henry being persuaded by them that he headed 20,000 Lollards for his destruction, he was attainted, and a large reward offered for his head: in confirmation of which Stow informs us, in his ‘_Annals_,’ page 352, that on the ‘viii day of October’--1416--‘was a Parchment maker of Trill-melle Streete drawne, hanged, and headed, for that he had harboured Sir John Oldcastle:’ and the Harleian Chronicle, No. 565, page 77 a, adds, that his head ‘was set upon London Bridge for tretory.’ Another obscure person, most probably concerned in the same unhappy society, is also recorded as coming to a similar end: for, ‘John Benet, Woolman,’ says Stow, in the place I last cited, ‘who had in London scattered sceduls full of sedition, was drawne, hanged, and beheaded on Michaelmas-day:’ and the Harleian Chronicle adds, that his head was also fixed upon London Bridge.
“Our next ceremonial procession over this edifice was the solemn and splendid funeral of King Henry V.; when that gallant Sovereign had departed this life, on Monday, the last day of August, 1422, at the Castle of Bois de Vinciennes, a short distance from Paris. That sumptuous spectacle is described in several places, although I do not find it mentioned either in the Life by Thomas of Elmham, or in that by Henry’s Chaplain; but Stow, in his ‘_Annals_,’ page 363, says that the Royal body arrived in London about the tenth of November, and so was conveyed by London Bridge through Cheapside, to the Cathedral Church of St. Paul, where funereal exequies were performed; and thence it was carried and interred in Westminster Abbey. As the corse advanced in rich and solemn procession over the Bridge, it was truly a magnificent and imposing spectacle. On a royal chariot, decorated with cloth of gold like a bed of state, was laid a figure exactly representing the late King, habited in a robe of purple velvet, lined with ermine; wearing an imperial diadem of gold and jewels on the head, and bearing in the hands, the regal sceptre, and the mound and cross. The face, which was painted exactly to resemble the life, was uncovered, and looking towards Heaven; and on the bed lay a covering of red silk beaten with gold. The chariot was drawn by six stout horses, richly harnessed, with heraldic devices upon their housings: thus, the first bore the Arms of St. George; the second, of Normandy; the third, those of King Arthur; the fourth, those of St. Edward the Confessor; the fifth, the coat of France, alone; and the sixth, those of France and England quarterly. When the chariot passed through any town of eminence, a rich and costly canopy was held over it, by some of its more honourable attendants; and it was surrounded by three hundred torch-bearers habited in white; by five thousand men-at-arms on horseback in black armour, holding their spears reversed; and by a multitude of Lords bearing pennons, banners, and bannerolls; whilst twelve captains went before carrying the King’s achievement. After the body followed the servants of the Household all in black; then came James I., King of Scotland, as Chief Mourner, with the Princes and Lords of the Royal blood, in mourning habits; and lastly, at the distance of two miles in the rear, followed Queen Katharine, no less honourably attended.
“We learn, also, from a very interesting history of King Henry V. in English, contained in the Harleian Manuscripts, No. 35, folio 138 a, that when the funeral ‘should enter the Cittye, ten Bishopps, w^{th} their pontificall adornments revested, and many Abbotts mytored, and other men of the Church in greate number, with a right great multitude of Cittizens of the same Cittie, went out thereof to meet the Corps, and receaued it with due honnour. And all y^e saide Spiritualls singinge, the officers accustomed in like case, conveyed the same Corps by London Bridge, and by Lumbart Streete, thoroughe the Cheape vnto y^e Cathedrall Churche of Saint Paule.’ This life of King Henry is partly a translation from the Latin of Titus Livius, an Historian of his reign, who called himself by that name, and the French Chronicles of Enguerrant. The other particulars you will find set down in Stow, as I have already cited him, and in two Manuscript volumes of Heraldic ceremonies, in the Harleian Library, No. 2076, folio 6 b, and No. 6079, folio 23 b; and in finishing our imperfect notices of this reign, let me close with almost the very words of the good old London Historian to whom we are so much indebted--‘Thus this most victorious and renowned King entred the way decreed for every creature, in the flower and most lusty time of his age, to wit, when he was six and twenty years old, when he had reigned nine years, and five months with glory.’
“You must, doubtless, worthy Mr. Barbican, well remember the discord which Shakspeare represents to have existed between the Protector, Humphrey Plantagenet, Duke of Gloucester; and Cardinal Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester: and the fray which takes place between their serving-men in blue coats and tawny coats, on Tower-hill. This is in his ‘_First Part of Henry the Sixth_,’ Act I, Scene 3; but we learn from Fabyan’s ‘_Chronicle_,’ page 413, that they once disturbed London Bridge with a brawl that wore a much darker aspect. It was customary in the more ancient days of this City, that the Lord Mayor should be elected on the Feast of St. Simon and St. Jude, on the 28th of October; and that on the day following he should be sworn in at Westminster. It was then, during the subsequent banquet of Sir John Coventry, Citizen and Mercer, that the Protector sent for him in great haste, and commanded him to watch the City securely during the night following; and on Tuesday, the 30th of October,--for, in 1425, St. Simon and St. Jude’s day happened on a Sunday, and therefore the Lord Mayor was elected the day after,--about nine in the morning, some of the Bishop’s servants came from his Palace on the Bankside, to enter at the Bridge Gate, when the warders, as they were commanded, kept them out by force. Upon which repulse, they retired in great discontent, and, gathering together a larger body of Archers and men-at-arms than that which kept the gate, assaulted it as a hostile City. All London was immediately alarmed; the Citizens shut their shops and hastened down to the Bridge in great multitudes; and a conflict would speedily have commenced, had it not been for the prudence and mediation of the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, Henry Chicheley, Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Prince of Portugal; who rode between the Protector and the Bishop, eight several times, ere they could bring them to any agreement; until, at length, they both consented to refer their dispute to the decision of John Plantagenet, Duke of Bedford, and Regent of France. The quarrel was, however, not concluded until the following Easter, which began on the last day of March. In defending London Bridge, the Protector appeared to be only retaliating upon the Bishop; for, in the third article of his charges against him, he stated, that once, when he was quietly riding to attend the King, the Bishop attempted his death at the Bridge foot, by assembling archers and soldiers in Southwark; by setting up engines to stop his way; by drawing the chain, used in ancient fortifications, across the Bridge; and by placing men in windows and turrets to cast down stones upon the heads of him and his followers.
“I have already mentioned to you, that there were several Towers erected on London Bridge, both for defence and ornament; although we have not any authentic historical notice concerning them, until we arrive at the year 1426, when Stow tells us in his ‘_Survey_,’ volume i., pages 61, 65, that the Tower at the North end of the Drawbridge, over which the heads of Traitors were wont to be set, was then began to be newly built, in the Mayoralty of Sir John Raynewell, Citizen and Fishmonger; who bore for his Arms, Parted per pale indented Argent and Sable, a Chevron Gules. He laid one of the first stones of the edifice, and the Bridge-Master, with John Arnold and John Higham, the Sheriffs, laid the others. Upon each of these four stones, the name IHESUS was engraven in fair Roman characters, and at the rebuilding of this Gate and Tower in April 1577, they were laid up as Memorials in the Bridge House. The Drawbridge over which it was erected, was, at this period, readily raised up or lowered, that ships might pass up the River to Queenhithe; which was, during the use of this convenience, a principal strand for their lading and unlading, as being in the centre and heart of the City.
“In the year 1428, we find a short, but certain proof, that the passing beneath London Bridge was not less dangerous, than it is at present. You will see the circumstance mentioned in Stow’s ‘_Annals_.’ page 369, but I prefer giving it you in the words of the often-mentioned Harleian Manuscript, No. 565, folio 87 b, which was, very probably, the original authority of the good old Chronicler. ‘Also this same yere,’--says the record,--‘the viij day of Nouember, the Duke of Norfolk, with many a gentil man, squyer, and yoman, tok his barge at Seynt Marye Ouerye be twen iiij and v of y^e belle a yens nyzt, and proposyd to passe thorugh London Bregge. Where of the forseid barge, thorugh mysgouernance of stearyng, fell vp on the pyles and ouerwhelmyd. The whyche was cause of spyllyng many a gentil man and othere; the more ruthe was! But as God wolde, y^e Duke him self and too or iij othere gentyl men, seying that myschief, leped vp on y^e pyles, and so were saved thorugh helpe of them that weren a bove y^e Brigge with castyng downe of ropes.’ The Duke of Norfolk, to whom this misfortune happened, was John Mowbray, the second of that title, who had served under King Henry V. in France, and who died October the 19th, 1432.
“We next come down to the April of 1431, when an association was formed at Abingdon, in Berkshire, headed by one William Mandeville, a weaver, and Bailiff of the Town, who entitled himself Jack Sharp, of Wigmore’s land, in Wales. The Protector took instant order for his apprehension, and when examined, he confessed that it was intended ‘to have made Priests’ heads as plenty as Sheeps’ heads, ten for a penny.’ His own, however, did not remain on his shoulders long after, for he was executed as a traitor, at Abingdon, and his head erected on London Bridge, whilst his companions were also hanged and quartered in other places. You find this fact related by Fabyan in his ‘_Chronicle_,’ page 422.
