BOOK XII

THE PEACE OF CÂTEAU-CAMBRÉSIS

1557-1559

I.

The lull that followed the decisive battle of St. Quentin afforded the Duchess of Lorraine a favourable opportunity for resuming her efforts to open negotiations between the contending monarchs. The Constable, after fighting like a lion and receiving a severe wound, had been made prisoner, and was taken to the Castle of Ghent, where Christina and her daughters were staying. The Duchess paid him daily visits, and brought him letters of condolence from her aunt Eleanor, who wrote that she wished she were still in Flanders to nurse her old friend. More than this: Christina obtained leave for his wife to visit him, and even proposed that the prisoner should be allowed to go to France on parole. These good offices gratified the French King, who was very anxious for his favourite's release, and whose behaviour towards the Duchess now underwent a marked change.[529]

The young Duke Charles was almost fifteen, and his marriage to the Princess Claude was fixed for the following spring. With the King's leave, he sent his steward to Ghent to invite his mother to the wedding, and at the same time make proposals of peace through Montmorency. These letters were laid before Philip by Christina, and a brisk correspondence was carried on between her and the Constable. In December Vaudemont came to Brussels, bringing portraits of Charles and his bride as a gift from Henry II. to the Duchess, and negotiations were actively pursued.[530] But just when the wished-for goal at length seemed to be in sight, and Christina was rejoicing to think of once more seeing her son, all her hopes were shattered by the Duke of Guise's capture of Calais. The surprise had been cleverly planned and brilliantly executed. The new fortifications of the town were unfinished, and after a gallant resistance the little garrison was overpowered and forced to capitulate, on the 8th of January, 1558. This unexpected success revived the courage of the French, and strengthened the Guise brothers in the determined opposition which they offered to peace. The star of their house was at its zenith, and on the 24th of April the marriage of their niece, the young Queen of Scots, to the Dauphin, was celebrated with great splendour at Paris. In deference to his mother's wishes, the Duke of Lorraine's wedding was put off till the following year, when he should have attained his majority; but he figured conspicuously in the day's pageant, and led his lovely cousin in her lily-white robes and jewelled crown up the nave of Notre Dame.[531]

[Sidenote: MAY, 1558] CHRISTINA MEETS HER SON]

The French King now gave his consent to Vaudemont's request, that a meeting should be arranged between the Duke and his mother in the neighbourhood of Péronne. Philip, after his wont, raised many difficulties, and insisted that the Bishop of Arras must be present at the interview.[532] At length all preliminaries were arranged, and on the 1st of May Charles left Paris with his uncle Vaudemont and Guise's eldest son, Henri, Prince of Joinville, attended by an escort of 200 horse. The Duchess had already arrived at Cambray with her daughters and Anne of Aerschot, accompanied by Egmont, Arras, and a great train of courtiers, and had prepared a splendid reception for her son. But at the last moment fresh difficulties arose. The Cardinal of Lorraine sent Robertet, the King's secretary, to tell the Duchess that, although her son was most anxious to see her, it would be derogatory to his master's dignity for him to enter King Philip's territories as a suppliant for peace. Would Her Highness therefore consent to come as far as his castle at Péronne? This Philip quite refused to allow, and eventually the village of Marcoing, halfway between Cambray and Péronne, was fixed upon as the meeting-place. An old manor-house which had been partly destroyed in the late military operations was hastily repaired for the occasion, and here, on the 15th of May, the much-desired meeting at length took place.[533] The Frenchmen, who came in riding-clothes, were amazed to find the splendid company awaiting them. The Duchess with the young Princesses, Anne of Aerschot, and the Princess of Macedonia, stood under a bower of leafy boughs, and Egmont and the other courtiers were all richly clad and mounted on fine horses. The coming of the guests was greeted by a gay fanfare of trumpets and roll of drums, together with salutes of artillery. Then the young Duke, springing from his horse, rushed into his mother's arms. At the sight of her boy, Christina burst into tears and almost fainted away. For some minutes she remained unable to speak, and the spectators were deeply moved by her emotion. After repeatedly embracing his mother, Charles kissed his sisters and aunt, and proceeded to salute Egmont and the rest of the company with charming grace; while the happy mother followed his movements with delight, and could not take her eyes off the tall and handsome youth whom she had last seen as a child, and who had grown up the image of his father.

[Sidenote: MAY, 1558] DUKE CHARLES OF LORRAINE]

During the conversation which followed, Charles spoke to his mother with great good sense and wisdom, telling her how kindly he was treated at the French Court, and how it would be hard for him to feel at home anywhere else. But directly after his marriage he and his wife intended to return to Nancy, where he hoped that his mother would join them and live among their own people. The Duchess and her children now sat down to an exquisite _déjeuner_ with the Duchess of Aerschot and the Cardinal, while Egmont and Arras entertained Vaudemont and the Prince of Joinville, and the other French gentlemen dined with the members of Christina's suite. After dinner three Spanish jennets which King Philip had sent the young Duke were led out, and Charles mounted a spirited charger given him by the French monarch, and performed a variety of feats of horsemanship before the company, to his mother's great delight. Then the Duchess and her sister and children retired to enjoy each other's company in private, leaving the Cardinal to confer with Arras and Egmont.

