BOOK X

THE FRENCH INVASION

1551-1553

I.

Michaelmas Day, 1551, was memorable, both in France and Germany, for a snowstorm of extraordinary severity, followed by an alarming earthquake and violent tempest, omens, as it proved, of impending disasters.

In this same month of September, Henry II. recalled his Ambassador from Augsburg. Ten days later he declared war. For some time past he had been supporting Ottavio Farnese, who was in open revolt against his father-in-law, and carrying on secret intrigues with Maurice of Saxony and the Protestant Electors. The Marquis Albert had never forgiven the Emperor for the affronts of which he imagined himself to be the victim, and, after vainly offering his sword to the English King and his hand to Princess Mary, he went to France as Maurice's emissary. Here he concluded a secret treaty, which was signed at Friedewald on the 5th of October by the German Princes, and ratified at Chambord by Henry II.[445]

[Sidenote: SEPT., 1551] INTRIGUES WITH FRANCE]

Charles's affairs were in a critical state. The war of Parma was a heavy drain on his resources, and had swallowed up the gold of Mexico and the best Spanish soldiers, while Maurice's treachery had converted the strongest body of imperial _Landsknechten_ into foes.

"The Emperor doth little yet," wrote Roger Ascham from Augsburg, "but the French be a great deal aforehand. He is wise enough, but hath many irons in the fire, and everyone alone to give him work enough, the Turk by land and sea, the French sitting on his skirts, beside Magdeburg and the rest."[446]

The discontent in Augsburg rose to the highest pitch when, one day in September, ten preachers were summarily banished. The imperial residence was besieged by crowds of furious women, clamouring to have their babes christened, and guards were doubled at every gate, while Charles sat within, enfeebled by gout and reluctant to face the coming peril.

In vain Mary of Hungary warned him of Maurice and Albert's intrigues with France, and told him that his incredulity was like to cost him very dear, and that if he did not take care he would lose, not only Germany, but also the Netherlands, which were not the meanest feather in his cap. Both he and Arras refused to listen. Instead of following his sister's advice and remaining at Worms or Spires to control Germany and protect Lorraine, Charles lingered on at Augsburg after war was declared, and persisted in taking refuge at Innsbruck. After protracted delays, he at length left Augsburg on the 21st of October, dragging the reluctant Ambassadors in his train, and crossed "the cold Alps, already," sighed Ascham, "full of snow," to descend on Tyrol.[447]

Meanwhile his niece was watching the course of events with increasing anxiety. All the French King's fine promises could not allay Christina's fears, as the autumn months went by, and the din of warlike preparations sounded louder in her ears. In her terror she clung to the Guises, hoping that their influence might save her son and his realm from ruin. On the 20th of July she went to Joinville to meet the Dowager Queen of Scotland and stand proxy for Queen Catherine at the christening of Francis of Guise's daughter, afterwards the notorious Duchess of Montpensier. When, in October, the young Duke of Longueville died suddenly, on the eve of his mother's departure, Christina once more went to condole with Antoinette on the loss of her "Benjamin."[448] Both she and Anne, who came to Nancy at her earnest request, were full of sympathy for the venerable Duchess in the trials that clouded her declining years. A fresh proof of Christina's anxiety to gratify her powerful relatives appears in a letter which she wrote to her uncle from Pont-à-Mousson on the 28th of October, begging him to grant a request of the Cardinal regarding the Abbey of Gorzes, which he had lately annexed to his vast possessions.

"I could not refuse this petition," she adds, "as my Lord Cardinal is so near of kin to my children, and has always treated me and my son with so much kindness and affection. And I humbly beg Your Majesty to show him favour, in order that he may see that I do all that is possible to please him and his house."[449]

[Sidenote: JAN., 1552] FRENCH INTRIGUES]

As the year drew to its close, the insolence of the French increased, and their incursions and depredations were a perpetual source of annoyance to the people of Lorraine. At the same time their intrigues fomented discontent among the nobles, some of whom were annoyed at the appointment of Monsieur de Montbardon to be the young Duke's tutor. This French Baron had originally followed the Constable of Bourbon into exile, and, after being for many years in the Emperor's service, had by his wish accompanied Christina to Lorraine. And both the Regents had good reason to doubt the loyalty of one of the Lorraine magnates, Jean de Salm, a son of the late Marshal, commonly known as the Rhinegrave, who had lately received the Order of St. Michel from Henry II. All Christina could do in this critical state of affairs was to keep Mary of Hungary and the Emperor fully informed of current events.

On the 7th of January the Sieur de Tassigny, an agent whom the Queen had sent to Nancy, received a command from a Court page to come to the Duchess's rooms that night, in order that she might tell him certain things which she dared not write. Tassigny obeyed the summons, and had a long talk with Christina in the privacy of her own chamber. She told him that the French were assembling in great force on the frontier, and that Lorraine would be the first country to be attacked. And she further informed him that certain great personages in Germany, the Marquis Albert, Duke Maurice, and others, were in secret communication with the King, and were about to take up arms against the Emperor, and join the French when they crossed the Rhine. The Rhinegrave had been often seen going to and fro in disguise between the King and Duke Maurice. Moreover, a German had lately told the Duchess that he had been at table with the Elector the day before, and had heard him vow that he would release his father-in-law, the captive Landgrave of Hesse, were he at the Emperor's own side! When another guest warned Duke Maurice to be more careful, lest his rash words should be repeated, he replied defiantly: "What I say here is meant for all the world to hear."

