Part 3

So far no mention has been made of the fact that the early period of Christian history was characterized by persecution. As a rule sporadic and intermittent, it was periodically severe. At all times Christians, if not actually persecuted, were objects of suspicion to the Roman government. We owe to the official zeal of Pliny the Younger, who was a proconsul in Bithynia in 112, our first glimpse of Christian worship from the point of view of the outsider. In a letter to the Emperor Trajan on the subject of the Christians, he says that, as a part of their service at sunrise, they chanted a hymn, antiphonally, to Christ as a God.[82] Speculation as to the identity of this hymn has never ceased among students. Leclercq summarizes the theories as follows: It is a morning hymn later attributed to Hilary. It is the morning hymn of the Greek liturgy. It is the morning hymn of the _Apostolic Constitutions_. It is the Great Doxology.[83] Since they are all unsatisfactory as identifications, we remain in ignorance on this point. A recent study of Pliny's letter by Casper J. Kraemer, a classicist, proposes the translation of the words _carmen dicere_, "to chant a psalm."[84] This most interesting suggestion is in thorough harmony with our knowledge of the continuity of the use of the psalms in public worship at this time.

VII. Conclusion

Reviewing the total pagan influence, both Greek and Latin, upon Christian hymnody, it must be understood that, in comparison with Semitic pressure in its wider implication, as well as the strictly Hebraic, pagan influence was relatively slight. It was a matter of centuries before the Hebrew psalms were permitted any rivals whatever in the usage of worship, except other biblical citations or such poems as might be produced by unquestioned churchmen. Even these were sparingly used, for _psalmi idiotici_, as the novel and original compositions were called, were forbidden by the Church and a new hymnody was thus stifled at its very birth. In a period of confusion marked by the rival use of hymns on the part of the orthodox and non-orthodox, it was felt that worship must be safeguarded. Only after the appearance of the modern vernacular languages in Europe in the period of the ninth century, when the liturgy had been set apart in the Latin tongue, was any real freedom permitted in the composition of new hymns. By that time the clergy were the poets and Latin their chosen medium of expression.[85]

By the time of Ambrose in the fourth century, however, Greek and oriental elements had long since merged in other aspects of civilization and, in the course of time, Christian hymns felt the effect of a universal development. There was a certain departure from biblical models and an emancipation from the old poetic forms in favor of the trend toward accent and rhyme. After all, a new religion had come into existence which demanded an authentic expression of a spiritual aspiration beyond that of the Old Testament models, just as Isaac Watts in the eighteenth century turned from the tradition of psalmody to an original presentment of the new revelation in Christ.

Are we to suppose that the Christians in the Mediterranean world of the first three centuries, representing the average inhabitant of these lands, had no hymns except those cited above? Or others like them? If they had, we are unacquainted with them. It is fair to assume that secular poetry and music eventually exerted an influence upon hymnody. At least the beginning of such influence was apparent in the adoption of popular meters by heretical poets, as well as by the orthodox.[86] Later, Ambrose perpetuated aspects of popular verse and perhaps music as well.[87] But there is no evidence at hand to support the assumption of a popular hymnody enjoyed either in connection with worship or independently of it.

The problem of music is outside the province of this paper but is involved in any serious study of hymnology at any period of its development. Here the student is almost totally at a loss for manuscript evidence bearing musical notation from the primitive period. The Oxyrhynchus hymn is a solitary example.[88] This does not mean that the subject is altogether obscure. Many statements about Christian practice, inspired by biblical precedent, are found in patristic literature. The traditions both of Hebrew music and of the early Church are well known. It seems clear that melody only was employed and that it was, for the most part, unaccompanied. Instrumentation was opposed and forbidden in public worship of a liturgical nature.[89]

No student can leave the consideration of early Christian hymnology without a sense of defeat. The past cannot be forced to yield the hidden knowledge of which it is the custodian. Sources are very scanty, especially in proportion to other literary remains of early Christianity. Specifically, there is no collection of hymns in existence which might correspond to a modern hymnary. On the contrary, isolated examples or groups appear from place to place and from time to time in varied forms. But in one respect our evidence is sure, if not complete. Springing from the culture and the vicissitudes of the age, Christian hymns of the early Church, as in every other stage of its development, not only express the spiritual aspiration of the time but also respond to the challenge of a new day.