The Cardinal produced the royal mandate, and Robertet read out Henry's proposals, offering to restore Savoy to the Duke, but only on condition of receiving Milan in exchange. All Arras would say in reply to these demands was that they must be referred to his master, upon which the Cardinal exclaimed with some heat that these were the only terms which the King of France would accept. "Thus," remarks the Venetian Ambassador, "this meeting, which began with such a beautiful outburst of motherly love and tenderness, ended in mutual recrimination."[534] The Cardinal then took leave of the company, after presenting the young Princesses and their mother with gifts of gold bracelets, rings, and brooches, and receiving a box of choice gloves, perfumed, and embroidered in Italian fashion from the Duchess. As he rode back to Péronne, he saw the flames of a burning village which had been destroyed by the Imperialists, and, in spite of his safe-conduct, was seized with so great a panic that he hurried back to Paris, fearing his château might be surprised by the foes. The young Duke and Vaudemont spent another day with the Duchess, and only returned to Compiègne on the 18th of May. Here Charles received the warmest of welcomes from the royal family, who had feared that he might be induced to remain with his mother. The King threw his arms round the boy's neck, the Queen and Dauphin, the Princesses Elizabeth and Claude and the young Queen of Scots, all embraced him affectionately, telling him how much they had missed him. In fact, as Soranzo remarks, this short absence served to show how much beloved the young Prince was by the whole Court.[535]

Meanwhile Arras and Egmont returned to Brussels, satisfied that the French had no real wish for peace, and Philip declared his conviction that they had made a plot to capture the Duchess, which had only been defeated by the strong escort with which she was attended. But Christina herself was radiant with happiness, and received congratulations from all her friends. The French had done her many cruel wrongs, but they had not been able to rob her of her son's heart, and the future still held the promise of some golden hours.

[Sidenote: JUNE, 1558] THE PRINCE OF ORANGE]

For a while the war still raged fiercely. The capture of Thionville by Guise in June was followed a month later by Egmont's fresh victory at Gravelines, when the Governor of Calais, De Thermes, and his whole force, were cut to pieces. The Count had always been a splendid and popular figure; now he was the idol of the whole nation. His brilliant feat of arms had saved Flanders from utter ruin, and made peace once more possible. Both sides were thoroughly weary of the long struggle, the resources of both countries were exhausted, and the unhappy inhabitants of Picardy and Artois were crying out for a respite from their sufferings. Christina made use of the opportunity to renew her correspondence with the Constable and the Marshal St. André, his companion in captivity.[536] A new recruit now came to her help in the person of William of Orange. This young Prince had enjoyed the favour of Charles V. and his sister Mary from his boyhood, and had been treated with especial kindness by the Duchess of Aerschot and her sister-in-law. The death of his young wife, Anna, Countess Büren, in the spring of 1558, had thrown him much into the company of these ladies, and it was already whispered at Court that he would certainly marry Madame de Lorraine's elder daughter, Renée, who was growing up a tall and attractive maiden. The Prince himself was a handsome youth with fine brown eyes and curly auburn locks, and a charm of manner which few could resist. If the cares and anxieties of his later life made him taciturn, in youth he was the most genial and pleasant of companions, and Arras, who never loved him, said that he "made a friend every time that he lifted his hat." His attire was always as faultless as it was splendid, he was renowned for his skill as a rider and jouster, and had greatly distinguished himself in the recent campaigns. Both in his home at Breda and in the stately Nassau house at Brussels the Prince kept open house, and the worst faults of which his enemies could accuse him were his reckless hospitality and extravagant tastes.

Christina had always taken especial interest in William of Orange, for the sake of the kinsman whose name and wealth he inherited, and he on his part became deeply attached to her. So intimate was their friendship, that the Duchess one day told Count Feria's English wife, Jane Dormer, in speaking of the Prince's intended marriage with her daughter, that she would gladly have married him herself.[537]

The Prince now joined his personal exertions to those of the Duchess, and was the frequent bearer of letters between Brussels and the camp near Amiens, where the two Kings and their rival armies were drawn up face to face. At length, on the 9th of September, a ten days' armistice was proclaimed, and a few days later the Prince of Orange, Ruy Gomez, and Arras, met the Constable and St. André at Lille, to discuss preliminaries of peace.[538] The two French prisoners were eager for peace, and had the secret support of Henry II. and Diane de Poitiers; but the Guises, who had everything to lose and nothing to gain by the cessation of war, were still strongly opposed to a truce, and Renard told Philip that the only way of gaining their good-will would be to give Mademoiselle de Lorraine's hand to the Prince of Joinville. In the end, however, their opposition was overruled, and on the 30th of September William of Orange was able to bring the Duchess news that a Conference had been arranged, and would take place at the Abbey of Cercamp, near Cambray, in October. He found Christina at Douai, where she and her daughters were attending a marriage in the d'Aremberg family. She had just heard of her son's return to Nancy, where he had been received with acclamation by his subjects, and where her own presence was eagerly expected. But at Philip's earnest entreaty she consented to remain in Flanders for the present, and preside at the coming Conference. This proposal was strongly supported by the Cardinal of Lorraine, who hastened to send the Duchess a safe-conduct, saying that her presence would do more than anything to bring the desired peace to perfection.[539]

[Sidenote: OCT., 1558] THE CONFERENCE OF CERCAMP]

Christina herself was very reluctant to accept the post, as we learn from the following letter which she wrote to Philip from Douai on the 12th of October. Her delicate child, Dorothea, was ailing, and her faithful companion, the aged Princess of Macedonia, was hardly fit to be left alone.

"I have received the letter which Your Majesty has been pleased to send me, and thank you humbly for your affectionate expressions. As to the inconvenience of the place selected for this Conference, I should never allow my comfort or pleasure to interfere with your commands, and will accordingly go to Arras to-morrow and await your further orders. I have been very unwell lately, and must beg Your Majesty to provide for my safety, not only because I am a woman, but because, as you know, I am not in the good graces of the French. My daughters must remain here a few days longer, as Dorothea is indisposed, and the Princess of Macedonia is in a very feeble state. I will follow Your Majesty's advice as to Bassompierre's mission and my son's affairs, and cannot thank you enough for your kind thought of me and my children. I kiss Your Majesty's hands.

