Chapter 18

76 Dr. Edkins, _l. c._, states that _K_ang-_kh_ien, on his return from the country of the Getæ, informed the Emperor Wu-ti that he had seen articles of traffic from Shindo. The commentator adds that the name is pronounced Kando and Tindo, and that it is the country of the barbarians called Buddha (_sic_).

77 Kabul or Ko-fu is, in the Eastern Han annals, called a state of the Yüeh-_k_i.

78 Generally identified with the Getæ, but without sufficient proof.

79 Translated by Mr. Bunyiu Nanjio.

80 The golden color or suvarnavar_n_atâ is one of the thirty-two marks of a Buddha, recognized both in the Southern and Northern schools (Burnouf, _Lotus_, 579).

81 This name is written in various ways, Ka-shio-ma-tô-giya, Ka-shio-ma-tô, Shio-ma-tô, Ka-tô, Ma-tô. In the Fan-i-ming-i-tsi (vol. iii. fol. 4 a), it is said “that K. was a native of Central India, and a Brâhman by caste. Having been invited by the Chinese envoy, Tsâi-yin, he came to China, saw the Emperor, and died in Lo-yang, the capital.” Of _K_û-fa-lan it is said (_l. c._ vol. iii. fol. 4) that he was a native of Central India, well versed in Vinaya. When invited to go to China, the King would not let him depart. He left secretly, and arrived in China after Kâsyapa. They translated the Sûtra in forty-two sections together. After Kâsyapa died, _K_û-fa-lan translated five Sûtras.

82 See Vasala-sutta (in Nipâta-sutta), _v._ 22.

83 Fa is the Buddhist equivalent for friar.

84 Mr. B. Nanjio informs me that both in China and Japan Buddhist priests adopt either _K_û, the last character of Tien-_k_û, India, or Shih, the first character of Shih-kia—_i. e._ Sâkya—as their surname.

85 L. Feer, _Sutra en 42 articles_, p. xxvii. _Le Dhammapada par F. Hû, suivi du Sutra en 42 articles_, par Léon Feer, 1878, p. xxiv.

86 In Beal’s _Catalogue_ this name is spelt An-shi-ko, An-shi-kao, and Ngan-shai-ko.

87 His translations occur in Beal’s _Catalogue_, pp. 31, 35, 37, 38, 40 (_bis_), 41 (_bis_), 42 (_bis_), 43, 45, 46, 47, 49, 50, 51 (_ter_), 52 (_bis_), 54, 70, 88, 95 (_bis_). In the K’ai-yuen-lu it is stated that he translated 99 works in 115 fascicles.

88 Wû, comprising _K_eh-kiang and other parts, with its capital in what is now Sû-_k_au, was the southern one of the Three Kingdoms. Sun-_kh_üan was its first sovereign.

89 The northern of the Three Kingdoms, with its capital latterly in Lo-yang.

90 See Beal, _Catalogue_, p. 5.

91 This name, _K_û-fâ-hu, is generally re-translated as Dharmaraksha. _K_û is the second character in Tien-_k_û, the name of India, and this character was used as their surname by many Indian priests while living in China. In that case their Sanskrit names were mostly translated into two Chinese characters: as Fâ, (law = dharma), hu (protection = raksha).—B. N.

92 According to Mr. Beal (Fahian, p. xxiii.), this _K_û-fâ-hu, with the help of other Shâmans, translated no less than 165 texts, and among them the Lalita-vistara (Pou-yao-king), the Nirvâ_n_a Sûtra, and the Suvar_n_a-prabhâsa-Sûtra (265-308). The K’ai-yuen-lu assigns to him 275 works, in 354 fascicles.

93 Edkins, _l. c._ Beal, _Catalogue_, p. 17; 14.

94 Edkins, _l. c._

95 The Yâos subdued the Fûs, and ruled as the dynasty of the After _Kh_in.

96 See p. 208. He is sometimes called Balasan, or, according to Edkins, Palat’sanga, Baddala, or Dabadara. In the Fan-i-ming-i-tsi (vol. iii. fol. 6) the following account of Buddhabhadra is given: “Buddhabhadra met Kumâra_g_iva in China, and whenever the latter found any doubts, the former was always asked for an explanation. In the fourteenth year of Î-hsi (418 A. D.) Buddhabhadra translated the Fa-yan-king in sixty volumes.” This Sûtra is the Ta-fang-kwang-fo-fa-yan-king, Buddhâvata_m_saka-vai-pulya-sûtra (Beal’s _Catalogue_, p. 9). This translation was brought to Japan in 736.