[1]H. LeClercq, "Hymnes," _Dictionnaire D' Archeologie Chretienne, etc._ (Paris, Letouzey, 1925), vol. 16, 2826-2928; Part I, _Hymnographie des trois premiers siecles_, 2826-2859.

[2]C. S. Phillips, _Hymnody, Past and Present_ (London, S. P. C. K., 1937).

[3]J. Kroll, "Die Hymnendichtung des fruehen Christentums," _Die Antike_, 2 (1926), 258-281.

[4]J. Mearns, _Canticles of the Christian Church_ (Cambridge, Un. Press, 1914), 1; F. Cabrol, "Cantiques," _Dictionnaire D' Archeologie Chretienne, etc._, vol. 2 (2), 1976.

[5]All biblical passages quoted in this paper are given in the _King James Version_ of the English Bible.

[6]R. H. Charles, _The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament_ (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1913), vol. I, 627-629.

[7]J. Mearns, _op. cit._ (see note 4), 1.

[8]F. Cabrol, _op. cit._ (see note 4), 1976-1977.

[9]J. Julian, _Dictionary of Hymnology_ (London, John Murray, 1892), "Canons," 461, 463.

[10]Quotations from the Psalms are not included in this paper.

[11]C. H. Toy, _Quotations in the New Testament_ (New York, Scribners, 1884), 199-200.

[12]E. F. Scott, _The Pastoral Epistles_ (New York, Harper, no date), 14.

[13]J. Kroll, _op. cit._ (see note 3), 264.

[14]M. Dibelius, _A Fresh Approach to the New Testament and Early Christian Literature_ (New York, Scribners, 1936), 247.

[15]R. Reitzenstein, _Die Hellenistischen Mysterienreligionen_ (Leipzig, Teubner, 1927), 3rd edition, 385.

[16]G. D. Kellogg, _The Ancient Art of Poetic Improvisation_, a paper read at the meeting of the Classical Association of the Atlantic States, April 26, 1940; J. Kroll, _op. cit._ (see note 3), 259.

[17]_Contra Haereses_, III, xvii, 2; Migne (PG), VII, 929-930. For a recent commentator, see F. J. Foakes-Jackson, _The Acts of the Apostles_ (London, Hodder and Stoughton, 1931), 10-13.

[18]Note the citation, _I Tim. 6:15-16_, _supra_, p. 7, in which the repetition of the relative clause produces a stylistic effect.

[19]Justin Martyr, _Apologia pro Christianis_, 67; Migne (PG), VI, 430. Translation from _Ante-Nicene Fathers_ (New York, Scribners, 1899), I, 14.

[20]_Didache_, xiv; Translation from _Ante-Nicene Fathers_, VII, 381.

[21]_Apostolic Constitutions_, II, lvii; Translation from _Ante-Nicene Fathers_, VII, 421-422.

[22]_Ante-Nicene Fathers_, VII, 371-376; _Catholic Encyclopedia_, IV, 779f; _Encyclopedia Britannica_, eleventh edition, VII-VIII, 209f.

[23]_Didache_, ix; Translation from _Ante-Nicene Fathers_, VII, 380.

[24]_Hymnody Past and Present_, 16-17.

[25]F. E. Brightman, _Liturgies, Eastern and Western_ (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1896), vol. I, _Introduction_, xvii-xxix.

[26]F. E. Brightman, _supra_, xxix; see also B. S. Easton, _The Apostolic Tradition of Hippolytus_ (Cambridge, Un. Press, 1934), 12.

[27]L. Eisenhofer, _Handbuch der katholischen Liturgik_, vol. I, _Allgemeine Liturgik_ (Freiburg im B., Herder, 1932), 150-152.

[28]_Apostolic Constitutions_, VII, 47.

[29]_Supra_, VII, 48.

[30]_Supra_, VII, 49.

[31]Translations from _Ante-Nicene Fathers_, VII, 538, 544.

[32]_Liber de spiritu sancto_, xxix, 73; Migne (PG), XXXII, 205. See also J. Mearns, _op. cit._ (see note 4), 16.

[33]Translation by Robert Bridges, _Yattendon Hymnal_ (London, Oxford Un. Press, 1920), no. 88.

[34]R. M. Pope, "Latin Hymns of the Early Period," _Theology_, 21 (1930), 159; _Catholic Encyclopedia_, "Te deum," XIV, 468-470; C. W. Douglas, _Church Music in History and Practice_ (New York, Scribners, 1937), 158-160.