“From these scanty notices of misery, infatuation, and crime, it is with much delight that we turn to a spectacle of the greatest magnificence, and the most distinguished character, which London Bridge ever witnessed: the entrance of King Henry VI. to the City, after his Coronation as King of France, in the Church of Nôtre Dame, at Paris, on Friday, the 7th of December, 1431. On the 9th of the February following, he landed at Dover, and upon Thursday, the 21st of the same month, he was met by the Mayor and Corporation of London at Blackheath. Of their ceremony in conducting him towards the City, and the numerous Pageants which they had prepared to meet him at London Bridge, I shall now proceed to give you an account, extracted from Alderman Fabyan’s ‘_Chronicle_,’ volume ii., pages 423-425, and from Lydgate’s Poem on the ‘_Comynge of y^e Kynge out of Fraunce to London_;’ of which a very fair copy is preserved in that Harleian Manuscript which I have already quoted, No. 565, folio 114 b. The verses by Lydgate are not very common in any form, and they have, as I think, been but once printed in connection with the history of London Bridge, which is in Malcolm’s ‘_Londinum Redivivum_,’ already cited, volume ii., page 397; and, although you may conceive that I quote too much of them, I cannot deny myself the pleasure of beginning at the very commencement, since it is but little less beautiful than Chaucer’s immortal Tales. Listen, then, Mr. Barbican, I pray you listen; if you have ears for either Poesy or Romance.
‘Towarde the ende of wyndy Februarie, Whanné Phebus was in y^e fyssh ronne Out of the signe whiche callyd is Aquarie; Newe kalendas were entred, and begonne Of Marches comyng, and the mery sonne Vp on a thorsday, shed hys bemys bright Vp on london, to make them glad and light.
The stormy reynes of all there heuynesse Were passyd a way, and allé there greuaunce; For the syxte Henry, rote of there gladnesse, Ther herty’s joye, the worldis suffissaunce, By trewe assent was crownyd king of Fraunce. The heven reioysyng the day of his repaire, Made at his comynge the wether to be so faire.
A tyme J trowe of God for hym prouydyd, Jn alle the heuenes there was no clowdé sayne; From other dayes that day was so deuydyd, And fraunchisyd from mystys and from rayne. The erthe attempred, the wyndes smothe and playne, The Citezeines thorughe out the Citté Hallow’d that day with gret solemnnyte.
And, lyk for Dauid after his victorie, Reioysyd was al Jerusalem;-- So this Cité with laude, pris, and glorie, For ioye mustred like the sonné beme, To geue ensample thorughe out this reem. Al of assent who can so conceyue, There noble Kyng were glad to resceyue.
There clothyng was of colour ful couenable, The noble Mair was clad in red velvet; The Shireves, the Aldermen ful notable In furryd clokes, the colour of Scarlet; In stately wyse whanné they were met Ech one were wel horsyd and mad no delay, But with there Maire rood forthe in there way.
The Citezeyns, ech one of the Citté, (In there entent that they were pure and clene) Chose them of white a ful faire lyuerye, In euery crafté as it was wel sene: To showe the trowthe that they dede mene Toward the kyng, hadde made them feithfully Jn sundry deuyses embrowdyd richely.
And for to remembre of other alyens, First Geneweys,--though thei were strangéres Florantynys and Venyciéns, And Esterlyngés clad in there manéres; Conveyd with serjaunts and othere officéres, Statly horsyd after the Mair ridyng Passyd the subbarbes to mete with the Kyng.
To the Blake heth whauné they dyd atteyne The Mair,--of prudence in especiall,-- Made them hove in renges tweyne A strete be twen ech party lik a wall; All clad in whit, and the most principall A fore in red, with the Mair rydyng Tyl tymé that he saw the Kyng comyng.
Thanne with his sporys he tok his hors a non-- That to be holde it was a noble sight How lyk a man he to the Kyng is gon, Right well cheryd of herté glad and light; Obeinge to hym as hym ought of right, And after that be kunnyngly a braid, And unto the King even thus he sayd.
‘Souereigne Lord and noble Kyng ze be wolcome out of youre Rem of Fraunce in to this zoure blessyd Rem of Jngelond, and in especial vn to zoure most notable Citee of London, other wise called youre chambre; we thankynge Almyghty God of the good and gracious acheuyng of zoure crowne of Fraunce: Besechynge of his mercyful grace to sende zow prosperite and many yeris to the comfort of alle zoure lovyng pepille.’
‘But for to tellen alle the circumstauncys Of euery thyng, shewyd in centents,--(_sentence_) Noble deuyses, diuerse ordinauncys Conveid by Scripture with ful gret excellence,-- Al to declare y have none eloquence; Wherfore y pray to alle tho that it schalle rede For to correcte, where as they se nede,’”
“So came the procession to London Bridge; and I very much suspect that the Corporation of our good City was so economical, as to entertain King Henry with some of the very same pageants which it had displayed to his father seventeen years before: for we find Fabyan stating, that ‘when the Kyng was comen to y^e Bridge, there was deuised a mightie Gyaunt, standyng with a sweard drawen.’ However, Lydgate will tell the story in the more interesting terms, and he continues thus:--
‘First, when they passyd, was y^e Fabour Entring y^e Briggé of this noble Towne, There was a peler reysyd lik a Tour, And theron stod a sturdy champyoun; Of look and cheré stern as a lyoun, His swerd, vp rered prowdly, ’gan manace Alle foreyn enemyes from the Kyng to enchace.
And in defens of his estat Rialle The geaunt wolde abyde ech auenture; And alle assautés that were marcyall For his sake he proudly wolde endure; In token wher of he hadde a long scripture On either syde, declaryng his entent, Whyche saydé thus by good avisement.
‘_Inimicos ejus induam confusione._’--Psalm cxxxii. 18.
‘_Alle those that ben enemys to the Kyng J schal them clothé withe confucion: Make hym myghti by vertuos leuyng, His mortall fone to oppressen and bere a down; And hym to encreasen as Criste’s champion, Allé myschevys from him to abrigge With the grace of God at the entryng of this Brigge._’
Too Antilopis stondyng on either syde, With the Armes of Jngelond and of Fraunce; Jn token that God schalle for hym provide As he hath title by iuste eneritaunce, To regne in pees, plenté, and alle plesaunce: Cesyng of werre, that men myzte ryden and gon, As trewe liegis there hertys mad bethe oon.’
“‘And when,’ says Fabyan, ‘the Kyng was passed the first gate, and was comen to the Draw-bridge, there was ordeined a goodly tower, hanged and apparailed with silke and clothes of arras, in most riche wise.’ Of which building thus speaks Lydgate.
‘Forthermore, so as the Kyng ’gan ryde, Myddes of the Brigge ther was a toure on lofte; The Lord of Lordes beynge ay his gyde As he hath be, and yit wil be full ofte: The toure araied with velwetty softe, Clothys of gold, silk, and tapicerie, As apperteynyth to his Regalye.
And at his comyng, of excellent beauté Benygne of port, most womanly of chere, There issued out Emperesses thre, Ther hair displaied as Phebus in his sphere; With crownettys of gold, and stonés clere, At whos out comyng thei gaf swyche a light That the beholders were stonyed in there sight.
[Sidenote: _Nature._]
The first of them was callyd Nature, As sche that hathé vndyr here demayne Man, beest, and foul, and euery creature, With jnne the bondys of here goldyn cheyne: Eke heuene, and erthe, and euery creature, This Emperesse of custum dothe embrace; And next her com her Suster callyd Grace.
[Sidenote: _Grace._]
Passyng famous and of gret reuerence, Most desyryd in allé regiouns; For where that euere shewith here presence She bryngith gladnes to Citees and to townys; Of all well fare she halt the possessionys: For, y dar sey, prosperite in no place No while abidith, but if there be Grace.
[Sidenote: _Fortune._]
Jn tokene that Grace shal longe continue, Vn to the Kyng she shewyd here ful benygne; And next here com the Emperesse Fortune, To hym aperyng with many a noble signe And Rialle tokenys, to shewe that he was digne Of God disposyd, as lust ordeygne Vp on his hed to weré crownés tweyne.
[Sidenote: _Natura, Gracia, et Fortuna._]
These thre Ladies, al of on entent, Thre goostly gyftés, heuynly and deuyne, Vn to the Kyng a non they dyd present, And to his hignesse they dyd a non enclyne: And what they weren pleynly to determyne, Grace gaf hym first at his comynge Two ryché gyftés, Sciens and Cunnynge.
Nature gaf hym eke Strengthe and Fayrnesse, For to be louyd and dred of euery wight; Fortune gaf hym eke Prosperite and Richesse, With this scripture aperyng in ther sight, To hym applied of verey due right:-- ‘_First vndirstonde, and wilfully procede, And longe to regne_,’ the Scripture seide in dede.
‘_Intende prosperitate procede et regna._’
‘_This is to mene, who so vndirstondith a right, Thou schalt by Fortune haue long prosperité; And by Nature thou shalt have strenghthe and might, Forth to procede in long felicité; And Grace also hath grauntyd vn to the, Vertuosly long in thi Roialle Citeé With Sceptre and crowne to regne in equyté._’
On the right hand of these Emperesses Stode vij madenys, very celestiall; Like Phebus bemys shone there golden tresses, Vp on there hedes ech hauyng a crownall: Of port and cheré semyng immortall, In sight transsendyng alle erthély creatures, So angelik they weren of there figures.