"Your very humble and obedient cousin, "CHRÉTIENNE."[540]

Some further difficulties--chiefly the work of Silliers, poor Belloni's hated rival and successor--delayed the Duchess's journey for another week. On the 16th Arras wrote to tell her that the Commissioners had already arrived at Cercamp, and beg her to come as soon as possible. The Cardinal was very anxious to see her, and hoped that she would not fail to bring his young cousins, "Mesdames your daughters," with her. Christina could delay no longer, and hastened to Cercamp the following day.

II.

On the 17th of October, 1558, a fortnight's truce was proclaimed. Both armies remained encamped on their own territories, while the two Kings withdrew respectively to Arras and Beauvais. The next day the Commissioners met at one o'clock in the Duchess's lodgings. The Prince of Orange, Alva, Ruy Gomez, Arras, and Viglius, the President of the Council, represented Philip; while the Constable, the Cardinal of Lorraine, St. André, the Bishop of Orleans, and Secretary l'Aubespine, were the five French deputies. Stroppiana represented the Duke of Savoy, and the English deputies, Lord Arundel, Dr. Wotton, and Thirlby, Bishop of Ely, arrived a few days later. The Duchess welcomed the Commissioners in a brief speech, explaining that, as for several years past she had endeavoured to make peace between these two illustrious monarchs, it was their pleasure that she should continue her good offices, adding that she would count herself too happy if her services could help to attain this blessed end, and relieve the people of both countries from the awful miseries of war.[541]

[Sidenote: OCT., 1558] PEACE NEGOTIATIONS]

During the next fortnight conferences were held daily in the presence of Christina, who herself read aloud each different proposal that was made, and showed infinite tact in smoothing over difficulties and suggesting points of agreement. Each morning the deputies met at Mass in the parish church, and often discussed separate questions after service. In the evenings, private interviews took place in Christina's rooms, and the Prince of Orange held long conversations with Montmorency and the Cardinal, which contributed not a little to their mutual understanding. "Loving entertainments," in Suriano's phrase, "were exchanged," and one night the Duchess gave a banquet in honour of the Constable's wife and daughter, who paid a visit to Cercamp. As the Cardinal complained jestingly, Montmorency was too good a Christian and all too ready to make peace with his country's enemies. But King Henry supported him secretly, and sent private notes and messages, telling him to take no notice of the Guises, and do all he could to make peace.[542]

The great difficulty which had hitherto stood in the way of all attempts at negotiation was the restitution of Savoy. The Constable now proposed that the Duke should marry the King's sister, Madame Marguerite, with a dower of 300,000 crowns, and be placed in possession of the chief portion of his dominions. At first the Duke demurred to this offer, and begged that the King's daughter Claude should be substituted for her aunt, who was five years his senior. But the Cardinal replied that this Princess was already pledged to his nephew, Charles of Lorraine, and laid stress on Margaret's charms and learning. The Duke yielded, and a long wrangle ensued as to the towns and citadels to be retained by the French. But there was a still more thorny question to be decided. This was the restoration of Calais, which the English demanded with the utmost pertinacity, while the French were no less determined to keep their conquest. The English pleaded that they had held the town during two centuries; the French replied that it had been unjustly snatched from them in the first place. Old treaties, going back to the days of the Black Prince, were produced, and Arras and his colleagues supported the English claim loyally, knowing that, if Philip consented to abandon Calais, he would lose all hold on his wife's subjects. In vain Christina proposed that, as the marriage of the French King's elder daughter with the Infant Don Carlos had been agreed upon, Calais should form part of Elizabeth's dower. The Cardinal told the Duchess that the possession of the town, which his brother had conquered, touched his honour too closely for him to agree to the surrender, and King Henry sent word that he would rather lose his crown than give up Calais. So stern and intractable were the French that the only thing to be done was to adjourn the Conference and refer the matter to the two monarchs.[543]

[Sidenote: SEPT., 1558] DEATH OF MARY OF HUNGARY]

The Constable was allowed to go to Beauvais with the Cardinal to consult King Henry, Alva and Orange went to Brussels to see Philip, and Christina took three days' holiday with her children at Douai. Before she went to Cercamp, a report of Charles V.'s death had reached Brussels. Now this was confirmed by letters from St. Yuste, announcing that the great Emperor had passed away on the 21st of September. The sudden death of his sister Eleanor, seven months before, had been a great shock to him, and when the Queen of Hungary entered his room without the accustomed figure at her side he burst into tears. The recent events of the war, and Philip's difficulties in the administration of the provinces, troubled him sorely, and he was very anxious for Mary to resume the office of Regent. When, in August, the Archbishop of Toledo brought a letter from the King, imploring the Queen to come to his help, Charles used all his influence to induce her to consent. In vain Mary pleaded her advancing years and failing health; the Emperor replied that her refusal would bring ruin and disgrace on their house, and adjured her by the love of God and her sisterly affection to do him this last service. This appeal decided the noble woman. On the 9th of September she wrote to tell Philip that, in obedience to his father's orders, she would start for the Netherlands as soon as possible. The knowledge of the Queen's decision was a great consolation to Charles in his last moments, and as soon as she had recovered from the first shock of his death she prepared to obey his last wish. But before she embarked at Laredo, a fresh attack of the heart trouble from which she suffered ended her life, and on St. Luke's Day she passed to her well-earned rest.[544]