This confidential conversation was faithfully reported to Mary of Hungary by Tassigny, who concluded his letter with the following words:

"_En somme_, Madame complains that she is in a terrible position, seeing that Lorraine will be entirely at the mercy of the French, and that there is not a single person in whom she can trust and who is loyal to His Imperial Majesty, excepting Monsieur de Bassompierre, her chief Councillor, and Monsieur de Vaudemont, who is quite alienated from France, and entirely devoted to the Emperor, saying that it is impossible to serve two masters."[450]

[Sidenote: FEB., 1552] LE VOYAGE D'AUSTRASIE]

By Christina's wish, Tassigny went on to Nomény the next day, and had a long interview with Vaudemont, who assured him that every word spoken by Her Excellency was true, that at Candlemas there would be a great revolt in Germany, and that the French King meant to seize the three bishoprics--Toul, Verdun, and Metz. The only way to prevent this would be for the Emperor to place strong garrisons in these cities, and thus defeat his enemies' plans. The Count's information, as time showed, was perfectly accurate, and, in spite of all that has been alleged to the contrary, he was probably loyal to the Duchess, who never doubted his honesty, and to whom he seems to have been sincerely attached. But he was timid and vacillating, and lacked courage and firmness to face the crisis when it came.

Mary, to whom Christina turned in this extremity, was powerless to help. Every available man was needed to defend the Low Countries, and she could only advise her niece to claim the protection of the Empire for her son's State, and, if Lorraine were actually invaded, retire with her children to the Palatinate. Even Charles began to wake up from his lethargy, and to realize too late that Mary had been right all the time. At Christmas Stroppiana wrote from Innsbruck:

"We begin to suspect the existence of a plot against the Emperor, hidden under the cloak of a military revolt. Maurice is not a stranger to this conspiracy, and Albert has let his soldiers loose and is ravaging Germany."[451]

A few weeks later Christina's secretary, who kept Arras informed of all that was happening in Lorraine, sent the Emperor a message to say that the King was collecting his forces at Châlons, and that Maurice was marching on Augsburg at the head of his _Landsknechten_, although no one knew whether he meant to fight for the King or the Emperor.[452]

On the 5th of February Henry issued a manifesto, stamped with the cap of liberty, proclaiming himself the protector of the Germans and their deliverer from the Emperor's yoke, and, after solemnly invoking St. Denis's help, set out for Reims with the Queen and Dauphin. The gilded youth of France all flocked to the camp at Châlons, eager to start on the _voyage d'Austrasie_, as the expedition was termed by these gay spirits, and drive Charles of Austria out of Germany. The Constable was appointed to the chief command, Aumale was made Captain of the horse, and the Rhinegrave Colonel of the German infantry.

[Sidenote: MARCH, 1552] HENRY II. AT JOINVILLE]

As soon as the news reached Nancy, the Duchess sent Bassompierre to Brussels, and told the Queen that terror reigned everywhere, although it was doubtful if Henry would march on Germany or turn aside to invade Lorraine. The alarm which filled the hearts of these two defenceless women is reflected in the letters which Anne and Christina wrote during these anxious days. The wildest rumours were abroad, and death and ruin seemed to be staring them in the face. Bassompierre soon returned with a letter from Mary, thanking Anne for her valuable information, and begging her not to desert the sorely-tried Duchess at this crisis. Since Madame was good enough to honour her with her commands, Anne asked nothing better than to obey. She wrote daily to Brussels, giving minute details of the King's advance. On the 15th of March he left Reims, and reached Joinville on the 22nd. From here he sent Commissioners to Nancy to inform the Duchess that her towns would not be attacked, and that there was no need to fortify them. The Regents only raised a sufficient body of men under the Governor of Nancy, Baron d'Haussonville, to protect the Duke's person. Following her aunt's advice, Christina sent one of her secretaries to Innsbruck to ask the Emperor for assistance; but Charles could only lament his inability to come to her help, and advise her to ask the French King to respect the neutrality of Lorraine. This was her only hope, and, encouraged by the Cardinal of Guise, she and Anne went to Joinville on the 1st of April, and sought an audience from the King.[453]

Here they were received in the kindest manner by the old Duchess, and conducted into Henry's presence by the Constable. The King received them courteously, and conversed some time with them in a friendly manner. Christina begged him to take her son under his protection, and reminded him that his grandmother, Renée de Bourbon, was a Princess of the blood royal; then, gathering courage, she told him that she had been accused of designs against him by slanderous tongues, and asked nothing better than to show that she was absolutely innocent of these charges. "So great a lady," remarked the Sieur de Rabutin, who witnessed the interview, "must have been very reluctant to plead so humbly, and I doubt if she would ever have taken a step so contrary to her natural inclination if her uncle had been able to give her help."[454] The King listened civilly, and replied that he bore her no ill-will whatsoever, but was obliged to secure the frontier and protect himself from danger on the side of Lorraine. As for her son, he cherished the most friendly feelings for him, and was anxious to see him affianced to his own daughter, if the Duchess were agreeable. This kind language and the affection shown her by the Cardinal and his mother relieved Christina's worst fears. She begged the King to do her the honour of staying under her roof if he came in that direction, and returned to Nancy with the Constable, who escorted the two Duchesses home, in the most amiable fashion, and then went on to take possession of Toul.