97 The Sang-_k_i-liu, rules of priesthood; _i. e._ the Vinaya of the Mahâsaṅghika school.

98 I call him Dharmaraksha II., in order to prevent a confusion which has been produced by identifying two Shâmans who lived at a distance of nearly 200 years—the one 250 A. D., the other 420 A. D. The first is called _K_û-fâ-hu, which can be rendered Dharmaraksha; the second is called Fâ-făng (law-prosperity), but, if transliterated, he is best known by the names T‘on-mo-la-tsin, T‘an-mo-tsin, or Dharmalatsin. He was a native of Central India, and arrived in China in the first year of the period Hiouen-shi of the Tsü-_kh_u family of the Northern Liang, 414 A. D. He was the contemporary of _K_i-mang, whom Mr. Beal places about 250 A. D., in order to make him a contemporary of Dharmaraksha I.

99 Mung-sun died 432, and was succeeded by his heir, who lost his kingdom in 439. Yâo-_kh_ang’s kingdom, however, was destroyed by the Eastern Tsin, at the time of his second successor, 417, not by Mung-sun.

100 It is said in the tenth year of the period Hung-shi of Yâo-_kh_ang (better hsing), the copy arrived at _Kh_ang-an. But this cannot be, if _K_i-mang went to India in 419. There must be something wrong in these dates.

101 The four Nikâyas or Âgamas; _cf._ Vinayapi_t_aka, vol. i. p. xl.

_ 102 S_âriputrâbhidharma-_s_âstra; _cf._ Beal, _Catalogue_, p. 80.

103 Beal, _Catalogue_, p. 36.

104 Edkins, _l. c._

_ 105 Ibid._

106 Beal, _Catalogue_, p. 77; on p. 20 a translation of the Lankâvatâra is mentioned.

107 See _Athenæum_, August 7, 1880; and _infra_, p. 370.

108 A long list of Sanskrit texts translated into Chinese may be found in the _Journal Asiatique_, 1849, p. 353 _seq._, _s. t._ “Concordance Sinico-Samskrite d’un nombre considérable de titres d’ouvrages Bouddhiques, recueillie dans un Catalogue Chinois de l’an 1306, par M. Stanislas Julien.”

109 Csoma Körösi, _As. Res._ vol. xx. p. 418. _Journal Asiatique_, 1849, p. 356.

_ 110 Cf._ Beal, _Catalogue_, p. 66.

111 The modern paper in Nepal is said to date from 500 years ago (Hodgson, _Essays_).

112 M. M., _History of Ancient Sanskrit Literature_, p. 516.

113 Burnell, _South Indian Palæography_, 2d ed. p. 84 _seq._

114 See _Sacred Books of the East_, vol. i., Upanishads, Introduction, p. lxxviii.

115 Dr. Bühler (_Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Bombay,_ 1877, p. 29) has the following interesting remarks: “The Bhûrga MSS. are written on specially-prepared thin sheets of the inner bark of the Himalayan birch (_Bœtula Bhojpatr._ Wallich), and invariably in Sâradâ characters. The lines run always parallel to the narrow side of the leaf, and the MSS. present, therefore, the appearance of European books, not of Indian MSS., which owe their form to an imitation of the Tâlapatras. The Himâlaya seems to contain an inexhaustible supply of birch bark, which in Kasmîr and other hill countries is used both instead of paper by the shopkeepers in the bazaars, and for lining the roofs of houses in order to make them water-tight. It is also exported to India, where in many places it is likewise used for wrapping up parcels, and plays an important part in the manufacture of the flexible pipe-stems used by hukâ smokers. To give an idea of the quantities which are brought into Srînagar, I may mention that on one single day I counted fourteen large barges with birch bark on the river.... The use of birch bark for literary purposes is attested by the earliest classical Sanskrit writers. Kâlidâsa mentions it in his dramas and epics; Sustuta, Varâhamihira (_circa_ 500-550 A. D.) know it likewise. As is the case with nearly all old customs, the use of birch bark for writing still survives in India, though the fact is little known. Mantras, which are worn as amulets, are written on pieces of Bhûrga with ash_t_au gandbâ_h_, a mixture of eight odoriferous substances—_e. g._ camphor, sandal, tumeric—which vary according to the deity to which the writing is dedicated. The custom prevails in Bengal as well as in Gujarât. Birch-bark MSS. occur in Orissa. The Petersburg Dictionary refers to a passage in the Kâ_th_aka, the redaction of the Yajurveda formerly current in Kasmîr, where the word Bhûr_g_a occurs, though it is not clear if it is mentioned there too as material for writing on. The Kasmirian Pandits assert, and apparently with good reason, that in Kasmîr all books were written on bhûrgapattras from the earliest times until after the conquest of the Valley by Akbar, about 200-250 years ago. Akbar introduced the manufacture of paper, and thus created an industry for which Kasmîr is now famous in India.”