Her death was deeply lamented throughout the Low Countries, where her return had been daily looked for, and no one mourned her loss more truly than the niece to whom she had been the best of mothers. It was with a sad heart that Christina came back to Cercamp to preside at the second session of the Conference, which opened on the 7th of November. Alarming accounts of their mistress's health now reached the English Commissioners, and Count Feria, whom Philip sent to London, wrote that the Queen's life was despaired of, and that Parliament was in great alarm lest, if she died, the King would cease to care for the recovery of Calais. But, although Arras and Alva still declared that they would never consent to any treaty which did not satisfy the English, the French remained obdurate, and the Commissioners were at their wits' end. The Bishop of Ely was in tears, and on the 18th of November Lord Arundel wrote home that

"it seemed very hard that all others should have restitution of their owne, and poore England, that began not the fray, should bear the burthen and loss for the rest, and specially of such a jewel as Calais."[545]

The next day came the news of the Queen's death. The French, who, Wotton remarked, "have ears as long as those of Midas," were the first to inform Her Majesty's Envoys that their mistress had breathed her last, on the morning of the 17th of November, after sending a message to Elizabeth, recognizing this Princess as her successor, and begging her to maintain the Catholic religion. The new Queen at once sent Lord Cobham to announce her accession to Philip, and assure him of her resolve to hold fast the ancient friendship between England and the House of Burgundy.

[Sidenote: DEC., 1558] THE EMPEROR'S FUNERAL]

The news of Mary's death decided the Commissioners to adjourn the Conference. The truce was prolonged for two months, and on the 2nd of December they all left Cercamp. Arundel had already started for England, and Wotton was longing to get away, saying "that he was never wearier of any place than he was of Cercamp, saving only of Rome after the sack." The Constable was set at liberty, and received a promise that his 200,000 crowns ransom should be reduced by half, if peace were finally made. Arras, Alva, and Orange, went to the Abbey of Groenendal to see Philip, who had retired to pray for his father's soul, and there received the tidings of his wife's death. Christina returned to Brussels to assist at a succession of funerals. On the 22nd of December a requeim for the Queen of England was chanted in S. Gudule, the Duke of Savoy acting as chief mourner in the King's absence, and on the following day solemn funeral rites for the late Queen of Hungary were performed in the Court chapel, which she and the Emperor had built and adorned. The Duchess of Lorraine was present at this service, together with the Duke of Savoy, the Prince of Orange, and all the chief nobles and Crown officials, while the palace gates were thronged with a crowd of sorrowing people.[546] But the grandest funeral ceremonies ever known in Brussels were those that were celebrated on the 29th of December, in memory of the late Emperor.

[Sidenote: JAN., 1559] CHARLES'S WEDDING]

Great preparations had been made for this solemnity during the last few weeks. A _chapelle ardente_ was erected in S. Gudule, rising in tiers to the lofty roof, adorned with golden diadems and shields emblazoned with the dead monarch's arms and titles, and lighted with 3,000 candles. Here, on a couch draped with cloth of gold, an effigy of the Emperor was laid, clad in robes of state and wearing the collar of the Order. On the morning of the 29th a long procession wound its way through the narrow streets leading from the palace on the heights of the Caudenberg to the cathedral church, and a stately pageant unfolded the glorious story of Charles of Austria's deeds. A richly carved and gilded ship, drawn by marine monsters, bore the names of his journeys and battles and armorial bearings of the kingdoms over which he reigned, while banners of the Turks and of the other foes whom he had vanquished were plunged in the waves below, and white-robed maidens sat in the stern, bearing the cross and chalice, the symbols of the faith by which he had conquered the world. This imposing group was followed by a representation of the Pillars of Hercules with Charles's motto, _Plus oultre_, and twenty-four horses decked in coloured plumes and trappings to match the banners of his different States. Each of these pennons was borne by a noble youth, while four Princes supported the great standard of the Empire. Then came the officers of the imperial household, leading Charles's war-horse, and bearing his armour and insignia; the Prince of Orange with his master's sword, Alva with the orb of the world, and the Grand Commander of Castille with the imperial crown. Last of all King Philip himself appeared on foot, clad in a mourning mantle five yards long, and followed by the Duke of Savoy and a long train of Knights of the Golden Fleece, Councillors and Ministers, with the Archers of the Guard bringing up the rear. The procession left the palace at nine, and the funeral service, which included a lengthy oration by the Bishop of Arras's coadjutor, Abbé Richardot, was not over till five o'clock. The next day Philip and all his nobles attended High Mass, and at the end of the celebration the Prince of Orange, standing before the funeral pile, smote his breast three times, repeating the words: "He is dead, and will remain dead; and there is another risen up in his place, greater than ever he has been." So the solemn function ended.

"It was a sight worth going 100 miles to see," wrote Richard Clough, an English apprentice who had been sent by Sir Thomas Gresham from Antwerp, and counted himself fortunate to witness this imposing ceremony. "The like of it, I think, hath never been seen. The Lord give his soul rest!"[547]