On her return, Christina wrote the following letter to the Emperor:

"MONSEIGNEUR,

"I have been to Joinville in accordance with Your Majesty's advice, and have sent full particulars of my interview with the King to Monsieur d'Arras. I beg you, Monseigneur, to give me your commands as to my future conduct, as my only wish is to obey Your Majesty to the end of my life.

"Your very humble and very obedient niece, "CHRESTIENNE. "From Nancy. April 5, 1552."[455]

A few days of anxious suspense followed. The French Queen fell ill of quinsy, and was in danger of her life. Solemn prayers and litanies were chanted for her recovery in all the churches, and Diane of Poitiers hastened to Joinville, where she found the King "playing the good husband at his wife's bedside."[456] But by Palm Sunday Catherine recovered sufficiently for Henry to leave her in the charge of Duchess Antoinette and continue his march. On Monday, the 11th of April, he joined the Constable before Toul, which opened its gates the next day. On the 13th the King left the bulk of the army to go on to Metz with the Constable, and, taking the household cavalry and a few companies of men-at-arms under the Duke of Guise, turned his steps towards Nancy.

II.

[Sidenote: APRIL, 1552] THE FRENCH AT NANCY]

Eastertide, 1552, was a sad and memorable epoch in the annals of Lorraine. At two o'clock on Maundy Thursday, Henry II. entered Nancy at the head of his troops, with trumpets blowing and banners flying. For the first time in the last hundred years, foreign soldiers were seen within the walls of Nancy. The Cardinal and the Duke of Guise rode on before, to inform the Duchess of the King's coming and see that due arrangements were made for his reception. Christina nerved herself for a final effort, and with splendid courage prepared to welcome the enemy of her race within her palace gates. Salutes were fired from the bastions as the King entered the town, and the young Duke rode out to meet him at the head of the nobles and magistrates, and escorted him to the church of St. Georges. Here Henry alighted, and the citizens held a canopy of state over him as he entered the ancient shrine of the Lorraine Princes, and, after kissing the relics of the saints on the altar steps, prayed by the tomb of King René. Then the young Duke led him through the stately portal, under his grandfather's equestrian statue, to the hall where his mother was waiting to receive her royal guest, with the Duchess of Aerschot and the young Princesses. Henry, the Duke of Guise, the Cardinal, the Marshal St. André, and 200 gentlemen of the royal household, were sumptuously lodged in the ducal palace, while the troops were quartered in the town, and French guards were stationed at the gates, not without a protest from Baron d'Haussonville.[457]

That evening the Duchess entertained her guests at a magnificent banquet in the Galerie des Cerfs, and the brilliantly-lighted hall, with its vaulted fretwork of blue and gold, frescoed walls, and rich tapestries, excited the admiration of all the French.

François de Rabutin, the young Captain in Monsieur de Nevers's corps of archers, walked through the streets of the "fine, strong little town," lost in wonder at the splendour of the palace, the prosperity of the citizens, and their affection for the ducal family. More than all he was struck by the young Duke himself, who appeared to him "the handsomest and cleverest boy in the world," and who evidently made the same impression on the King. Henry paid the Duchess many compliments on her son's good looks and intelligence, and expressed so much pleasure at his reception that her worst alarms were allayed. Late in the same evening she wrote a letter to her aunt, telling her of the kind expressions used by His Majesty, and of her hopes that all might yet be well. But a rude awakening was in store for her. Early on Good Friday morning Vaudemont appeared at the door of her room with consternation written on his face. The King had sent him to inform the Duchess that her son was to leave Nancy the next day for Bar, in charge of one of the King's captains, while she was deprived of all share in the government, which was henceforth to be administered by Vaudemont as sole Regent. On receiving this unexpected message, Christina hastily summoned as many members of the Council as could be brought together, and with their help and her brother-in-law's support, drew up a protest couched in respectful and dignified language, reminding the King of the terms of the late Duke's will, and of her own rights both as mother and Regent. Henry's only reply to this appeal was to send the Duchess a copy of the agreement to which she was expected to conform. It was as follows:

[Sidenote: APRIL, 1552] CHRISTINA'S DISTRESS]

"The Duke is to start to-morrow for Bar before the King leaves Nancy. His mother may accompany him, or go elsewhere, if she prefers. She may retain the administration of her son's property, but will no longer have any authority over the fortresses in Lorraine. All subjects of the Emperor who hold any office in the government or in the Duke's household are commanded to leave Lorraine without delay. A French garrison of 600 men will be left in Nancy under Monsieur de Thou, but Monsieur de Vaudemont will remain Governor of the city, and take an oath to observe the conditions laid down by the King. A French garrison of 300 men will also be placed in Stenay under the Sieur de Parroy."[458]