116 Dr. Burnell, _Indian Antiquary_, 1880, p. 234, shows that Koṅka_n_apura is Koṅka_n_ah_ll_i in the Mysore territory.

117 Beal’s _Travels of Buddhist Pilgrims_, Introd. p. xlvi.

_ 118 Pèterins Buuddhistes_, vol. i. p. 158.

119 Fausböll, _Dasaratha-jā_taka, p. 25.

120 See, also, Albiruni, as quoted by Reinaud, _Memoir sur l’Inde_, p. 305.

121 See Letter to the _Times_, “On the Religions of Japan,” Oct. 20, 1880.

122 “Le Bouddhisme dans l’extrème Orient,” _Revue Scientifique_, Décembre, 1879.

_ 123 Journal Asiatique_, 1871, p. 386 _seq._

124 Five of these translations were introduced into Japan; the others seem to have been lost in China. The translations are spoken of as “the five in existence and the seven missing.”

125 See p. 192.

126 See p. 192.

127 The MSS. vary between Sukhavatî and Sukhâvatî.

128 See, also, _Lotus de la bonne Loi_, p. 267.

_ 129 Journal of the R. A. S._ 1856, p. 319.

130 I owe this information to the kindness of M. Léon Feer at Paris.

131 See _Journal Asiatique_, 3d series, vol. iii. p. 316; vol. iv. p. 296-298.

_ 132 J. R. A. S._ 1866, p. 136.

_ 133 J. R. A. S._ 1866, p. 136.

134 Beal, _Catalogue_, p. 23. _J. R. A. S._ 1856, p. 319. Beal, _Catalogue_, p. 77, mentions also an Amitâbha-sûtra-upade_s_a-_s_âstra, by Vasubandhu, translated by Bodhiru_k_i (Wou-liang-sheu-king-yeou-po-ti-she). There is an Amitâbha-sûtra, translated by Chi-hien of the Wu period—_i. e._ 222-280 A. D.—mentioned in Mr. Beal’s _Catalogue of the Buddhist Tripitaka_, p. 6. The next Sûtra, which he calls the Sûtra of measureless years, is no doubt the Amitâyus-sûtra, Amitâyus being another name for Amitâbha (Fu-shwo-wou-liang-sheu-king, p. 6). See, also, _Catalogue_, pp. 99, 102. Dr. Edkins also, in his _Notices of Buddhism in China_, speaks of a translation of “the Sûtra of boundless age,” by Fa-t’ian-pun, a native of Magadha, who was assisted in his translation by a native of China familiar with Sanskrit, about 1000 A. D.

_ 135 S_râvastî, capital of the Northern Ko_s_alas, residence of King Prasena_g_it. It was in ruins when visited by Fa-hian (init. V. Sæc.); not far from the modern Fizabad. _Cf._ Burnouf, _Introduction_, p. 22.

136 Sârdha, with, the Pâli saddhim. Did not the frequent mention of 1,200 and a half (_i. e._ 1,250), 1,300 and a half (_i. e._ 1,350), persons accompanying Buddha arise from a misunderstanding of sârdha, meaning originally “with a half”?