The Duchess of Lorraine had been anxious that her son should attend his great-uncle's funeral, but the tardy invitation which Philip sent to Nancy arrived too late, and the young Duke could not reach Brussels in time to take part in the ceremony. To console herself for this disappointment, Christina went to meet Charles at Treves on the 6th of January, and spent two days in his company, before he returned to France for the wedding. His loyal subjects presented him with a marriage gift of 200,000 crowns, double the amount which any Duke of Lorraine had received before. Charles who inherited his mother's lavish generosity, spent most of the money in costly jewels for his bride, and presented the King and Dauphin, Vaudemont and the Guises, with superb robes embroidered with the arms of Lorraine and lined with lynx fur. The wedding was solemnized at Notre Dame on the 22nd of January, with as much splendour as that of the Dauphin in the previous spring. The Guises held open house for ten days in their palatial abode, the "Hôtel de Lorraine et de Sicile," near the royal palace of Les Tournelles, and gave a grand tournament in which the young Duke appeared at the head of a troop splendidly arrayed in corslets of gold and silver, with the _alérions_, or eagles, of Lorraine on the crest of their helmets. Ronsard celebrated the union of the eagles of Lorraine and the golden lilies of France, and sang the praises of the "Fair Maid of Valois and her bridegroom, the beautiful Shepherd who feeds his flock in the green pastures along the banks of Meuse and Moselle."[548]

The French King and Queen had invited the Duchess in courteous and affectionate terms to be present at the wedding, but she declined on the plea of her deep mourning, as well as of the promise which she had made to preside at the Peace Conference, which was shortly to meet again.[549]

III.

[Sidenote: FEB., 1559] AT CÂTEAU-CAMBRÉSIS]

The Commissioners who had attended the Conferences at Cercamp were unanimous in refusing to return to this unhealthy and inconvenient spot, and at the Duchess of Lorraine's suggestion the small town of Câteau-Cambrésis, belonging to the Bishop of Cambray, was chosen for their next meeting-place. The Bishop's manor-house at Mon Soulas, which had been damaged in the war, was hastily repaired by the Duchess's _fourriers_, the rooms were furnished anew, and paper windows were inserted in place of the broken glass. The Bishop of Arras, who arrived with the Prince of Orange's servants, secured a decent lodging and good cook for himself and his colleagues in the neighbouring villas of Beau Regard and Mon Plaisir, while Wotton and the Bishop of Ely found very indifferent quarters in a ruinous house belonging to the Bishop of Cambray. The French complained that the accommodation was no better than at Cercamp, if the air was healthier, and, after a good deal of grumbling, fixed on two houses, known as Mon Secours and Belle Image, outside the gates.[550] The dilapidated country-house, with its patched-up walls and paper windows, could hardly have been a pleasant residence in the cold days of February, but Christina made light of these discomforts, and threw herself heart and soul into the difficult task before her. The Commissioners all recognized the tact and patience which she showed in conducting the negotiations, and the courtesy which the Ambassadors of other nationalities received at her hands, during the next two months.

The French delegates were delayed by the fêtes for the Duke of Lorraine's wedding, and did not reach Câteau-Cambrésis until late on the evening of the 5th of February. On the following afternoon they held their first meeting with the King of Spain's Commissioners in the Duchess's rooms at Mon Soulas. They seemed very cheerful, and, the next day being Shrove Tuesday, were all entertained at dinner by the Constable. On Ash Wednesday, Mass of the Holy Ghost was sung in church, after which business began in earnest, and various points regarding the Duke of Savoy's marriage were decided. The next evening Lord William Howard, who had been made Lord Chamberlain by the new Queen, and advanced to the peerage with the title of Lord Howard of Effingham, arrived from England. He was received with great civility by Alva and his colleagues, and conducted by the Prince of Orange to salute the Duchess. Christina welcomed him graciously, asked after Queen Elizabeth with great interest, and kept him talking of England "for a pretty while" in the most friendly manner.

"This assembly," wrote Howard to his mistress, "hath been entirely procured by the Duchess's labour and travail; and she being a Princess not subject to the King of Spain or France, the Commissioners are content to use her as one that is indifferent betwixt all parties, and she is continually present at all meetings and communications."[551]

[Sidenote: FEB., 1559] ANGRY DISCUSSIONS]

But the Frenchmen, Lord Howard complained, behaved in a very strange fashion, and quite refused to meet him and his colleagues if they persisted in their demand for Calais, pretending that this question had been finally settled at Cercamp. At Christina's entreaty, however, the Cardinal consented to an interview, and at one o'clock on Saturday, the 11th of February, the whole body of Commissioners met at Mon Soulas. The Duchess sat at the head of the table, the English on her right, the French deputies opposite, and Alva and his companions at the other end. A long wrangle followed; all the old arguments were revived, and the Cardinal, as Howard noticed, did his best to stir up a quarrel between the English and the King of Spain's servants. After the meeting broke up, the members stood about in little knots, conversing amicably with each other and the Duchess. On Sunday the Constable had a long private interview with Howard, and, as the latter afterwards discovered, caught Alva and Stroppiana as they left church, and tried to induce them to abandon the English. But Philip's servants stood loyally by their allies, and the Prince of Orange and Alva discussed the matter with Howard until a late hour. During the next two days the debate was continued with ever-increasing acrimony, until on Tuesday afternoon Howard broke into so violent a passion that the Cardinal and his friends rose and walked out of the house, saying that it was impossible to argue with such people. As Arras remarked shrewdly: "The French are better advocates of a bad cause than the English are of a good one."[552]

Presently a page brought the Duchess word that the French Commissioners had ordered their horses, and were preparing to pack up and leave. Upon this Christina followed them into the garden, and by dint of much persuasion prevailed upon the Cardinal to listen to her suggestion that Calais should remain for eight years in the hands of the French, and that a yearly sum should be paid to Queen Elizabeth as a security for its ultimate surrender. Meanwhile the outer world was becoming very impatient. Philip wrote to the Prince of Orange, saying that he could get no more supplies from Spain, and that the greatest service he could do him would be to obtain peace at any cost; and Henry sent an autograph letter to the Constable, complaining of the Guises' opposition, ending with the words: "Never mind what these men say; let them talk as they please, but make peace if possible!" It was accordingly decided to refer the Duchess's proposal to Queen Elizabeth and her Council, while the Constable went to consult the French King at Villers-Cotterets.[553]

Late this same evening the Duke of Lorraine arrived from Court, with two of the Guise Princes, the Grand Prior of Malta, and the Marquis of Elbœuf, and was met by the Prince of Orange, and taken to Mon Soulas. The Duchess was overjoyed to see her son, and the next three days were devoted to hunting-parties. Howard was invited to join in one of these, and he and the Prince of Orange accompanied Christina and Margaret of Aremberg out hunting. As they rode home together, the ladies began to talk of Queen Elizabeth, and Christina expressed her wish that she would marry the King of Spain.