These hard conditions filled Christina with dismay. She begged the Cardinal to defend her rights, but he could only advise her to submit to the inevitable. Both he and Francis of Guise have often been blamed for not opposing Henry II.'s arbitrary proceedings, but there seems little doubt that the King originally intended to reduce Lorraine from the rank of an independent State to that of a fief of the Crown, and that it was only the opposition of the Guises which saved the duchy from this fate. In her despair Christina made a last attempt to soften the King's heart. Clad in her black robes and flowing white veil, she entered the Galerie des Cerfs, where Henry and his courtiers were assembled, and, throwing herself on her knees at the King's feet, implored him, for the love of Christ who died on the cross that day, to have pity upon an unhappy mother. The sight of her distress, and the touching words in which she begged the King to take everything else, but allow her to keep her son, moved all hearts, and there was not a dry eye in the whole assembly. Even Henry was filled with compassion, and, raising the Duchess from her knees, he assured her that he only wished to confirm the friendship between the two houses. Far from intending any harm to the young Duke, he proposed to bring him up with his children, and to treat him as if he were his own son, but Lorraine was too near the frontiers of Germany, and too much exposed to attacks from his enemies, for him to be able to leave the boy there. With these consoling words, he took the weeping Duchess by the hand and led her to the doors of the gallery, but, as Anne afterwards told the Queen of Hungary, the King vouchsafed no reply to her sister's entreaty that she might not be deprived of her boy, and Christina's prayer remained unanswered.[459]

Early the next morning Vaudemont and the Councillors renewed their oaths of allegiance to Duke Charles III., after which the young Prince left Nancy in charge of the French captain Bourdillon and an escort of fifty men-at-arms. The parting between the Duchess and her son was heartrending. The poor mother gave way to passionate tears, in which she was joined not only by Vaudemont and Anne, but by all the nobles and people who had assembled at the palace gates to see the last of their beloved Duke. Nothing but the sound of weeping and lamentation was to be heard, and Rabutin, with all his hatred of the House of Austria, was filled with compassion at the sight of the Duchess's grief.

[Sidenote: APRIL, 1552] CAPTURE OF THE YOUNG DUKE]

On Easter Day Christina wrote the following letter to her aunt, enclosing a copy of the articles drawn up by the French King:

"MADAME,

"The extreme grief and distress which the King's violence has caused me prevents me from writing to you as fully as the occasion requires; but I must tell you what has happened since my last letter, in which I told you of the King's arrival. Now, in reward for the good cheer which I made him, he has carried off my son by force, with a violence which could not have been greater if I had been a slave. Not content with this, he has deprived me of the chief part of my authority, so that I can hardly remain here with honour and reputation, and, what is worse, I shall no longer have the power of doing Your Majesty service, which is one of my greatest regrets. Have pity, Madame, on a poor mother, whose son has been torn from her arms, as you will see more fully by this copy of the King's final resolutions, which he has sent me in writing. These have been carried out in every particular. Before he left, my brother, Monsieur de Vaudemont, and all the members of the Council, except myself, were made to take an oath, pledging themselves to defend the strong places in this land against all his enemies, and to open their gates to him whenever required. The same oath was taken by the garrison who are to guard this town, and I was asked to give up the keys of the postern gate. So that I, who was first here, and could once serve Your Majesty, am now deprived of all power, and am little better than a slave. I foresee that I shall soon be stripped of everything, in spite of the treaties and agreements formerly made between Your Majesties and this State. This ill-treatment and the evident wish shown by the French that I should leave this house have made me decide to retire to Blamont, where I will await Your Majesty's advice as to my future action.... I must warn Your Majesty, with regard to Stenay, that the new Captain, Sieur du Parroy, although of Lorraine birth, belongs to the King's household, and is devoted to French interests, as is also the second in command. Madame, I have written all this to the Emperor, but he is so far away and in so remote a place that I felt I must also tell Your Majesty what had happened here, begging her humbly to let me know her good pleasure.

"Your humble and obedient niece, "CHRESTIENNE.

"Nancy, April 17, 1552."[460]

The letter which Anne addressed to the Queen the next day is still more graphic in the details it supplies:

[Sidenote: APRIL, 1552] THE DUKE AT JOINVILLE]

"I cannot help writing to inform you, Madame, of the utter desolation and misery to which my poor sister is reduced owing to the great rudeness and cruelty with which she was treated by the King of France on Good Friday. He came here under pretence of good faith and true friendship, as he had lately given us to understand. On his arrival he was received with all possible honour and entertained in the most hospitable manner. On Good Friday he told Madame that, in order to satisfy the conditions of his league with the Germans, he must secure all the fortified posts in Lorraine, as well as the Duke's person, and with this end must take him to Bar. In order to prevent this, Madame, Monsieur de Vaudemont and I, with all the members of the Council, drew up a remonstrance couched in the most humble terms, to which he only replied by sending us a written copy of his resolutions. Upon this my sister went to find him in the Grande Galerie, and begged him humbly, even going as far as to fall on her knees to implore him, for the love of God, not to take her son away from her. He made no reply, and, to make an end of the story, Madame, on Easter Eve they took the boy, escorted by a band of armed men, in charge of the Sieur de Bourdillon and the Maréchal de St. André, who did not leave his side until he had seen him well out of the town. It was indeed a piteous thing to see his poor mother, Monsieur de Vaudemont, and all the nobles and this poor people, in tears and lamentation at his departure. Madame, Your Majesty can imagine the terrible grief of my poor sister at this outrage, and will understand that her sorrow at losing her son is still so great that I have been obliged to abandon my intention of returning home, and feel that I cannot leave her. The King allows her to keep the charge of her daughters and the administration of her children's estates, excepting in the case of the fortified towns, which remain in the hands of Monsieur de Vaudemont.... And since, Madame, I am still as ever very anxious to do Your Majesty service, I beg you to lay your commands upon me, and they will be obeyed by one who is the most affectionate servant that Your Majesty will ever have.