137 Abhi_gñ_ânâbhi_gñ_âtai_h_. The Japanese text reads abhi_gñ_âtâbhâ_gñ_âtai_h_—_i. e._ abhi_gñ_âtâbhi_gñ_âtai_h_. If this were known to be the correct reading, we should translate it by “known by known people,” _notus a viris notis_—_i. e._ well-known, famous. Abhi_gñ_âta in the sense of known, famous, occurs in Lalita-Vistara, p. 25, and the Chinese translators adopted that meaning here. Again, if we preferred the reading abhi_gñ_ânâbhi_gñ_âtai_h_, this, too, would admit of an intelligible rendering—viz. known or distinguished by the marks or characteristics, the good qualities, that ought to belong to a Bhikshu. But the technical meaning is “possessed of a knowledge of the five abhi_gñ_âs.” It would be better in that case to write abhi_gñ_âtâbhi_gñ_ânai_h_, but no MSS. seem to support that reading. The five abhi_gñ_âs or abhi_gñ_ânas which an Arhat ought to possess are the divine sight, the divine hearing, the knowledge of the thoughts of others, the remembrance of former existences, and magic power. See Burnouf, _Lotus_, Appendice, No. xiv. The larger text of the Sukhavatîvyûha has abhi_gñ_ânâbhi_gñ_aih, and afterwards abhi_gñ_âtâbhi_gñ_ai_h_. The position of the participle as the uttara-pada in such compounds as abhi_gñ_ânâbhi_gñ_âtai_h_ is common in Buddhist Sanskrit. Mr. Bendall has called my attention to the Pâli abhi_ññ_âta-abhi_ññ_âta (Vinaya-pi_t_aka, ed. Oldenberg, vol. i. p. 43), which favors the Chinese acceptation of the term.

138 Mahâsrâvaka, the great disciples; sometimes the eighty principal disciples.

139 Arhadbhi_h_. I have left the correct Sanskrit form, because the Japanese text gives the termination adbhi_h_. Hôgŏ’s text has the more usual form arhantai_h_. The change of the old classical arhat into the Pâli arahan, and then back into Sanskrit arhanta, arahanta, and at last arihanta, with the meaning of “destroyer of the enemies”—_i. e._ the passions—shows very clearly the different stages through which Sanskrit words passed in the different phases of Buddhist literature. In Tibet, in Mongolia, and in China, Arhat is translated by “destroyer of the enemy.” See Burnouf, _Lotus_, p. 287; _Introduction_, p. 295. Arhat is the title of the Bhikshu on reaching the fourth degree of perfection. _Cf._ Sûtra of the 42 Sections, cap. 2. Clemens of Alexandria (d. 220) speaks of the Σεμνοι who worshipped a pyramid erected over the relics of a god. Is this a translation of Arhat, as Lassen (“De nom. Ind. philosoph.” in _Rhein. Museum_, vol. i. p. 187) and Burnouf (_Introduction_, p. 295) supposed, or a transliteration of Samana? Clemens also speaks of Σεμναί (_Stromat._ p. 539, Potter).

140 Indra, the old Vedic god, has come to mean simply lord, and in the _K_anda Paritta (_Journal Asiatique_, 1871, p. 220) we actually find Asurinda, the Indra or Lord of the Asuras.

141 The numbers in Buddhist literature, if they once exceed a Ko_t_i or Ko_t_î—_i. e._ ten millions—become very vague, nor is their value always the same. Ayuta, _i. e._ a hundred Ko_t_is; Niyuta, _i. e._ a hundred Ayutas; and Nayuta, _i. e._ 1 with 22 zeros, are often confounded; nor does it matter much so far as any definite idea is concerned which such numerals convey to our mind.

142 Tish_th_ati dh_riy_ate yâpayati dharma_m_ _k_a desayati. This is evidently an idiomatic phrase, for it occurs again and again in the Nepalese text of the Sukhavatîvyûha (MS. 26 _b_, l. 1. 2; 55 _a_, l. 2, etc.). It seems to mean, he stands there, holds himself, supports himself, and teaches the law. Burnouf translates the same phrase by, “ils se trouvent, vivent existent” (_Lotus_, p. 354). On yâpeti in Pâli, see Fausböll, Dasaratha-jâtaka, pp. 26, 28; and yâpana in Sanskrit.

143 Kiṅki_n_î_g_âla. The texts read kaṅka_n_î_g_alais _k_a and kaṅka_n_îgalais _k_a, and again later kaṅka_n_îgalunâm (also lû) and kaṅka_n_î_g_alânâm. Mr. Beal translates from Chinese “seven rows of exquisite curtains,” and again “gemmous curtains.” First of all, it seems clear that we must read _g_âla, net, web, instead of _g_ala. Secondly, kaṅka_n_a, bracelet, gives no sense, for what could be the meaning of nets or string of bracelets? I prefer to read kiṅki_n_î_g_âla, nets or strings or rows of bells. Such rows of bells served for ornamenting a garden, and it may be said of them that, if moved by the wind, they give forth certain sounds. In the commentary on Dhammapada 30, p. 191, we meet with kiṅkinika_g_âla, from which likewise the music proceeds; see Childers, _s. v. g_âla. In the MSS. of the Nepalese Sukhavatîvyûha (_R. A. S._), p. 39 _a_, l. 4, I likewise find svarnaratnakiṅki_n_î_g_âlâni, which settles the matter, and shows how little confidence we can place in the Japanese texts.