All clad in white, in token of clennesse, Liche pure Virgynés as in there ententys, Schewynge outward an heuenly fresh brightnesse; Stremyd with sonnys weren alle there garmentys. A forum prouydyd for pure jnnocentys, Most columbyne of chere and of lokyng, Mekly roos vp at the comyng of the Kyng.
They hadde on bawdrikes al on saphir hewe Goynge outward, ’gan the kyng salúe; Hym presentyng with ther gyftés newe, Lik as thei thought it was to hym duwe: Whiche gostly giftés here in ordre ’suwe Down descendyng as siluer dewe from heuene, Al grace includyd with jnne the giftés sewene.
These riall giftés ben of vertu most, Goostly corages most soueraygnely delite; The giftés callyd of the Holy Goost Outward figuryd by seven dowys (_doves_) white; Seyenge to hym, lik as clerkés write, ‘_God the fulfille with intelligence, And with a spirit of goostly sapience. Impleat te Deus Spiritu sapientiæ, et intellectus, Spiritu consilii, et fortitudinis, scientiæ, et pietatis, et spiritu timoris Domini._’
‘_God sendé also, to thi moost availe, The to preserué from all heuynesse, A spirit of strenghthé, and of good counsaile, Of cunnyng, drede, pite, and of lownesse._’ Thus thise ladies ’gan there gyftés dresse, Graciously at there out comyng, By influence light vp on the kyng.
These Emperesses hadde on there left syde Othere vij Virgines pure and clene; By accordaunce continually to a byde, (_shining stars_) Al clad in white samete, (_satin_) ful of sterres shene; And to declaré what they woldé mene Vn to the Kyng with ful gret reuerence, These wreten there gyftes shortly in sentence:
‘_Induat te Dominus Coronâ Gloriæ, Sceptro Clementiæ, Gladio Justitiæ, Pallio Prudentiæ, Scuto Fidei, Galiâ Salutis, et Vinculo Pacis._’
‘_God the endue with a crowne of glorie, And with a Sceptre of clennesse and pité; And with a sheld of right and victorie, And with a mantel of prudence clad thou be: A shelde of feith for to defendé thee, An helme of helthé wrought to thine encres, Girt with a girdell of loue and perfect pees._’
These vij Virgynes of sight most heuenly With herte, body, and handys reioysyng, And of there cheres aperid murely, For the Kynge’s gracious hom comyng: And for gladnesse they be gan to synge Most angelik, with heuenly armonye, This same roundell which y shall now specifie.
‘_Souerayne lord wolcome to zoure Citee, Wolcome oure Joye, and our hertys plesaunce; Wolcome, wolcome, right wolcome mote ye be, Wolcome oure gladnes, wolcome oure suffisaunce: Syngyng to fore thi Rialle mageste We saye of herte with oughten variaunce Souereign lord wolcome, wolcome oure Joye, Wolcome you be, vnto your owne newe Troye.’ ‘Mayr, Citezines, and al the commonté, At zoure hom comyng newé out of Fraunce, By grace releuyd of there olde greuaunce, Synge this day with gret solempnyté._’
Thus resceyuyd, an esy paas rydyng The King is entred in to yis Citee.’
“The King next passed on to the Conduit in Cornhill, where he was awaited by other Pageants equally sumptuous and interesting; but as these are out of our province, we shall mention them no farther.
“There seems to have gone abroad a singular conception, that the Chapel of St. Thomas on London Bridge did not exist beyond the time of King Henry the Sixth; in the 23rd year of whose reign,--1458,--there were four Chaplains serving in it; though it was originally founded but for two Priests, four Clerks, and their officers, independently of the several chantries, or revenues, left to the establishment, for the singing of daily mass for the souls of its benefactors. The income of the Chapel, however, more than ten years before that period, was considered as worthy of some inquiry on the part of a neighbouring ecclesiastic; for we find, in Newcourt’s ‘_Repertorium_,’ which I have already cited, volume i., page 396, the following particulars concerning it. ‘In the year 1433,’ says this Author, ‘Sir John Brockle, then Mayor of London, upon a controversie that was then like to arise, between the said Mayor and Commonalty of London, and the Bridge-Masters on the one part, and Richard Morysby, Archdeacon of London, and Rector of St. Magnus Church, on the other, about the oblations and other spiritual profits, which were made in a certain Chapel, called the Chapel of St. Thomas on the Bridge, within the precincts of this parish; there was a composition, or agreement, then made, and confirmed by Robert Fitzhugh, then Bishop of London, whereby (inter alia) it was agreed, that the Chaplains of the Chapel, and their successors, should receive all the profits of the Chapel to the use of the same, and the Bridge, and should pay yearly at Michaelmas the sum of xx_d._ to the said Church of St. Magnus, and to the Rector of the same, and to his successors for ever.’
“And now that we are speaking of the property appertaining to London Bridge, it will be a fit place to give you some idea whence it was in general derived; I say, in general, because the inquiry into all its sources would be not only difficult, but almost impossible. Stow tells you in his ‘_Survey_,’ volume i., page 59, that after the erection of buildings upon London Bridge, ‘many charitable men gave lands, tenements, or sums of money, towards the maintenance thereof: all which was sometimes noted, and in a table fair written for posterity remaining in the Chapel, till the same Chapel was turned to a dwelling-house, and then removed to the Bridge-House.’ The honest old Antiquary states, however, that he would willingly have given a copy of this table of benefactors, but that he could not procure a sight of it; for, as he was known to be a notable restorer of decayed and dormant charities, he was occasionally refused admission to such records as would have enabled him to compile a lasting register of all the pious gifts and benefactions in London. He never hesitated to reprove unfaithful Executors, whether Corporations, or private persons, some of which he caused to perform the testaments which they proved; whilst the dishonesty of others he left on record to futurity. It is then not to be wondered at, if he often-times met with a repulse instead of information; ignorance opposed him in one quarter, and interest in another; and he might very well have taken up the significant, though homely complaint of Ames, when he was composing his History of Printing, ‘Some of those persons _treats_ folks, as if they came as spies into their affairs.’ We have, however, some particulars of the Bridge property, as well collected by Stow, as gathered since his time; and, firstly, I must notice to you, that at page 60 of his ‘_Survey_,’ he states that ‘John Feckenham, _Civis et Bracciator_,’--Citizen and Brewer, or perhaps, Corn-Meter, ‘by his will, dated May 11th, 1436, bequeathed to the Mayor and Commonalty of the City of London, a Tenement with a Shop and Garden, in the Parish of St. Augustine Pappey,’--that is to say in St. Mary at Axe,--‘between the tenement and lands of the Bridge of the City of London on the East, &c. To have to the Mayor and Commonalty of London, _ad usum et sustentationem operis Pontis prædictis in perpetuum_,’--for the use and support of the work of the aforesaid Bridge for ever,--‘on condition that the Chaplains of the Chapel of St. Thomas the Martyr, on the Bridge, celebrating, have his soul, and also the souls of the late Lord Richard II., King of England, Edward Boteler, knight, and the Lady Anne his wife, Richard Storme, and Alice his wife, and the soul of Joan, his’--the said Feckenham’s--‘wife, perpetually recommended in their prayers.’ You may see both the original and an authentic copy of this Will, and that which I shall hereafter mention, in the Bishop of London’s Registry in St. Paul’s Cathedral. The Chamber in which they are kept, is entered through the Vestry on the Northern side of the nave; whence a flight of dark winding stairs, lighted only by loop-holes, leads you to a small square room, surrounded by oaken presses containing the original Wills tied up in bundles. The Calendar, or Index to the Register Books, extends from 1418 to 1599; all after that year being kept at the Bishop’s Consistory Court in Great Knight-Ryder Street. It is a small folio volume, having a parchment cover, anciently tied with strings, and is written in a small neat black text upon parchment, though now much soiled by time and the continual dust of the chamber. If ever you visit this Registry, however, I would not have you trust too much to this Calendar; for in referring to the Will which I have now quoted, its volume and page are called ‘_Moore, prima pars, folio_ iiij.;’ though the true reference is ‘_3 Moore, folio_ cccclxij a.’ This volume, _Moore_, is so called from the first Will entered in it, and it contains registers of Wills from the year 1418 to 1438, beautifully written in a small black text upon parchment, in a very thick square folio.
“Another benefactor to London Bridge mentioned by Stow, was one John Edwards, Citizen and Butcher, who ‘gave by his Will, dated the 8th of November, 1442, to John Hatherle, Mayor of the City of London, and to John Herst and Thomas Cook, Masters of the work of the Bridge of London, for ever, his tenement, with a garden, in the Parish of St. Botolph, Aldgate, situate between the tenement lately John Cornwallys’s on the South, &c., and extending from the King’s Street leading from Aldgate towards the Tower on the West, &c. towards the sustaining and reparation of the said Bridge.’ You will find this Will in the Register called 4 _Stacy_, now _Prowet_, folio ciiij b, which extends from 1438 to 1449; though the Calendar marks it as entered at folio xxv. Both of these Wills are in Latin.