"ANNE DE LORRAINE.

"From Nancy, the day after Easter, April 18."[461]

In a postscript Anne further informed Mary that her sister had just received a letter from the King, telling her that, hearing an attempt would be made to carry off the young Duke, he had ordered Bourdillon to take him to join the Queen at Joinville. Henry's letter was written from Pont-à-Mousson, where he spent Easter Day, after sleeping at the Duke's country-house at Condé on Saturday:

"MY SISTER,

"After leaving you I received warnings from several quarters that the Burgundians were going to make an attempt to surprise Bar and carry off my cousin, the Duke of Lorraine; and as I am anxious to prevent this, I ordered Monsieur de Bourdillon to take him straight to Joinville, which is sufficiently remote to escape this danger, and where both you and he would be quite at home in his own family. And you will find good company there and be given the best of cheer, just as if I were there myself. I hope, my sister, that this may be agreeable to you, and that you will believe that my anxiety for his person is the reason why I wish to avoid any risk of injury, which would be a cause of grave displeasure to those who love him, as you and I do. Farewell, my sister, and may God have you in His holy keeping.

"Your good brother, "HENRY.

"Written at Pont-à-Mousson, April 17, 1552."[462]

The tone of the letter was kind. Henry had evidently been touched by Christina's distress, and tried to soften the blow. Fortunately, the little Duke himself was too young to realize the meaning of these startling events. The ride to Joinville and the welcome which he received from the kind old Duchess amused him, but at bedtime he missed the familiar faces, and asked for his mother and tutor, Monsieur de Montbardon. When he was told that they had stayed at Nancy, the poor child burst into incontrollable sobs, and refused to be comforted.[463]

III.

[Sidenote: MAY, 1552] CHRISTINA AT DENŒUVRE]

The invasion of Lorraine and the harsh treatment which the Duchess suffered at the French King's hands were keenly resented by her imperial relatives. Mary wrote indignantly to Charles at Innsbruck, complaining justly of Henry's violation of the neutrality of Lorraine and of the young Duke's[464] capture. To Christina herself she expressed her anger at the King's wicked act, at the same time advising her to bow to the storm and retire to Blamont for the present. This the Duchess did three days after her son's departure, taking the two Princesses as well as her faithful sister-in-law. Anne's pen was never idle, and on the following Sunday--that of _Pâques-fleuries_--she sent the Queen a list of all the Princes who were members of the League. But they had not been many days at Blamont, when their peace was disturbed by the arrival of the French King and the Constable, who, after taking possession of Metz, marched through the Vosges on their way to Strasburg, and took up their quarters in the castle. The Duchesses left hurriedly to avoid another meeting with the King, and moved to Denœuvre, where they remained during the next three months. But the strain of recent events had been too much for Christina's strength; she became seriously ill, and her condition was a grave cause of anxiety to Anne and her ladies.

Count Stroppiana, who heard the details of the French invasion from Belloni's own lips at Innsbruck, wrote the following account of the Duchess's wrongs to his master, the Duke of Savoy:

"The King of France, we hear, has occupied Lorraine, and sent the young Duke to Châlons, guarded by 100 men-at-arms, contrary to the promises which he made to the Duchess his mother. She threw herself at his feet, imploring him not to rob her of her son, her only joy and consolation, without whom she could not bear to live, with many other words which would have moved the hardest heart to pity. The King would not listen, and repulsed her with many rough words, forbidding any of the Emperor's subjects to remain in her service on pain of death. He has deprived her of the Regency, and relegated her to a remote country place, where she does nothing but weep and lament, and will certainly die before long, if her great sorrow is not comforted, as she has been ill for some time past. The poor little Duke is said to be ill, too. When he reached the first stage of his journey, he asked for his mother and tutor, and, when he did not see them, wept so bitterly that it was impossible to comfort him."[465]

The boy's tears were soon dried, and he recovered his spirits in the charge of the Duke of Longueville's old tutor, Jean de la Brousse, and the companionship of the royal children. His mother remained long inconsolable for his loss, but the affection of her son's subjects was her best solace. So earnest were their entreaties that she should remain among them that she declined her aunt's urgent invitation to take refuge in Flanders, and decided to stay at Denœuvre. On the 31st of May she wrote as follows to inform the Emperor of her intention:

"MONSEIGNEUR,

"At the prayer of my brother Monsieur de Vaudemont, and my sister the Duchess of Aerschot, and the earnest desire of my good people, I have been bold enough to remain here, although Your Majesty had sent me orders to join the Queens. I trust you will not take this in bad part, but will understand that I have only done this at the urgent prayer of my brother and sister, and not out of disrespect to your command, since my sole desire is to obey you all my life, and I beg you to believe this and remember my son and his poor country.