"Why?" returned Howard. "What should my mistress doe with a husband that should be ever from her and never with her? Is that the way to get what we desire most--that is, children? I think not."

[Sidenote: FEB., 1559] ROYAL INTERVIEWS]

At this both the Duchess and Madame d'Aremberg laughed, and Christina, remembering her unlucky experiences at the English Court, observed that the late Queen was too old to bear children, and had not the art of winning her husband's affections. Howard was entirely of the same opinion, but assured her that whoever the present Queen chose to marry, "would be honoured and served to the death by every one of her subjects, and all the more so if he make much of his wife."[554] This conversation was duly reported to Elizabeth by Howard, who begged his royal mistress to forgive his boldness, and not impute it to him as folly. All the world knew that Philip was paying assiduous court to his sister-in-law, and Christina's remarks were no doubt prompted by the wish to do him a good turn. But three weeks after this conversation the Queen told Count Feria that she was determined to restore the Church of the land to what it was in her father's time, and that, being a heretic, she could not become his master's wife.[555]

Christina had long sought an opportunity of presenting her son to the King, and at her request Philip agreed to come to Binche for hunting, and meet the Duke at Mons. On the 22nd of February, the Duchess and her son, accompanied by Madame d'Aremberg, the Prince of Orange, and the Guise Princes, rode to Mons, where they were hospitably entertained by the Duke of Aerschot, and received a visit from the King, who came over on St. Matthias's Feast from Binche to spend the day with his cousins. He showed himself unusually amiable to the young Duke, and delighted the boy with the gift of a richly carved and jewelled sword, in memory of the great Emperor, whose birthday fell on this day. On the 25th, Marguerite d'Aremberg wrote to inform Arras that the Duchess hoped to be back in a few days, and thanked

"him for having her hall put in order, promising the Bishop that, if he were seized with a wish to dance when the ladies from the French Court arrived, he should have the best place."[556]

Three days afterwards Christina returned to Mon Soulas, bringing both her daughters to meet their brother's wife, who was expected in a few days. The conferences were resumed on the 2nd of March, but there seemed little prospect of a settlement. The Cardinal made more difficulties than ever, and even ventured to question Queen Elizabeth's right to the crown, saying that she was a bastard, and Mary, Queen of Scots was the true Queen of England. Here Christina intervened once more, and succeeded in soothing down her irascible kinsman. But the leading part taken by the Duchess in these debates annoyed Arras seriously. He blamed her for playing into the hands of the French, and complained to the Duke of Savoy that there were too many ladies at Mon Soulas, and that their absence would be of more advantage than their presence. This last remark was aimed at the young Duchess of Lorraine, who, on the 5th of March arrived from Court with the Duchess of Guise, Anna d' Este, and a numerous suite of ladies. An innocent, simple girl, devoted to her young husband, Claude responded warmly to the affectionate welcome which she received from her mother-in-law and sisters; and Christina thus surrounded by her children, declared herself to be the happiest of mothers. Everyone, as Arras complained, was given up to amusement. Lord Howard went out hunting with his old friend the Constable, and the Prince of Orange and the Cardinal spent their evenings with the Duchess and her joyous family circle.[557]

[Sidenote: MARCH, 1559] THE CALAIS QUESTION]

On Saturday, the 12th of March, there was another stormy meeting in the Duchess's rooms. This time the French and Spanish Commissioners quarrelled violently, and Alva and Arras left the room in anger, declaring they had been fooled, and retired to their own lodgings. In a private letter to the Duke of Savoy, the Bishop complained bitterly of the Frenchmen's insolence, saying that nothing could be "done with such people by fair means, and the only way was to show your teeth."[558] The next afternoon, however, at the Duchess's earnest entreaty, he and Alva returned to the Conference. This time the Cardinal was in a more amiable mood, and the terms originally proposed by Christina were accepted by all parties. Calais was to remain in the hands of France for eight years, and hostages were to be given for the payment of a yearly ransom of 500,000 crowns. There was great rejoicing at this agreement, and the young Duchess and her ladies returned to Court on the 19th of March, full of the goodness and generosity of the Duke's mother, who loaded them with costly presents, and gave her daughter-in-law the magnificent jewelled necklace which had been the Emperor's wedding gift on her marriage to the Duke of Milan. Christina herself was now so convinced of the certainty of peace that she begged her son to delay his departure a few more days, in order that he might take the good news to the Most Christian King. The end of the Conference seemed really in sight, and Lord Howard wrote to inform Queen Elizabeth of the treaty regarding Calais, only to receive a sound rating from his mistress for having dared to allow the French and Spaniards to call her title in question.[559]

IV.