“Without, at present, referring to the multitudes of books and records of Bridge property, which must exist in the office of the Comptroller of its Estates, I will give you an abstract of one of these volumes, of which a Manuscript copy is to be found in the Harleian Collection in the British Museum, No. 6016, folio 152. This book is entitled ‘_A Repertory by way of Survey, of all the forren landes belonging to London Bridge, to geather with all the quitt rents due to, and other rents due from the same_:’ and the industrious mortal who copied it out has added, ‘Borrowed the booke 21°. ffebr. 1653 of Captaine Richard Lee, Clarke of the Bridge-house.’ The Survey is written in corrupt and abbreviated Latin, which, from the expressions which are made use of, would appear like the language of the fifteenth century; and it contains many curious particulars of the names of persons and places, not elsewhere to be found. I purpose, however, giving you only a general statement of the amount of Bridge property in different places, with a few notices and extracts from the more interesting parts; reminding you, that these abstracts have never yet been printed.--In the Parish of St. Andrew the Bishop, London Bridge possessed 20 huts or cabins, occupied by the Brotherhood of Friars Minors, which were valued at £12. 3_s._ 4_d._ Then follows an entry of ‘Lands and Meadows belonging to the Bridge of London without the bar of Southwark, at Le Loke, in Hattesham, Camerwelle, Lewesham, and Stratford.’ In Lambeth field without Southwark, or St. George’s bar, 19 acres of land, lying towards Newington and Lambeth, held of the Prior of Bermondsey, for the yearly rent of 14_s._ 10_d._ At Le Loke,--that is to say, partly on the site of the New Kent Road, and on part of which was, doubtless, built that row of houses in Blackman Street, now called Bridge-house-Place,--4 acres of arable land, called Longland, and 2-1/2 acres and 1 rood of meadow land, held by the yearly rent of 5_s._ 10_d._, payable at the Feast of St. Michael. Also, on the South part of King Street, 2 acres of arable, and 2 acres of meadow land, called Carpenterishawe, held of the Archbishop of Canterbury, at the yearly rent of 6_d._, payable at the Feast of St. Michael the Archangel. Also near St. Thomas Wateringgs, on the South part of King’s Street, 7 acres of arable, and 2 acres of meadow land, called Fourecrofts, by the yearly rent of 4_s._ 8_d._, payable at the Feast of St. Michael, and at Easter; another piece of land lying towards Hattesham,--perhaps Hatcham Manor,--containing 10 acres of arable, and 2-1/2 acres and 1 rood of meadow land, called Tevatree, was held for the same sum. At Le Steerte, near the wall of Bermondsey, one acre of meadow ground, for the rent of 2_d._ per annum; and at Hattesham, at the entrance of the Marsh, 6 acres of arable land enclosed by a ditch, were held of the heirs of Simon de Kyme, for the rent of one penny per annum. In Lewisham, London Bridge seems to have had large possessions, since they were let out to farm at the immense rent of £3. 4_s._; and to the property of the Manor was attached the ancient feudal rights of heriot,--taking of the best beast, when a new tenant came on the estate; wardship,--the holding and enjoying the profits of a tenant’s land, who was a minor; marriage,--claiming assistance from all the tenants once, to furnish a dowry for the Lord’s eldest daughter; Reliefs and Escheats,--the payment of a certain sum on the entry of a new tenant, and the return of forfeited estates. The land itself was divided, and the original rents were as follow.
“‘24 and 11 acres of arable land, called the Greggehouse, 5 acres of wood, in two groves, 42 acres of arable land, and 2 acres of meadow land, held of the Abbot of Gaunt, at the yearly rent of 14_s._ 9-1/2_d._; 22 acres held of the heirs of Lord John de Backwell, Knight, at the yearly rent of 3_s._; 10 acres, and 10 acres in the field called Edwinesfelde, held of the Abbot of Stratford, at the yearly rent of 10_d._; 2 acres held of the heirs of Lord William Bonquer, Knight, at the yearly rent of 8_d._; 1-1/2 acre lying in the road near Depeford Bregge, held of the heirs of William Clekots, at the yearly rent of 1-1/2_d._; 3 acres in a croft near Leuesham Street, held of the heirs of Henry Boyding, and William Atteford, at the yearly rent of 2_d._; 1-1/2 acre at Rombeigh, for which nothing is paid; 10 acres in the field called Brodefelde, held of the heirs of William de Hinntingfeld, Knight, at the yearly rent of 1_s._ 8_d._ _Item._ There is owing for the said Manor to the heirs of Nicholas de Farndon, the yearly rent of 1_d._ At Leuesham, a water-mill, with 2 acres of pasture belonging to it, held of divers persons for the rent of 1_s._ 5_d._ and half a quarter of corn out of the tolls yearly, and the value of the tenths, from this time forth for ever.’
“The possessions of London Bridge, at Stratford, have been already referred to, but for the sake of perspicuity, I repeat them, and they were as follow:--One water-mill, called ‘Saynesmelle,’ and four acres of meadow land belonging to the same; ‘whereof one acre lies within the close of the said mill, and four roods opposite to it on the East; and they are every where planted round with willows.’ One acre and one rood of meadow land lie near ‘Wyldemersh-bregge,’ and are called ‘Horslese.’ They are held of the heirs of the Lord Richard de Playz, Knight, for the yearly rent of £1. 17_s._--Also at Stratford are ten acres of meadow-land held of the same, and for the same rent: whereof four acres are adjoining to the mill-pond called ‘Spileman’s Melle,’ and four acres are lying near to the meadow called ‘Gryggewyche’s Mead,’ and adjoin, in like manner, to the same mill-stream. And one acre lies near the Bridge called ‘Wildenmersshbregge,’ and is enclosed by willows; and three roods of the same meadow lie near ‘Golynant,’ and one acre and one rood of the same meadow are lying in one piece, adjoining to the mill-stream of ‘Saynesmelle.’ At Royeshope, is one acre of meadow land, formerly held by John Breggewrythe, at the yearly rent of 2_s._ which is held, &c. as aforesaid. Also there are of the same, 1-1/2 rood near Horslese, originally bought by Roger Atte-vyne, and John Sterre, then Keepers of the Bridge, which are held of the heirs of Thomas le Belevere, for the annual rent of 1_d._ The Vicar of West-Ham also held one acre of meadow, assigned to him for his tythe for the whole meadow; and 13_s._ 4_d._ were paid to him yearly, as tythe for the two mills. At Stratford, also, was another water-mill belonging to London Bridge, called ‘Spylemanne’s Melle,’ which was held of the heirs of Lawrance Stede, for the payment of 1_d._ yearly; which mill being of Sutler’s estate, tythes were paid for it by that estate, and it was therefore free for ever. There were also four acres of meadow and pasture belonging to it. All the foregoing were, at the time of this survey, let out to farm by London Bridge.
“Such were some of its possessions out of the metropolis; and I now proceed to notice that more interesting part of the volume, entitled ‘_Quit-rents of London Bridge, issuing from divers tenements of London and Southwark, according as they lie in different Parishes; and, firstly, of its property in the Parish of St. Magnus the Martyr_.’
“‘Three shops, with galleries built upon them, now held by Robert Kots and Lawrence Schrouesbury, Glovers, standing at the Bridge stairs towards London, with the houses belonging to London Bridge on the South side. They were formerly belonging to the Fraternity called ‘_Le Salue_,’ in the Church aforesaid. Two shops with galleries built thereupon, held by Peter Wydynton, Spicer, belonging to the same Fraternity, which are situated by the same stairs, between the way leading down to the common sewer on the South; the tenements belonging to the same Fraternity on the North, the tenements of John Zakesle on the East, and the King’s road on the North; and they owe yearly to the Bridge of London, 3_s._’ Another Tenement, held by Henry Ziuele, Mason, paid 5_s._: and it was situate between the King’s Road on the East, and the Oyster Gate on the West. Another Tenement paid 5 marks,--£3. 6_s._ 8_d._;--it stood ‘at the corner opposite to St. Magnus’ Church,’ between the King’s Road towards ‘Byllyngesgate’ on the South, and the King’s Road, called ‘Brigge-streete,’ on the West. It belonged to a certain perpetual Chantry in St. Magnus’ Church, for the soul of Thomas le Bener; also belonging to the same Chantry, and standing about the same spot, was a tavern, which paid to the Bridge 2_s._ 6_d._ yearly, and the shop of the same paid 1_s._ 3_d._ Certain other shops and tenements belonging to Richard, the son of John Horne,--perhaps the eminent Town-Clerk of that name, whom I have already mentioned,--paid £2. of yearly rent; and they were lying near the narrow way called Rederes lane on the East, in the Parishes of St. Magnus and St. Roth’i. A house belonging to the Priory and Convent of St. Mary, in Southwark, paid 1_s._: it stood between Oystergate on the East; and the houses belonging to St. Magnus’ Church on the West; and extended from the King’s Road called ‘Stokfissmongeres Rewe,’ on the North, down to the River Thames on the South. Another house in the Bridge Street, standing by that of John Somervyle, the Goldsmith, paid 8_s._ 9_d._ to the Bridge; as did also an adjoining shop and house; thus making the whole Bridge Rents in St. Magnus’ Parish amount to £7. 8_s._ 11_d._ per annum. I have been the more particular in detailing the property of London Bridge in this part of City, because it in some measure illustrates the ancient state of it; but I shall be much more brief,--and, I dare say, much more to your content,--in speaking of its possessions in the other parishes mentioned in this Manuscript.