"Your humble niece and servant, "CHRESTIENNE.

"From Denœuvre, May 31, 1552."[466]

[Sidenote: JULY, 1552] CHRISTINA BANISHED]

This letter found the Emperor at the lowest depth of his fortunes. On the 19th of May he was carried in his litter by torchlight over the Brenner in torrents of driving rain, and hardly paused till he arrived at Villach in Carinthia. A few hours after he left Innsbruck, Maurice and his troopers entered the town, plundered the Emperor's quarters, and robbed the baggage which had been forgotten in his hasty departure. The victor might easily have captured the fugitive Emperor, but, as Maurice said himself, he had no cage for so fine a bird.

The tide, however, was already turning. Strasburg closed her gates against the French invaders, and early in May an Imperial army attacked Champagne and sent Queen Catherine flying in terror from Reims. Alarmed by these reports, Henry beat a hasty retreat, and contented himself with the empty boast that he had watered his horses in the Rhine. The seat of the war was now transferred to Luxembourg, and Lorraine was once more harassed by the outposts of the two contending armies. From their safe retreat at Denœuvre, Christina and Anne watched the course of the campaign anxiously, and kept up a constant correspondence with Mary of Hungary. The bold measure of placing an Imperialist garrison in Nancy was now proposed by the Duchess, and gladly accepted by her uncle, who realized the advantages of the scheme, and wrote that Lorraine might well be occupied, on the ground of the Duke's detention, and would be restored to him as soon as he was released.[467] Early in July, Christina's trusted servant, Bassompierre, the Bailiff of the Vosges, arrived at Denœuvre with a message from Vaudemont, promising to admit the Imperialist force within the gates of Nancy on condition that the occupation was only temporary. The Duchess promptly sent a lackey to Flanders with a cipher letter to inform the Queen of his consent. But, as ill-luck would have it, the servant fell into the hands of the French, who were besieging Luxembourg, and he was brought before the King and forced to confess the object of his errand. Henry was furious at discovering the plot, and sent a gentleman of his household, Monsieur de Rostain, to Denœuvre, with a letter to the Duchess, saying that he feared her attachment to the Emperor was greater than her maternal love, and desired her to leave Lorraine without delay. Christina sent one of her gentlemen, Monsieur de Doulans, back with Rostain to protest against this order, saying that, after robbing her of her son and depriving her of the Regency, the King would surely not be so cruel as to drive her out of her own dower-house, especially as Denœuvre was a fief of the Empire. But these passionate appeals availed her little. A week later Henry sent another gentleman, Monsieur de Fontaine, to order the Duchess to leave Denœuvre immediately, if she did not wish to feel the full weight of his displeasure. This time the messenger had orders not to return to the King's presence until he had seen the Duchess across the frontier. So with a heavy heart the two Princesses left the land of Lorraine, where they were both so fondly beloved, and took refuge in Alsace. Belloni, who sent the Queen an account of his mistress's latest troubles in his clear Italian handwriting, was desired to tell her aunt that the Duchess had many more things of importance to say, but must wait for a more convenient season. Only one thing she must add, and this was that through all Monsieur de Vaudemont had remained perfectly true and loyal to her, although he was compelled by his office to conform outwardly to the French King's tyranny.[468]

[Sidenote: AUG., 1552] BELLONI'S END]

On receiving this bad news, Mary sent to beg her niece to come to Flanders without delay, promising the Duchess a home for herself and her little daughters. Unfortunately, as Christina found, this was no easy task. Not only was the whole countryside in peril of daily attacks from the French, but the Marquis Albert had descended like a whirlwind from the Suabian hills, and was spreading terror and destruction along the banks of the Rhine. The next letter which she addressed to her aunt from the imperial city of Schlettstadt, where she had sought refuge, gives vent to these alarms:

"MADAME,

"I received the kind and loving letter which Your Majesty was so good as to send me on the 6th of August. It came at the right moment, for I can assure you that I was sorely troubled, but Your Majesty's kindness in saying that I shall be welcome has done me so much good that I feel I do not know how to thank you enough, and am only sorry I cannot set out at once. For the roads are very dangerous, above all for children.... Your Majesty will understand how distressed I shall be until I can find some way of coming to you, and certainly one year will seem to me a hundred, until I am with Your Majesty once more."[469]

This grateful letter was written from Schlettstadt on the 22nd of August, and sent to Brussels by Niccolò Belloni, the only messenger whom Christina felt that she could trust. But fresh trouble awaited her in this direction. Belloni reached Flanders safely, and came back to Lorraine with letters to the Count and Countess of Vaudemont, but disappeared in some mysterious manner two days after he reached Nancy. It seems doubtful whether he died of the plague, as Massimo del Pero wrote to his friend Innocenzo Gadio, or whether he fell into some ambush and was slain by the enemy's hand. The loss was a great one to the Duchess, whom he had served so faithfully and well for the past sixteen years, and the honest Milanese was lamented by all his colleagues. Innocenzo Gadio, sent the sad news to the Princess of Macedonia's daughter, Dejanira, the wife of Count Gaspare Trivulzio, who had formerly received Christina in his castle at Codogno. The Countess expressed her sympathy with her dearest Messer Innocenzo in the warmest terms.