[35]F. Cabrol, _op. cit._ (see note 4), especially Part II, _Les cantiques anciens_, 1976-1977.

[36]E. Norden, _Agnostos Theos_ (Leipzig, Teubner, 1913), 276.

[37]Translation from _Book of Common Prayer_ (Prot. Epis. Church, U. S. A.), 84. Similar effects were apparent in _I Tim. 6:15-16_, _I Tim. 3:16_, _I Peter 2:22-25_, quoted above.

[38]K. Keyssner, _Gottesvorstellung und Lebensauffassung in griechischen Hymnus_ (Stuttgart, Kohlhammer, 1932). In his index Keyssner lists 72 known authors of all periods, 37 anonymous pieces (some fragments), and 22 magical formulae or collections.

[39]E. H. Blakeney, _Hymn of Cleanthes_ (London, S. P. C. K., 1921), 8.

[40]E. D. Perry, Preface to A. Koerte, _Hellenistic Poetry_, translated by J. Hammer and M. Hadas (New York, Col. Un. Press, 1929), vii.

[41]S. Angus, _Religious Quests of the Graeco-Roman World_ (New York, Scribners, 1929), 76.

[42]_Supra_, 77, 86, 87.

[43]_Metamorphoses_, xi, 25. Translation from S. Angus, _Mystery Religions and Christianity_ (New York, Scribners, 1925), 240-241. For the hymn from Cyme see P. Roussel, "Un nouvel Hymne a Isis," _Revue des Etudes grecques_, 42 (1929), 138.

[44]Cited by Firmicus Maternus, _De errore profanarum religionum_, 20; Migne (PL), XII, 1025; F. Cumont, _Textes et Monuments Figures relatifs aux Mysteres de Mithra_ (Bruxelles, Lamertin, 1899), vol. I, 313.

[45]_Contra Faustum_, xv, 5; Migne (PL), xlii, 307.

[46]Cumont, _op. cit._ (see note 44), 302.

[47]A. Dieterich, _Eine Mithrasliturgie_ (Leipzig, Teubner, 1923), 14; Translation from S. Angus, _op. cit._ (see note 43), 241.

[48]_Philosophumena_, V, iv; _Die griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller der ersten drei Jahrhunderte, Hippolytus_, vol. iii, edited by Paul Wendland (Leipzig, Hinrich, 1916), 99-100. Translation from _Ante-Nicene Fathers_, V, 56-57.

[49]T. Taylor, _The Mystical Hymns of Orpheus_ (London, Dobell and Reeves & Turner, 1896), 63.

[50]J. Geffeken, _Der Ausgang des griechisch-roemischen Heidentums_ (Heidelberg, Winter, 1929), 18; M. Hauck, _Die hymnorum Orphicorum aetate_ (Dissertation, Breslau, 1911); O. Kern, _Die Herkunft des Orphischen Hymnenbuch_ in _Carl Robert zum 8. Maerz 1910 Genethliakon_ (Berlin, Weidmann, 1910).

[51]R. Reitzenstein, _Poimandres_ (Leipzig, Teubner, 1904), 59, 347f.

[52]Translations from S. Angus, _Mystery Religions and Christianity_, 241-242.

[53]Phillips, _Hymnody Past and Present_, 13.

[54]_Ut queant laxis resonare fibris_ (Paulus Diaconus, d. 799); _Herzliebster Jesu, was hast du verbrochen_ (Johann Heerman, 1630); _Where is the Friend for whom I'm ever yearning_ (Johann Wallin, 1779-1839).

[55]_Acts of Thomas_, IX, 108. Translation from M. R. James, _The Apocryphal New Testament_ (Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1924), 411. See also B. Pick, _The Apocryphal Acts_ (Chicago, Open Court Pub. Co., 1909), 312.

[56]According to Pick _op. cit._ (see note 55), 312, it is a Gnostic development of _Phil. 2:5-11_.

[57]O. Bardenhewer, _Patrology_, translated from the 2nd edition by T. J. Shahan (Freiburg im B., Herder, 1908), 107.

[58]J. Kroll, _op. cit._ (see note 3), 270.

[59]Acts of Thomas, I, 6. Translation from M. R. James, _op. cit._ (see note 55), 367.

[60]Acts of John, 94, 95. Translation from M. R. James, _op. cit._ (see note 55), 228, 253.