The question of Calais having been settled, the French and Spanish Commissioners met again on the 13th of March, and conferred for six hours on their own affairs. The Duke of Savoy's marriage treaty was the chief point under discussion. Madame Marguerite's own eagerness for the union was well known. She had repeatedly asked her friend the Constable to press the matter, and on the 25th of March she sent her _maître d'hôtel_, Monsieur de l'Hôpital, to Câteau-Cambrésis to sign the contract on her behalf. The Duke's original reluctance had been overcome, and he sent Margaret word through a friend that she must not think him ill-disposed towards her, but that, on the contrary, he counted himself fortunate to win so noble and accomplished a bride, adding, with a touch of irony:

"I believe that the fate with which you have often threatened me is really in store for me, and that I shall submit to be governed by a woman whom I shall try to please."[560]

But there still remained some troublesome details to arrange. All through Holy Week, Christina stayed at her post, while the French and Spanish delegates wrangled over the citadels to be given up by Henry and Philip respectively. On Maundy Thursday a sharp contest arose between Ruy Gomez and the Cardinal on this point. Both parties left the room angrily, and a complete rupture seemed imminent.

"They fell suddenly to such a disagreement," wrote Howard, "that they all rose up, determined to break off and depart home the next morning, being Good Friday."[561]

The Cardinal ordered his rooms to be dismantled and his beds and hangings packed, and on Good Friday morning he and his colleagues had already put on their riding-boots, when Christina appeared at the door and made a last appeal.

[Sidenote: APRIL, 1559] CHRISTINA'S EFFORTS]

"The Duchess," wrote the Venetian Tiepolo, "regardless of personal fatigue, went to and fro between the Commissioners, with the greatest zeal, ardour, and charity, imploring them to come together again."[562]

Seven years before, on another Good Friday, in her own palace, Christina had knelt in an agony of grief at the King of France's feet, asking to be allowed to keep her only son. To-day she pleaded with tears and prayers, in the name of the same Christ who died on the cross, for the suffering thousands who were sighing for peace. This time her prayer was heard. The Cardinal was induced to meet the Spanish delegates once more, and, after a conference which lasted over seven hours, it was decided that King Philip should keep Asti and Vercelli, and surrender all the other citadels which he held in Savoy. Ruy Gomez hastened to the Abbey of Groenendal to obtain his master's consent to this plan, and, to the amazement of the whole Court, the Cardinal appeared suddenly at La Ferté Milon, at dinner-time on Easter Day. Happily, there was little difficulty in arranging matters. Madame Marguerite told her brother plainly that he ought not to let her marry the Duke, if he treated him with suspicion, and Henry bade her be of good cheer, for all would be well.[563]

On Easter Tuesday the Commissioners held another meeting at Mon Soulas, and by the following evening the terms of the treaty were finally arranged. The Cardinal embraced the young Princesses of Lorraine, and the Duke bade his mother farewell, and rode off as fast as his horse could take him to bear the good news to the French King. All the Commissioners attended a solemn _Te Deum_ in the church, and bonfires were lighted in the town. "Thanks be to God!" wrote the Constable to his nephew, Coligny: "Peace is made, and Madame Marguerite is married."[564] One point still awaited settlement. The Princess Elizabeth's hand had been originally offered to Don Carlos, but the Constable brought back word that Henry would greatly prefer his daughter to wed King Philip himself. The plan had already been mooted at an earlier stage of the Conference, but it was not until Philip saw that there was no hope of marrying the Queen of England that he consented to wed the French Princess. On the 2nd of April, when the articles of the treaty were being drafted, the Constable made a formal proposal from his master to the Duchess, who, after a few words with Arras and Ruy Gomez, graciously informed him that King Philip was pleased to accept his royal brother's offer.[565]

"It seems a bold step," wrote Tiepolo, "for the Catholic King to take to wife the daughter of the Most Christian King, who had been already promised to his son, especially as marriage negotiations with the Queen of England are still pending. But, seeing how this Queen has already alienated herself from the Church, he has easily allowed himself to be brought over to this plan, which will establish peace more effectually, and will no doubt please the French, who are above all anxious to keep him from marrying the Queen of England."[566]

[Sidenote: APRIL, 1559] CONCLUSION OF PEACE]

On the next morning the Commissioners met for the last time, and signed the treaty, after which they heard Mass and all dined with the Duchess, who received the thanks and congratulations of the whole body. Then they went their several ways, rejoicing, in Arras's words, "to escape from purgatory." Howard and his colleagues hastened home to make their peace with the offended Queen. In spite of her affected indifference, Elizabeth was by no means gratified to hear of Philip's marriage. "So your master is going to be married," she said with a smile to Count Feria. "What a fortunate man he is!" Presently she heaved a little sigh, and said: "But he could hardly have been as much in love with me as you supposed, since he could not await my answer a few months."[567]

Before leaving Câteau-Cambrésis, Christina sent letters of congratulation to the French King and Queen and to Madame Marguerite, expressing her joy at the conclusion of the treaty, and the pleasure which she had received from her son's presence. To Henry II. she wrote:

"It has pleased God to set the seal on all the joy and content which I have experienced here--chiefly owing to Your Majesty's kindness in allowing me to see my son, and, after that, Madame your daughter and her company--by bringing those long-drawn negotiations to a good end, and concluding, not only a lasting peace, but also the marriage of the Catholic King with Madame Elizabeth. For all of which I thank God, and assure Your Majesty that I feel the utmost satisfaction in having been able to bring about so excellent an arrangement, and one which cannot fail to prove a great boon to Christendom."

In her letter to Catherine, Christina dwells chiefly on her gratitude to the Queen and her daughter for allowing her to keep her son so long.