"I am sure," she wrote, "that the death of so beloved a friend will cause my mother the greatest sorrow. When you return to Lorraine," she adds, "please kiss Her Excellency's hands for me, and tell her that the sufferings which she has undergone in those parts grieve me to the bottom of my soul; and tell her too that we, her servants in this country, shall always be ready to risk our lives and all that we have in her service."

"DEJANIRA, CONTESSA TRIVULZIO.

"From Codogno, September 29, 1552."[470]

There were still faithful hearts in this far-off land who never forgot the Duchess whom they had known in early youth, and who followed her fortunes with tender sympathy and affection.

[Sidenote: AUG., 1552] AT HOH-KÖNIGSBERG]

But now help came to the sorely-tried Princess from an unexpected quarter. The Marquis Albert had haughtily declined to take any part in the conference that was being held at Passau between King Ferdinand and Maurice of Saxony, or to be included in the treaty which was signed between the Emperor and the Elector on the 15th of August. Instead of laying down his arms, he chose to continue his reckless course, and marched through the Rhineland plundering towns and burning villages, "making war," wrote an eyewitness, "as if he were the devil himself."[471] But when he reached Treves he heard of the Duchess's expulsion from Lorraine and her distressed condition, and, with a touch of the old chivalry that made him dear to women, he promptly sent to offer her shelter in his castle of Hoh-Königsberg, the strongest and finest citadel in the Vosges. Christina accepted the offer gratefully, and during the next few weeks the red sandstone fortress which still crowns the heights above Schlettstadt became her abode. She was there still when the Emperor made his way from Augsburg to the banks of the Rhine, at the head of a formidable army.

On the 7th of September he entered Strasburg; on the 15th he crossed the river and encamped at Landau. A week before he sent one of his bravest Burgundian captains, Ferry de Carondelet, to visit her at Hoh-Königsberg and invite her to visit him in the camp.[472] Christina obeyed the summons joyfully, and a few days after the Emperor reached Landau she and Anne of Aerschot made their way by the Rhine to the imperial camp. The Prince of Piedmont rode out to meet them, and Anne's kinsfolk, Egmont and d'Aremberg joined with Emanuel Philibert and Ferrante Gonzaga in welcoming the distressed ladies and condoling with them on the terrors and hardships which they had undergone. Only one thing grieved Christina. The Emperor firmly refused to admit her trusted Councillor, Bassompierre, into his presence, being convinced that he had betrayed his mistress and played into the French King's hands. Nothing that she could say altered his opinion in this respect, and she thought it wiser to send the Bailiff to Nancy, where he was able to watch over her interests and send reports to the Queen of Hungary.[473]

Charles was suffering from gout and fever, and Christina was shocked to see his altered appearance. The fatigues and anxieties of the last few months had left their mark upon him. His face was pale and worn, his hands thin and bloodless, and he spoke with difficulty owing to the soreness of his mouth and the leaf which he kept between his lips to relieve their dryness. Only his eyes kept the old fire, and no one could divine the thoughts which lay hidden under the mask-like face. As Morosyne wrote after an interview which he had with the Emperor about this time: "He maketh me think of Solomon's saying: 'Heaven is high, the earth is deep, and a king's heart is unsearchable.'"[474] But he was full of kindness for Christina, telling her that she and her children would always find a home at Brussels. Since, however, her cousin of Guise had entrenched himself in Metz and the country round was swarming with soldiery, he advised her to remain at Heidelberg for the present.

[Sidenote: NOV., 1552] CHARLES. V. AND ALBERT]

The Duchess obeyed this advice and retired to her brother-in-law's Court. The Palatine was growing old, his beard had turned white and his strength began to fail, but his influence was as great as ever in Germany. Morosyne, who met him at Spires, pronounced him to be the wisest and best of all the Electors, and was touched by the affection with which he spoke of the late King Henry VIII., declaring that his shirt never lay so near his skin as King Edward's noble father lay near his heart. The Ambassador's secretary, Roger Ascham, made friends with Hubert, who sent him long dissertations on the pronunciation of Greek, and invited him to Heidelberg. Now Frederic and his wife welcomed the Duchess and her children with their wonted hospitality, and insisted on keeping them until the end of the year; but Christina's heart was with her poor subjects, who suffered severely from the ravages of the war. From Nancy, Bassompierre sent word that the Marquis Albert had suddenly deserted his French allies, and had captured Aumale and carried him in triumph to the imperial camp before Metz.[475]

Here, on the 20th of November, Charles came face to face with the man who had wronged him so deeply. "God knows what I feel," he wrote to Mary, "at having to make friends with the Marquis Albert, but necessity knows no law."[476] At least, he accepted the situation with a good grace. Morosyne was present when the Emperor came riding into the camp on a great white horse of Naples breed, and, seeing Albert, took his hand with a gracious smile, and shook it warmly twice or thrice.