“‘In the Parish of St. Botolph, near Byllyngesgate,’ the Bridge owned the following:
“‘One Tenement in the King’s Street leading to ‘Byllyngesgate,’ 16_s._ One Tenement, a Granary, or Brewery, with two Shops in the same, 12_d._ Total 17_s._
“‘In the Parish of St. Mary atte Hulle.’ One Messuage on ‘Byllyngesgate’ Quay, called the ‘Boleheued,’ 11_s._ 8_d._ The Priory and Convent of the Holy Trinity on the Quay called ‘Treyerswarfe,’ 6_s._ 8_d._ The house of William Walworth in the narrow way leading to ‘Treyerswarfe,’ 3_s._ 4_d._ Total £1. 1_s._ 8_d._
“‘In the Parish of St. Dunstan the Bishop, towards the Tower of London.’ A Tenement called ‘Cokeden-halle,’ standing ‘at the corner of the narrow way called Martelane,’ on the East, and the Tenements belonging to St. Dunstan’s Church on the West, and the King’s Road called ‘le Tourstreete’ on the South, 8_s._ A Tenement adjoining the same, 7_s._ A Tenement belonging to John Atte Vyne, son and heir of William Atte Vyne, standing near ‘the narrow way called Mengehouslane,’ 3_s._ A Tenement belonging to ‘Gyhalle,’ standing between the corner of the narrow way called ‘le Chirchelane,’ Eastward, and the foregoing, 4_s._ 8_d._ The House of Andrew the Canon, standing West of the foregoing, 4_s._ 8_d._ Tenements of John Pyebaker, belonging to the same Canon, 2_s._ 6_d._; of Alie. Bemehoo, belonging to the same Canon, 2_s._ 6_d._; of John Morton, Clerk, in the corner of the Church-yard of St. Dunstan’s, near the narrow passage leading to the Tower, 4_s._ 8_d._; of Isabella Rotheryng and her sister, standing by the Thames, 2_s._ Total £1. 19_s._
“‘In the Parish of All Saints de Berkyngcherch.’ A Tenement of John Longe, the Fishmonger, standing between the Tenements of London Bridge, on the East, the Tenements of Walter Denny, the Fishmonger, on the West, and ‘le Tourstreete’ on the North, 3_s._
“‘In the Parish of St. Andrew Hubert in Estchepe.’ A corner Tenement held by Richard Croydon, standing by the said Church on the North, between the narrow way adjoining, and the King’s way called ‘Seyntandrewys-lane’ on the West, 12_s._
“‘In the Parish of St. Margaret in Brigge Streete.’ A Tenement of John Littele, the Fishmonger, standing in ‘le Crokedelane,’ 4_s._
“‘In the Parish of St. Leonard, the Abbot, in Estchepe.’ One Tenement in ‘Candelwykstreete,’ held by William Yuory, £1. 6_s._ 8_d._ A Shop held by the same, between the Tenements of the Prior and Convent of ‘Cristecherche,’ on the North, and the King’s road, called ‘Grascherchestrete,’ on the East, 8_s._ Another Tenement, 1_s._ Another Tenement standing by the corner Tenement of the Hospital of the Blessed Mary without ‘Busshopisgate,’ on the North, and the King’s road, called ‘Estchepe,’ on the East, 2_s._ A Tenement of the Prioress of St. Helen’s, having ‘Grascherchestrete’ on the West, 13_s._ 4_d._ There was also another Tenement of 1_s._ rent, having Eastcheap on the East. Total £2. 12_s._
“‘In the Parish of St. Benedict de Grascherche.’ One Tenement, a Granary, or Brewery, with two Shops, of Benedict de Cornewayle, having the King’s road, called ‘Fancherchestreete’ to the South, 9_s._ 4_d._
“‘In the Parish of All Saints de Grascherche.’ One Tenement with a forge and 4 Shops, standing between the corner Tenement of the Prior and Convent of Ely on the South, and the Tenement belonging to the Brethren of the Cross, called ‘le Cardinaleshat’ on the North, and the King’s road, called ‘Grascherchstrete’ on the West, 40_s._ A Granary, 5_s._ Total £2. 5_s._
“‘In the Parish of St. Katherine de Cricherch.’ A Granary standing in a corner between the narrow way called Bellezeterslane on the East, and the Tenement of Philip Page on the West, 8_s._
“‘In the Parish of St. Mary Attenaxe.’ Ten Shops, with Galleries built upon them, standing in a corner, between the King’s way, which is between London Wall and the aforesaid Shops, and the way that leads from the Church of St. Mary Attenaxe, to the Church of ‘St. Augustine Papheye,’ on the West, 1_s._
“‘In the Parish of St. Augustine Papheye.’ The Tenement of Richard Schet, Fuller, standing by the Tenements of London Bridge on the East, and the King’s road under London Wall on the North, and the Garden of the Prior of Cricherch on the South, 12_d._
“‘In the Parish of St. Martin Otiswych.’ A Tenement with a large door, and a Shop on both sides of it, standing between the Church-yard on the North, and the King’s road, called ‘Bisshopisgatestreete,’ on the East, 3_s._
“In the Parish of St. Michael upon Cornhulle.’ A Tenement with two Shops, having Cornhill upon the South, 8_s._
“‘In the Parish of St. Edmund in Lumbardstrete.’ Certain Tenements with Shops, standing between the Tenements of St. Thomas’s Hospital in ‘Sothewarke,’ on the North, and the King’s way, called ‘Berchers-lane,’ on the West. They owe yearly to London Bridge, by the Will of Henry of Gloucester, Goldsmith, 5_s._
“‘In the Parish of St. Clement, near Candelwyk-stret.’ A tenement of the Abbot and Convent of Stratford, standing between the Tenement of Thomas Clench, Fishmonger, on the South, the Tenement of the perpetual Chantry of the said Church, which was formerly John de Charteneys, on the North, and the narrow way called ‘Seyntclementslane’ on the West. It owes yearly to London Bridge, by the legacy of Henry of Gloucester, 2_s._ A Tenement with four Shops, 2_s._ Three Shops with galleries erected upon them, and a certain place called ‘Wodehagh,’ bounded on the South by Candlewick-street, 4_s._ Total 8_s._
“‘In the Parish of St. Michael in le Crokedelane.’ A Tenement in ‘Stokfisschmongeresrewe,’ belonging to the Chaplain of ‘Kyngeston,’ 5_s._ An ancient Tenement, having the Tenement of the perpetual Chantry of the said Church, which was formerly John Abel’s, on the West, and the narrow way called ‘Crokedelane’ on the North, 5_s._ Total 10_s._
“‘In the Parish of All Saints the Less.’ A Tenement having the Tenements of St. Bartholomew’s Hospital on the West, and the King’s way called ‘Tamystrete’ on the South, 4_s._ Certain Tenements standing in the short narrow way of St. Lawrence, between the Tenement of the Master of St. Lawrence’s College on the North, and Thames-street on the South, 10_s._ The Tenement of the said Master, 6_s._ Total 20_s._
“‘In the Parish of St. Lawrence, near Candelwyk-stret.’ A Tenement belonging to ‘Gyldhalde’ of London, having the College of the said Church on the East; the narrow way which goes from the Church-yard of the same Church to Candlewyck-street, on the West; the said Church-yard on the South; and a Tenement belonging to a perpetual Chantry in the Church of St. Swythin on the North, 19_s._ 8_d._
“‘In the Parish of the Blessed Mary of Abbecherch.’ A Tenement, having the Tenement of the Hospital of St. Katherine, near the Tower, on the North, and the Burial-place of the aforesaid Church on the East, 10_s._
“‘In the Parish of St. Swythin the Bishop. A Tenement held by Solomon Faunt, standing between the Church aforesaid on the South; the Tenement of Henry Fyuyan, Draper, on the North, and the King’s way called ‘Swythynislane’ on the East, 2_s._ 6_d._ The Tenement of the said Henry Fyuyan, standing by that of John Hende, Draper, 2_s._ Total 4_s._ 6_d._
“‘In the Parish of St. Mary de Bothhaghe.’ A Tenement held by Lord Thomas de Salesbury, Knight, standing between the Tenement with the Great Gate also belonging to the same, on the East, and Candlewick-street on the South, 12_d._
“‘In the Parish of St. Stephen de Walbrok.’ Two Tenements under one edifice, standing by the Tenement of John Norwich, the Goldsmith, on the South, and the King’s way, called Walbrook, on the West, 2_s._
“‘In the Parish of St. Mary Woolnoth.’ A corner Tenement, which formerly was Hamon Lumbard’s, having the narrow street, called ‘Seyntswythinislane,’ to the East, and that called ‘Berebyndereslane,’ to the South, 13_s._ 4_d._ Another Tenement standing in a corner in ‘Schytelboanelane,’ 2_s._ Total 15_s._ 4_d._
“‘In the Parish of St. Bartholomew the Less. A Tenement, a Granary, or Brewery,’ having the King’s way called ‘Braddestrete’ on the North, 2_s._ 6_d._
“‘In the Parish of St. Pancras.’ One Cell, called ‘le Brodecelde,’ of which one entrance is by the large open place towards ‘Soperslane’ on the East, and another is toward ‘Chepe,’ at the sign of the Key, on the North, 6_s._ 8_d._
“‘In the Parish of St. Michael at Queen’s bank,’--or Wharf.--‘A Tenement, with its offices, which belongs to the Abbot and Convent of the Monastery of the Blessed Mary of Grace, near the Tower of London: it stands in a corner between the narrow way that leads to the Saltewarf on the East, and the Tenement of the Abbot of Jesus on the West, and it extends from the narrow way, called ‘Ratonneslane,’ on the North, down to the Thames Southward,’ 2_s._
“‘In the Parish of St. Martin at Ludgate.’ A Tenement with a forge standing in a corner without Ludgate, having the narrow street, called ‘Little-bayly,’ on the West, and the King’s way, called ‘Fletestrete,’ on the North, 9_s._