"I thank you, Madame," she writes, "very humbly for your kind interest in our son, who is very well, thank God, and I hope that the pleasure of seeing you will prevent him from feeling the fatigues of the journey. And I am greatly obliged to Your Majesty and our daughter for having lent him to me so long. I praise God that our negotiations have ended so happily, and that these two great monarchs will henceforth not only be friends, but closely allied by the marriage of the Catholic King and Madame Elizabeth, which, as you will hear, was frankly and joyfully arranged after all the other articles of the treaty had been drawn up. I rejoice personally to think that by this happy arrangement I shall often have the pleasure of seeing your Majesties, our daughter, and my son, and take this opportunity of wishing you joy on this auspicious event, hoping that in future you will not fail to make use of me as of one who is ever ready to do you service."[568]

The Duchess now returned to Brussels with her daughters and the Prince of Orange. All the towns and villages through which she passed were hung with flags and garlands of flowers, and her coming was hailed with shouts of joy. The prison doors were thrown open, and the poor French soldiers, who had languished in captivity for years, called down blessings on her head.[569] When she reached Brussels, the King himself rode out to meet her, at the head of his nobles, while courtiers and ladies flocked from all parts to welcome her return and offer their congratulations on the triumphant success of her labours. For Christina it was a great and memorable day. The bitterness of past memories was blotted out, and peace and good-will seemed to have come back to earth.

[Sidenote: MAY, 1559] REJOICINGS AT BRUSSELS]

At Whitsuntide the Treaty was ratified. The Duke of Lorraine came to Brussels with the Cardinals of Lorraine and Guise and the Constable, and spent a fortnight with his mother. They were present in the Court chapel, with Cardinals and Princes, when the King, laying his hand on a relic of the True Cross, took a solemn oath to keep the articles of the Treaty. And Christina occupied the place of honour at Philip's right hand at the state banquet in the great hall, while her son and daughters and the Duchess of Aerschot were all at table.[570] The King gave the Cardinal of Lorraine a service of gold plate and a wonderful ship of rock-crystal studded with gems, and bestowed similar presents on the Constable; while the Marshal St. André, being a poor man was excused his ransom. They all left Flanders on the following Sunday, except the Duke of Lorraine, who remained another week with his mother. Before he left Brussels, letters from Denmark were received, confirming a report which had already reached the Court of his grandfather King Christian II.'s death. The old King had died in the Castle of Kallundborg, after forty-five years of captivity, on the 25th of January, 1559, at the ripe age of seventy-seven. He was buried with his parents in the Franciscan church at Odensee, and Duke Adolf of Holstein followed his kinsman's remains to their last resting-place. When her son left Brussels, Christina put her household into mourning, and retired to the Convent of La Cambre to spend a month in retreat. After the strain and stress of the last six months, she felt the need of rest sorely, and the shelter of convent walls was grateful to her tired soul.[571]

FOOTNOTES:

[529] F. Decrue, "Montmorency à la Cour de Henri II.," 207.

[530] Venetian Calendar, vi. 1346, 1363.

[531] Ruble, "La Jeunesse de Marie Stuart," 153; Bouillé, i. 455; Pimodan, 173-180.

[532] Venetian Calendar, vi. 1471, 1488.

[533] Granvelle, v. 168.

[534] Venetian Calendar, vi. 1496-1498.

[535] Venetian Calendar, vi. 1500.

[536] _Ibid._, vi. 1528.

[537] Groen van Prinsterer, "Archives de la Maison d'Orange et de Nassau," i. 1; Kervyn de Lettenhove, ii. 257.

[538] Granvelle, v. 171.

[539] _Ibid._, v. 227.

[540] Granvelle, v. 231.

[541] Granvelle, v. 266.

[542] Venetian Calendar, vi. 1537; Ruble, "Traité de Câteau-Cambrésis," 12.

[543] Calendar of State Papers, Mary, Foreign, 402-404.

[544] Gachard, "Retraite," etc., i. 44-48; Venetian Calendar, vi. 1544.

[545] Kervyn de Lettenhove, i. 257.

[546] Venetian Calendar, vi. 1568.

[547] Kervyn e Lettenhove, i. 384; Gachard, "Voyages," iv. 35-62.

[548] Calmet, ii. 1, 351; Pfister, ii. 244; Venetian Calendar, vii. 19, 20.

[549] Venetian Calendar, vii. 8, 10.

[550] Granvelle, v. 420-426; Kervyn de Lettenhove, i. 420.

[551] Kervyn de Lettenhove, i. 422, 444.

[552] Granvelle, v. 454.

[553] Ruble, "Traité de Câteau-Cambrésis," 23; Venetian Calendar, vii. 39; Granvelle, v. 495.

[554] Kervyn de Lettenhove, i. 457.

[555] Kervyn de Lettenhove, i. 475.

[556] Granvelle, v. 487, 495, 502.

[557] Venetian Calendar, vii. 54; Granvelle, v. 520, 525.

[558] Granvelle, v. 529.

[559] Kervyn de Lettenhove, i. 460.

[560] V. de St. Génis, "Histoire de Savoie," iii. 181.

[561] Kervyn de Lettenhove, i. 485.

[562] Venetian Calendar, vii. 56; J. F. Le Petit, "Grande Chronique de Hollande," ii. 20.

[563] Venetian Calendar, vii. 57.

[564] Ruble, 26; Venetian Calendar, vii. 67, 77.

[565] Granvelle, v. 577.

[566] Venetian Calendar, vii. 62.

[567] Calendar of Spanish State Papers, i. 49, Archives of Simancas; Kervyn de Lettenhove, i. 494.

[568] Granvelle, v. 582, 583.

[569] Venetian Calendar, vii. 64.

[570] Gachard, iv. 67; Venetian Calendar, vii. 87-90.

[571] Schäfer, iv. 445.