[61]Augustine, _Epistula_ ccxxxvii; Migne (PL), xxxiii, 1034. See also Leclercq, _op. cit._ (see note 1), 2841.

[62]_Philosophumena_, v, 5; Text, _op. cit._ (see note 48), 102. Translation from _Ante-Nicene Fathers_, V, 58.

[63]_Philosophumena_, vi, 32; Text, _op. cit._ (see note 48), 167. Translation from _Ante-Nicene Fathers_, V, 91.

[64]E. Norden, _op. cit._ (see note 36), 69.

[65]H. Burgess, _Select Metrical Hymns and Homilies of Ephraem Syrus_ (London, Blackader, 1853), 77-83.

[66]J. R. Harris & A. Mingana, _The Odes and Psalms of Solomon_, vol. I, _Text_; II, _Translation_ (Manchester, Un. Press, 1916-1920), II, 69, 187-189, 197; J. R. Harris, _Odes and Psalms of Solomon_ (Cambridge, Un. Press, 1909), 1-15; M. Dibelius, _op. cit._ (see note 14), 248-251; J. Kroll, _op. cit._ (see note 3), 265-268.

[67]Harris & Mingana, _Odes and Psalms of Solomon_, II, 232.

[68]_Supra_, 259.

[69]_Supra_, 362.

[70]_Supra_, 369.

[71]_Supra_, 69.

[72]_Ante-Nicene Fathers_, I, 23.

[73]Chapters vii, ix, x, xii. Translation from _Ante-Nicene Fathers_, I, 27, 28, 29, 30.

[74]Translation from _Ante-Nicene Fathers_, VIII, 756.

[75]Poetical translation from _Ante-Nicene Christian Library_ (Edinburgh, Clark, 1867), IV, 343, by William Wilson. A familiar poetical translation is found in B. Pick, _Hymns and Poetry of the Eastern Church_ (New York, Eaton & Mains, 1908), 21.

[76]Harris & Mingana, _op. cit._ (see note 66), 187.

[77]B. F. Grenfell & A. S. Hunt, _Amherst Papyri_ (London, Frowde, 1900-1901), 23; Leclercq, _op. cit._ (see note 1), 2853f.

[78]Translation from P. D. Scott-Moncrieff, _Paganism and Christianity_ (Cambridge, Un. Press, 1913), 83-84.

[79]B. F. Grenfell & A. S. Hunt, _Oxyrhynchus Papyri_, Pt. XV (London, Oxford Un. Press, 1922), no. 1786, 21-22; also Preface.

[80]{Symposion ton deka parthenon}, xi, 2; Migne (PG), XVIII, 207-214; Translation from _Ante-Nicene Fathers_, VI, 351.

[81]W. N. Myers, _The Hymns of Saint Hilary of Poitiers in the Codex Aretinus_ (Philadelphia, Un. of Penn., 1928), 12, 29, 53, 67. For a discussion of other hymns attributed to Hilary see _supra_, p. 14 and A. S. Walpole, _Early Latin Hymns_ (Cambridge, Un. Press, 1922), 1-4.

[82]_Epistulae_, x, 96.

[83]Leclercq, _op. cit._ (see note l), 2837-2838.

[84]C. J. Kraemer, "Pliny and the Early Church Worship," _Classical Philology_ 29 (1934), 293-300.

[85]H. F. Muller, "Pre-History of the Mediaeval Drama," _Zeitschrift f. romanische Philologie_ 44 (1924), 544-575.

[86]J. Kroll, _op. cit._ (see note 3), 273-274.

[87]E. Norden, "Die Literatur," in _Vom Altertum zur Gegenwart_ (Leipzig, Teubner, 1921), 41-49.

[88]Grenfell & Hunt, _op. cit._ (see note 79), 22. There are 8 recognizable notes in the Diatonic Hypolydian key of Alypius. The mode is Hypophrygian or Iastian.

[89]J. Quasten, _Musik und Gesang in den Kulten der heidnischen Antike und christlichen Fruehzeit_ (Muenster im W., Aschendorff, 1930), ch. iv.

Transcriber's Notes

--In the text version, _italicized words_ are delimited by underscore characters.

--In the text versions, {Greek words} are delimited by curly brackets, and transliterated according to Distributed Proofreaders conventions. Note that circumflexes (which mark long vowels) appear in Latin-1 but are lost in ASCII translation.