“‘In the Parish of St. Bridget, the Virgin, in Flet-strete.’ A Tenement, a Granary called ‘le Horsothehop,’ with two Shops, having Fleet-street on the North, and belonging to a certain Chantry in St. Paul’s Church, for celebrating Mass for the Soul of Walter Thorpe, 8_s._
“‘In the Parish of St. Alban de Wodestret.’ A Tenement, called ‘le Horsscho,’ 4_s._ Another Tenement, having the Tenement of the Hospital of the Blessed Mary without ‘Busschopesgate,’ on the South, and the King’s way, called ‘Wodestret,’ on the West, 2_s._ Total 6_s._
“‘In the Parish of the Blessed Mary of Athelmanbery.’ A Tenement standing in a corner between the narrow way called ‘Phylippeslane,’ on the West; that called ‘Paddelane’ on the South, and the Tenements of St. Paul’s Church on the North, 2_s._
“‘In the Parish of St. Michael de Bassyngeshawe.’ A Tenement with eight Shops, standing in a corner, towards London Wall, having the King’s way, called ‘Bassyngeshawe,’ on the West, 2_s._ Two other Tenements, 6_s._ 6_d._ Total 8_s._ 6_d._
“‘In the Parish of St. Olave at the Wall.’ A Tenement, formerly belonging to the Prior of the Hospital of the Blessed Mary without Bishopsgate, having the King’s way, called ‘Mugwelle stret,’ to the East, 3_s._ 6_d._
“‘In the Parish of St. Stephen in Colmanstret.’ Certain vacant places, by the legacy of Henry of Gloucester, 2_s._
“‘In the Parishes of St. Faith and St. Gregory.’ Certain Shops standing in ‘Paternostrerewe,’ under the Palace of the Bishop of London, newly erected by the venerable Lord Michael de Northborough, formerly Bishop of London, 40_s._
“A Tenement in ‘Redecrouchstrete,’ which cannot be found, 4_d._ Also in ‘Est Smethfeld’ was formerly a Tenement, which is now the common Church-yard, 4_d._ Another in ‘Blachynglegh,’ 12_d._ Also in Stratford, a piece of meadow land, formerly held to farm of the Bridge keepers, being the sixth part of a meadow called ‘Ruschope,’ 2_s._ Also at ‘Sabryschesworth,’ a Tenement, 3_d._ Total 3_s._ 11_d._
“‘In the Parish of St. Olave of Sothewerk.’ Two Shops of the Hospital of St. Thomas of Sothewark, standing in a corner at the stairs of London Bridge towards Southwark, between the Tenements belonging to the said Bridge on the North, the King’s way of Southwark on the South, and the stairs aforesaid on the East, 8_s._ A corner Tenement, now belonging to the Church of St. Michael in ‘le Reole, which is called Paternostercherche,’ and standing at the aforesaid stairs, having the King’s way leading to ‘Bermundeseye,’ on the South; the Tenements of the Bridge aforesaid on the North, and the aforesaid stairs on the West, 13_s._ 4_d._ Total 21_s._ 4_d._
“‘In the Parish of St. Margaret in Sothewerk.’ One Tenement of the Hospital of St. Thomas of ‘Sothewark,’ having the King’s way of ‘Sothewerk’ on the East, 4_s._
“‘In the Parish of St. George in Sothewerk.’ A certain Tenement and Garden called ‘Exuuiwe,’ which the Prior and Convent of the Blessed Mary of Southwark now hold; standing in a corner at the Cross in ‘Kentestreete,’ between the King’s way which leads to Bermondsey on the North, the King’s way called Kent-street on the West, and a garden on the South, 13_s._ 4_d._ A Tenement called ‘le Mote,’ having the Tenement of the Hospital of St. Thomas of Southwark on the North, a garden on the South, and Kent-street on the West, 8_s._ A Tenement standing at ‘Le Loke,’ near the Bridge Tenements, 2_s._ Total 23_s._ 4_d._’
“Such, Mr. Barbican, were the gifts to London Bridge of Quit-rents, or small sums reserved by various landlords out of their charters and leases, for the support and improvement of this noble edifice. Their whole amount was £30. 0_s._ 2_d._ _per annum_, a splendid revenue, if, as I imagine from several circumstances, this very curious survey was made about the middle of the thirteenth century. Several of these gifts are authenticated by references to the original grants, read and enrolled in the Court of Hustings at Guildhall, at various meetings held during the reign of King Edward I.: whilst another authority, often cited, is called ‘the Red Rental,’ which also makes mention of Godardus, a Chaplain, and his brethren of London Bridge. The light these very brief but curious notices shed upon Parochial history and antiquities, has made me give you a more particular account of them, than might be perfectly agreeable to you; though, as I have not quite finished the volume, I must request you patiently to hear me a little longer speak of the ancient landed property of London Bridge.”
“Oh! go on, Sir, pray go on!” said I, in a tone of mock resignation, “take your own time, Mr. Barnaby; though, to be sure, there seems but little reason why I should say so. I had, indeed, fondly hoped, that when you could no longer plague me with a Patent Roll, I might rest secure from any thing more provoking; but I must certainly own I was a most short-sighted mortal for thinking so, since your genius can never want a weapon to be drowsy with: but, I suppose that you rarely meet with a hearer so quiet, so mild, so undoubting, and so easily satisfied as I have proved: and therefore, suffer I must.”
“I have truly,” said he, in a short dry voice, “seldom met with a companion like you: but, I am sure, you will not think these extracts wearisome, when you remember that so little is known about the possessions of London Bridge; and that the fragments which I have repeated to you are all of the most undoubted authority, as yet unprinted, and almost locked up in a barbarous mixture of abbreviated and corrupt French, Saxon, and Latin. To return then to the Survey,--which, I assure you, I have very nearly concluded,--it next records the Bridge property at ‘Les Stocks,’ somewhat of which, you may remember, I have already spoken: and contains one of the most curious and ancient descriptions of that once-famous market now extant:--thus commences the entry.
“‘Near the Church of the Blessed Mary of Wolcherchehawe, is a certaine Cattle-Fold called _les Stocks_, ordained for Butchers and Fishmongers, where the same may sell flesh and fish; the rent of which is uncertain, because any greater or smaller value arises from the way in which places in it may be occupied by the Butchers upon Flesh-days, and by the Fishmongers on Fish-days. Upon this Cattle-stall are three mansions, and one slaughter-house, built above it, the principal of which mansions is towards Cornhill, being now held by William Vale, Fishmonger, and it yields to London Bridge, yearly, 30_s._ Also, on the West side, towards the Conduit, is another mansion, held by John Louekyn, Fishmonger, which pays yearly 20_s._ Also there is another little mansion in the middle of the house upon the Stocks on the North side, paying 10_s._ Also on the South part of the Stocks is a slaughter-house, for which rent is not paid. Total 60_s._ And in the stalls aforesaid, called the Stocks, are places measured for the Fishmongers’ tables, namely four feet and a half and two thumbs breadth in length, and called _Poulisset_, having legs, the which places are occupied by the Butchers on Flesh-days at the price of 4_d._ the week. And the same places are occupied by the Fishmongers on Fish-days, at the price of 3_d._ by the week. Of these places there are 19 on the South part next the Church; 18 on the North; 15, in one row, in the middle of the house on the South; and at the Eastern front of the said house are four places for Fishmongers, three of which are occupied by Butchers on the Flesh-days. In the West front of the said house are two places, occupied as well by Butchers as by Fishmongers; but the certain amount of the rents of these cannot be ascertained, because any of the aforesaid places may be occupied or not, and thus a larger or a smaller sum may appear upon the account-rolls of the gate-keepers of the place aforesaid, in different weeks and years. Without the Stocks, at the West front, are five places for Fishmongers, where, on Fish-days, they sell their fish; and, on Flesh-days, three of them are occupied by the Butchers. There are also 22 places and a half under the walls of the house, appointed for Butchers to sell flesh on Flesh-days; whereof 18 places are under the North wall, and 4 places and a half are under the wall of the Eastern front, of which places the value, when they are occupied, is 4_d._ per week: but now they are not fully engaged, and therefore no certain sum can be stated.’
“‘Also, it is to be known that the gifts, legacies, and oblations of the Corbell-Chapel, standing on the Bridge, with’--the Pontage from--‘the carts carrying bread for sale crossing over it, and the passage of vessels under it, are uncertain in amount, because they may be greater or less in value, as they appear in the account-rolls of the Keepers of the said Bridge for different years.’