"The Marquis fixed his eyes fast on the Emperor's countenance, as one that meant to see what thoughts his looks betrayed. When he saw that all was well, or at least could not see but all seemed well, he spake a few words, which His Majesty seemed to take in very good part."

Calling a page to his side, he took a red scarf, the Imperialist badge, from his hands, and gave it to the Marquis. Albert received it with deep reverence, saying that he had not fared badly when he wore these colours before, and trusted the Emperor's gift would bring him the same good fortune as of old.[477]

[Sidenote: FEB., 1553] THE EMPEROR TO RETURN]

The return of the wanderer saved Charles from utter ruin. His affairs were still going badly. Vieilleville, the French Governor of Verdun, seized the boats laden with provisions for the imperial camp, which Christina had sent down the Rhine, and laid violent hands on six waggons of choice fruits, wines, and cakes, which were despatched from Nancy for her uncle's table. Worse than this, he contrived to enter Pont-à-Mousson, which Fabrizio Colonna held, disguised as a messenger from the Duchess, and obtained possession of this important place by stratagem.[478] The valour of Guise and the strong fortifications of Metz were proof against the reckless courage of Albert and the might of the imperial army. The heavy rains and biting cold of an early winter increased the sufferings of the troops, and, after losing half his army by famine and dysentery, Charles was compelled to raise the siege at the New Year. "Fortune is a woman," he remarked to one of his captains; "she abandons the old, and keeps her smiles for young men."[479] In this forced retreat the Marquis performed prodigies of valour, and succeeded in bringing his guns safely over roads rendered impassable by a sudden thaw. The bulk of the army was dismissed, only the veteran Spanish and German forces being quartered in Artois and Luxembourg, and Charles himself set out for Brussels. His failing strength compelled him to halt on the way, and Morosyne gave it as his opinion that the Emperor would never reach the end of his journey alive. But his spirit was indomitable as ever, and on Sunday, the 6th of February, he entered Brussels in an open litter, amid scenes of the wildest enthusiasm.

"To-day," wrote the Ambassador of Savoy, "I have witnessed the safe arrival of the Emperor. He was received with the greatest transports of joy and delight by the whole people, who feared that he was dead and that they would never see him again."

And Charles himself wrote to Ferdinand that, now he was once more in his native land and in the company of his beloved sisters, he would soon recover his health.[480]

FOOTNOTES:

[445] Granvelle, iii. 630; Henne, ix. 162; T. Juste, 185.

[446] Ascham, ii. 313; Papiers d'État, viii., Archives du Royaume, Bruxelles.

[447] Lanz, iii. 75; Granvelle, iii. 527.

[448] Pimodan, 375, 381.

[449] Lettres des Seigneurs, iii. 104, Archives du Royaume, Bruxelles.

[450] Lettres des Seigneurs, iii. 90.

[451] Bulletins, etc., série 2, xii. 189.

[452] Lettres des Seigneurs, iv. 108; Granvelle, iii. 613.

[453] Lettres des Seigneurs, iv. 42, 108.

[454] Calmet, ii. 1290; F. de Rabutin, "Collection de Mémoires," xxxvii. 185.

[455] Lettres des Seigneurs, iv. 19.

[456] A. de Ruble, "La Jeunesse de Marie Stuart," 73.

[457] Calmet, ii. 1199.

[458] Lettres des Seigneurs, iv. 101, f. 320.

[459] Calmet, ii. 1300; Pfister, ii. 188; Brantôme, xii. 110; Lettres des Seigneurs, iv. 101; Ravold, iii. 780.

[460] Lettres des Seigneurs, iv. 101, f. 320.

[461] Lettres des Seigneurs, iv. 101, f. 330 (see Appendix).

[462] Lettres des Seigneurs, iv. 101, f. 319.

[463] Bulletins de la Commission d'Histoire, série 2, xii. 213.

[464] Bucholtz, ix. 539.

[465] Bulletins, etc., série 2, xii. 213.

[466] Lettres des Seigneurs, iv. 102, f. 127 (see Appendix); Lanz, iii. 208.

[467] Bucholtz, ix. 543; Bulletins, 2, xii. 191.

[468] Lettres des Seigneurs, vii. 603.

[469] Lettres des Seigneurs, iv. 103, f. 348.

[470] Manuscript 18, Biblioteca Cavagna Sangiuliani, Zelada (see Appendix).

[471] Lettres des Seigneurs, iv. 518 (see Appendix).

[472] _Ibid._, iv. 103.

[473] Bulletins de la Commission d'Histoire, série 2, xii. 232; Lettres des Seigneurs, iv. 518.

[474] "Hardwicke Papers," i. 55.

[475] Calendar of State Papers, Foreign, Edward VI., 230.

[476] Lanz, iii. 513.

[477] Voigt, ii. 9, 10; P. F. Tytler, "England under Edward VI.," 144.

[478] Vieilleville, 161, 176.

[479] Calmet, ii. 338.

[480] Bulletins, etc., série 2, xii. 238; State Papers, Edward VI., Foreign, 236, 243; Lanz, iii. 542.