“The Survey concludes with an abstracted list of rents paid by London Bridge for lands and tenements held in various places, both in, and out of, the City; but as I have already given you several particulars of these, and as they do not contain any great additional information, I shall but observe from them that their total amount appears to be £20. 0. 9-1/4_d._; and as we are occasionally informed that the lands were let out to farm, we may conclude that the Bridge-keepers were amply recompensed for the payment of a sum even so great as this. The disbursements of London Bridge were, indeed, always considerable, for Stow observes in his ‘_Survey_,’ page 59, that the account of William Mariner and Christopher Elliott, Wardens of that edifice, from Michaelmas, in the 22nd year of Henry VII.--1506,--to the Michaelmas ensuing, amounted to £815. 17_s._ 2-1/2_d._, all payments and allowances included.
“We must now set sail again on the ocean of English History, as it is connected with London Bridge; and you are to remember that we are yet in the reign of King Henry VI., though we have mentioned a multitude of dates since the commencement of our digression: and the next event in its Chronicles, relates to the destruction of a considerable portion of it in the year 1437. I have already cited to you some of the writings of William of Worcester, and in another work of which he was also the author, entitled ‘_Annales Rerum Anglicarum_,’ he gives a slight notice of this event, which you will find in the edition printed in Hearne’s ‘_Liber Niger_,’ volume ii. page 458, taken from an autograph manuscript in the Library of the College of Arms. The best accounts, however, are furnished by Fabyan, on page 433, of his Chronicle, and by Stow in his ‘_Annals_,’ page 376. From these we learn that on Monday, January the 14th, the Great Stone Gate, and Tower standing upon it, next Southwark, fell suddenly down into the River, with two of the fairest arches of the same Bridge: ‘and yet,’ adds the habitually pious Stow, ‘no man perished in body, which was a great worke of God.’
“In the year 1440, the Annals of London Bridge became again interwoven with the great historical events of the kingdom, which impart such dignity to its own records, inasmuch as the Bridge-Street, by which is meant as well the passage over the Thames as the main street beyond it on each side, was one scene of the public penance of Eleanor Cobham, Duchess of Gloucester, for Witchcraft. The inflexible honesty of the Duke, who was Protector of England during the minority of Henry VI., and presumptive heir to the crown, had created a violent party against him, the heads of which were Cardinal Henry Beaufort, Bishop of Winchester, and William de la Pole, first Duke of Suffolk. With regard to his Sovereign, however, not all the spies, which were placed about Humphrey Plantagenet, Duke of Gloucester, by these powerful and inveterate enemies, could find even a pretence for the slightest charge; though that which they were unable to discover in him, they found in his Duchess, who was then accused of Witchcraft and High Treason: it being asserted that she had frequent conferences with one Sir Roger Bolinbroke, a Priest, who was supposed to be a necromancer, and Margaret Jourdain, a witch, of Eye, near Westminster; assisted and advised by John Hum, a Priest, and Thomas Southwell, Priest, and Canon of St. Stephen’s, Westminster. Shakspeare, in his ‘_Second Part of Henry the Sixth_,’ Act i. Scenes 2 and 4, and Act ii. Scenes 1 and 4, has recorded several particulars of this circumstance; and makes the Duchess ask some questions concerning the King’s fate; though she was, in reality, charged with having his image made of wax, which, being placed before a slow fire, should cause his strength to decay as the wax melted. The result of the enquiry was, that Jourdain was burned in Smithfield; Southwell died before his execution, in the Tower; Bolingbroke was hanged, drawn, and quartered, at Tyburn; and, on November the 9th, the Duchess was sentenced to perform public penance at three open places in London. On Monday the 13th, therefore, she came by water from Westminster, and, landing at the Temple-bridge, walked, at noon-day, through Fleet-street, bearing a waxen taper of two pounds weight to St. Paul’s, where she offered it at the High Altar. On the Wednesday following she landed at the Old Swan, and passed through Bridge-street and Grace-Church-street to Leadenhall, and at Cree-Church, near Aldgate, made her second offering: and on the ensuing Friday, she was put on shore at Queen-Hythe, whence she proceeded to St. Michael’s Church, Cornhill, and so completed her penance. In each of these processions her head was covered only by a kerchief, her feet were bare; scrolls, containing a narrative of her crime, were affixed to her white dress, and she was received and attended by the Mayor, Sheriffs, and Companies of London.
“The leading features of these events are of course in all the numerous volumes of English History, but for the more particular circumstances I must refer you to Stow’s ‘_Annals_,’ pages 381, 382; to folio lxiiii. a, of the Chronicle of Edward Hall, an eminent Lawyer who died in 1547, and whose work is entitled ‘_The Vnion of the two Noble Houses of Lancastre and Yorke_,’ London, 1550, folio; and, finally, to the Harleian Manuscript No. 565, page 96 a. Of which latter most curious work we now take leave, for soon after recording this event it terminates imperfectly; though I may observe, that when speaking of the fate of Roger Bolingbroke, on page 96 b, it adds, concerning him, that the same day on which he was condemned at Guildhall, he ‘was drawe fro y^e Tower of London to Tiborn and there hanged, hedyd, and quartered, and his heed set up on London Bridge.’ His quarters were disposed of at Hereford, Oxford, York, and Cambridge.
“In 1444, William de la Pole, whom I have just mentioned, was one of the King’s Ambassadors in France, when, with his usual lofty and impetuous spirit, he suddenly proposed a marriage between Henry VI., and Margaret, daughter of Réné, Duke of Anjou, and titular King of Jerusalem, Sicily, Arragon, Valence, &c. without any instructions from his Sovereign, or even acquainting his fellow-commissioners with his design. Notwithstanding the Duke of Gloucester opposed this union at the Council Board in England, yet the Earl managed his proposal so skilfully, that he procured himself to be created a Duke, and despatched into France to bring over the Queen: and on Thursday, the 22nd of April, 1445, she was consequently married to Henry at Tichfield Abbey, Southwick, in the County of Southampton. It was, probably, in her way from Eltham Palace to Westminster, before her Coronation, that she was greeted by the famous pageants prepared for her on London Bridge, on Friday, the 28th of May; for you will remember that she was crowned at Westminster Abbey, on Sunday, the 30th of the month, by John Stafford, Archbishop of Canterbury. However it might be, she was met at several places by many persons of rank, with numerous attendants having their sleeves embroidered, or decorated in the most costly manner, with badges of beaten goldsmith’s work; and especially by the Duke of Gloucester, who received her with 500 men habited in one livery. At Blackheath, according to custom, the Mayor, Sheriffs, and Aldermen, clothed in scarlet, attended her with the several City companies, all mounted and dressed in blue gowns, having embroidered sleeves and red hoods: and in this manner Queen Margaret and her followers were conducted through Southwark and the City, ‘then beautified,’--says Stow in his ‘_Annals_,’ page 384, where he relates all these particulars,--‘with pageants of diuers histories, and other showes of welcome, maruellous costly and sumptuous.’ He gives, however, but a very brief statement of them in his printed book; though in his Manuscripts, several of which are extant in the Harleian Collection in the British Museum, there are the very verses spoken to the Queen on the Bridge, composed, as he says, by John Lydgate. The Manuscript I allude to, is one to which I have already made a reference, being No. 542, a small quarto volume written on antique paper, in Stow’s own plain, but minute hand-writing. In this volume, therefore, article 16, on page 101 a, is entitled, ‘_The speches in the pagiaunts at y^e cominge of Qwene Margaret wyfe to Henry the syxt of that name Kynge of England, the 28th of Maye, 1445, y^e 23rd of his reigne_.’ The first pageant, which was an allegorical representation of Peace and Plenty, was erected at the foot of London Bridge, and the motto attached to it was ‘_Ingredimini et replete Terram_,’--Enter ye and replenish the earth,--taken from Genesis ix. according to the Vulgate Latin. The verses addressed to Queen Margaret were as follow:--
‘Most Christian Princesse, by influence of grace, Doughter of Jherusalem, owr plesáunce And joie, welcome as ever Princess was, With hert entier, and hoole affiáunce: Cawser of welthe, ioye, and abundáunce, Youre Citee, yowr people, your subgets all, With hert, with worde, with dede, your highnesse to aváunce, Welcome! Welcome! Welcome! vnto you call.’
“Upon the Bridge itself appeared a pageant representing Noah’s Ark, bearing the words ‘_Jam non ultra irascar super terram_,’--Henceforth there shall no more be a curse upon the earth,--Genesis viii. 21. and the following verses were delivered before it:--
‘So trustethe your people, with assuráunce Throwghe yowr grace, and highe benignitie.-- ’Twixt the Realmes two, England and Fraunce, Pees shall approche, rest and vnité: Mars set asyde with all his crueltyé, Whiche too longe hathe trowbled the Realmes twayne; Bydynge yowr comforte, in this adversité, Most Christian Princesse owr Lady Soverayne.
Right as whilom, by God’s myght and grace, Noé this arké dyd forge and ordayne; Wherein he and his might escape and passe The flood of vengeaunce cawsed by trespasse: Conveyed aboute as god list him to gye. By meane of mercy found a restinge place Aftar the flud, vpon this Armonie.
Vnto the Dove that browght the braunche of peas,-- Resemblinge yowr symplenesse columbyne,-- Token and signé that the flood shuld cesse, Conducte by grace and power devyne; Sonne of comfort ’gynneth faire to shine By yowr presence whereto we synge and seyne Welcome of ioye right extendet lyne Moste Christian Princesse, owr Lady Sovereyne.’
“We shall here take our leave of the poet Lydgate, by whose descriptive verses we have illustrated three splendid scenes in the history of London Bridge; and I pray you, if it be but in gratitude for this single circumstance, reject, as malignant and untrue, the character given of him by Ritson, when he calls him a ‘voluminous, prosaick, and drivelling Monk.’ Warton is not only more liberal, but more just, in his estimate, when he says that ‘no poet had greater versatility of talents, and that he moves with equal ease in every mode of composition.’ He admits that he was naturally verbose and diffuse, tedious and languid: but he asserts, also, that he had great excellence in flowery description; that he increased the power of the English language; and that he was the first of our writers whose style is clothed with modern perspicuity. ‘His Muse was of universal access,’ he continues, ‘and he was not only the poet of his monastery, but of the world.’ Alike happy in composing a Masque, a Disguising, a May-game, a Pageant, a Mummery, or a Carol, for Ritson’s list of his poems, amounting to 251, embraces all these, and numerous other subjects.
“The year 1450 was made memorable by the daring insurrection of Jack Cade and the commons of Kent, which arose, partly, out of the popular belief that the Duke of Suffolk had caused the loss of a great portion of France to the English Crown; and, partly, from the pretensions of Richard, Duke of York, to the throne; in consequence of the haughtiness, despotism, and usurpation of Queen Margaret, and William De la Pole, her favourite. After some vain attempts to satisfy the commons concerning the Duke of Suffolk, King Henry banished him from the realm for five years; when after his embarkation his vessel was chased by an English ship called the Nicholas, belonging to the Constable of the Tower, by which it was captured, the Duke seized, and his head struck off on the side of a boat in Dover-roads; after which, it was carelessly cast with the body upon the sands. This murder, however, did not restore quietness to England, for the Duke of York being thus relieved from a powerful enemy, immediately proceeded in his own designs upon the Crown. By his instigation, therefore, one John Cade assumed the name of Sir John Mortimer, of the house of March, who, in reality, had been beheaded in 1425, on a charge of treason. Cade was a native of Ireland, and formerly a servant to Sir Thomas Dacre, Knight, of Sussex; but having cruelly murdered a pregnant woman, he took sanctuary, and forsware the kingdom. With such a character, he began his work of reformation in Kent, in May, 1450; assuming also, as some tell us, the title of John Amendall, and easily drew so many malcontents together, that, in a few days, he was enabled to approach London, and to encamp with his rebel forces upon Blackheath. When Henry marched against him, he retired into a wood near Sevenoaks; where he remained, until the King, supposing his followers dispersed, returned to London, and contented himself with despatching after them a detachment of his army commanded by Sir Humphrey Stafford; which division falling into the ambush, was cut in pieces, and its leader slain. Elated by this success, Cade again marched towards London, whilst Henry and his Court retreated to Kenilworth Castle in Warwickshire; leaving a garrison in the Tower, under command of the Lord Scales. The rebels, however, now became increased by multitudes, which joined them from all parts; and on Wednesday, the 1st of July, Cade arrived in Southwark, where he lodged at the Hart, for, says Alderman Fabyan, in his ‘_Chronicle_,’ from whom Stow almost verbally copies this story, ‘he might not be suffered to enter the Citie.’ Jack Cade, however, had but too many friends within the gates of London. The Commons of Essex were already in arms, and were mustered in a field at Mile-end; and upon a discussion in the Court of Common-Council on the propriety of admitting the rebels over the Bridge, the loyal-hearted Alderman Robert Horne so incensed the populace, by speaking warmly against the motion, that they were not reduced to order until he was committed to Newgate. About five o’clock then, on the afternoon of Thursday, July 2nd, London stained her Annals by opening the Bridge-gates to Cade, and his rabble rout. As he crossed the Draw-bridge, he cut with his sword the ropes which supported it; and on entering into the City, so beguiled the inhabitants, and even Nicholas Wilford, or Wyfold, the Lord Mayor, that he procured a free communication between his followers and London, though he himself again withdrew to his lodging in Southwark.
“In Shakspeare’s vivid scenes of this rebellion, in his ‘_Second Part of King Henry the Sixth_,’ Act iv., Scene 4th, a messenger tells King Henry,--
‘Jack Cade hath gotten London Bridge; the Citizens Fly and forsake their houses:’--
and in the next scene a Citizen says, ‘they have won the Bridge, killing all that withstand them.’ In Scene 6th, Cade cries, ‘Go and set London-Bridge on fire;’ and Edmund Malone, in his note upon this passage, tells us, what we certainly cannot find by any other history, that ‘at that time London Bridge was built of _wood_;’ adding, from Hall, that ‘the houses on London Bridge were, in this rebellion, burnt, and many of the inhabitants perished.’ This note you may see in the Variorum edition of ‘_Shakspeare’s Plays_,’ by Isaac Reed, London, 1803, 8vo., volume xiii., page 341. London Bridge, however, was not even yet entirely captured, and two robberies which Cade had committed in the City, speedily roused the wealthier inhabitants to a sense of his outrage, and their own danger. Whereupon, ‘what do they,’ as honest John Bunyan says of the Captains in Mansoul, ‘but like so many Samsons shake themselves?’ and send unto the Lord Scales, and the valiant Matthew Gough, at the Tower, for assistance. The latter of these commanders was appointed to aid the City, whilst the former supported him with a frequent discharge of ordnance; and on the night of Sunday, July 5th, Cade being then in Southwark, the City Captains, the Mayor, Aldermen, and Commonalty of London mounted guard upon the Bridge. ‘The rebelles,’ says Hall in his ‘_Chronicle_,’ folio lxxviii. a, which contains the best version of the story,--‘the rebelles, which neuer soundly slepte, for feare of sodayne chaunces, hearing the Bridge to be kept and manned, ran with greate haste to open the passage, where betwene bothe partes was a ferce and cruell encounter. Matthew Gough, more experte in marciall feates than the other Cheuetaynes of the Citie, perceiuing the Kentishmen better to stand to their tacklyng than his ymagination expected, aduised his company no farther to procede toward Southwarke, till the day appered; to the entent, that the Citizens hearing where the place of the ieopardye rested, might occurre their enemies and releue their frendes and companions. But this counsail came to smal effect: for the multitude of the rebelles drave the Citizens from the stoulpes,’--wooden piles,--‘at the Bridge foote, to the Drawe-bridge, and began to set fyre in diuers houses. Alas! what sorow it was to beholde that miserable chaunce: for some desyringe to eschew the fyre lept on hys enemies weapon, and so died: fearfull women, with chyldren in their armes, amased and appalled lept into the riuer; other, doubtinge how to saue them self betwene fyre, water, and swourd, were in their houses suffocate and smoldered, yet the Captayns nothyng regarding these chaunces, fought on this Draw-Bridg all the nyghte valeauntly, but in conclusion the rebelles gat the Draw-Bridge and drowned many, and slew John Sutton, Alderman, and Robert Heysande, a hardy Citizen, with many other, besyde Matthew Gough, a man of greate wit, much experience in feates of chiualrie, the which in continuall warres had valeauntly serued the King, and his father, in the partes beyond the sea. But it is often sene, that he which many tymes hath vanquyshed his enemies in straunge countreys, and returned agayn as a conqueror, hath of his owne nation afterward been shamfully murdered and brought to confusion. This hard and sore conflict endured on the Bridge till ix. of the clocke in the mornynge in doubtfull chaunce and Fortune’s balaunce: for some tyme the Londoners were bet back to the stulpes at Sainct Magnes Corner; and sodaynly agayne the rebelles were repulsed and dryuen back to the stulpes in Southwarke, so that both partes beynge faynte, wery, and fatygate, agreed to desist from fight, and to leue battayll till the next day, vpon condition that neyther Londoners shoulde passe into Southwarke, nor the Kentish men into London.’ William Rastall, who produced his curious Chronicle, called ‘_The Pastimes of People_,’ in the year 1529, adds to this account, that ‘the Kentysshemen brent the Brydge;’ see page 265 of the excellent edition of that work, by the Rev. T. F. Dibdin, D. D. &c. London, 1811, quarto.
“During the truce that followed this most valiant defence of London Bridge, and which nearly effaced the deep stain of the Citizens opening their gates to a rebel, a general pardon was procured for Cade and his followers, by John Stafford, Archbishop of Canterbury, Lord High Chancellor. Upon which, some accepted of the King’s grace, and all began, by degrees, to withdraw from Southwark with their spoil, whilst Cade himself was soon after slain by Alexander Iden, Esquire, of Kent, in consequence of a reward being offered for his apprehension. His dead body was brought to London, and his head erected on the Bridge-gate, where he had so recently placed that of one of his greatest victims, Sir James Fynes, Lord Say, Treasurer of England. Concerning these events see also Shakspeare’s ‘_Second Part of King Henry the Sixth_,’