144 Anuparikshipta, inclosed; see parikkhepo in Childers’ Dict.

145 The eight good qualities of water are limpidity and purity, refreshing coolness, sweetness, softness, fertilizing qualities, calmness, power of preventing famine, productiveness. See Beal, _Catena_, p. 379.

146 Kâkâpeya. One text reads Kâkapeya, the other Kâkâpeya. It is difficult to choose. The more usual word is kâkapeya, which is explained by Pâ_n_ini, ii. 1, 33. It is uncertain, however, whether kâkapeya is meant as a laudatory or as a depreciatory term. Boehtlingk takes it in the latter sense, and translates nadî kâkapeyâ, by a shallow river that could be drunk up by a crow. Târânâtha takes it in the former sense, and translates nadî kâkapeyâ, as a river so full of water that a crow can drink it without bending its neck (kâkair anatakandharai_h_ pîyate; pûr_n_odakatvena pra_s_asye kâkai_h_ peye nadyâdau). In our passage kâkapeya must be a term of praise, and we therefore could only render it by “ponds so full of water that crows could drink from them.” But why should so well known a word as kâkapeya have been spelt kâkâpeya, unless it was done intentionally? And if intentionally, what was it intended for? We must remember that Pâ_n_ini, ii. 1, 42 schol., teaches us how to form the word tîrthakâka, a crow at a tîrtha, which means a person in a wrong place. It would seem, therefore, that crows were considered out of place at a tîrtha or bathing-place, either because they were birds of ill omen, or because they defiled the water. From that point of view, kâkâpeya would mean a pond not visited by crows, free from crows. Professor Pischel has called my attention to Mahâparinibbâna Sutta (_J. R. A. S._ 1875, p. 67, p. 21), where kâkapeyâ clearly refers to a full river. Samatiṭṭḥika, if this is the right reading, occurs in the same place as an epithet of a river, by the side of kâkapeya, and I think it most likely that it means rising to a level with the tîrthas, the fords or bathing-places. Mr. Rhys Davids informs me that the commentary explains the two words by samatittikâ ti samaharitâ, kâkapeyyâ ti yatthatattha_k_i tîre _th_itena kâkena sakkâ patum ti.

147 Purobhaktena. The text is difficult to read, but it can hardly be doubtful that purobhaktena corresponds to Pâli purebhatta_m_ (_i. e._ before the morning meal), opposed to pa_kkh_âbhatta_m_, after the noonday meal (_i. e._ in the afternoon). See Childers, _s. v._ Pûrvabhaktikâ would be the first repast, as Professor Cowell informs me.

148 Divâ vihârâya, for the noonday rest, the _siesta_. See Childers, _s. v._ vihâra.

149 Krau_ñk_â_h_. Snipe, curlew. Is it meant for Kuravîka, or Karavîka, a fine-voiced bird (according to Kern, the Sk. karâyikâ), or for Kalaviṅka-Pâli Kalavîka? See Childers, _s. v._ opapâtiko; Burnouf, _Lotus_, p. 566. I see, however, the same birds mentioned together elsewhere, as ha_m_sakrau_ñk_amayûra_s_uka_s_âlikakokila, etc. On mayûra see Mahâv. Introd. p. xxxix.; Rv. I. 191, 14.

150 Indriyabalabodhyaṅgasabda. These are technical terms, but their meaning is not quite clear. Spence Hardy, in his _Manual_, p. 498, enumerates the five indrayas, viz. (1) sardhâwa, purity (probably _s_raddhâ, faith), (2) wiraya, persevering exertion (vîrya), (3) sati or smirti, the ascertainment of truth (sm_ri_ti), (4) samâdhi, tranquillity, (5) pragnâwa, wisdom (pra_gñ_â).

The five balayas (bala), he adds, are the same as the five indrayas.

The seven bowdyânga (bodhyaṅga) are, according to him: (1) sihi or smirti, the ascertainment of the truth by mental application, (2) dharmmawicha, the investigation of causes. (3) wîraya, persevering exertion, (4) prîti, joy, (5) passadhi, or prasrabdhi, tranquillity, (6) samâdhi, tranquillity in a higher degree, including freedom from all that disturbs either body or mind, (7) upekshâ, equanimity.

It will be seen from this that some of these qualities or excellences occur both as indriyas and bodhyaṅgas, while balas are throughout identical with indriyas.

Burnouf, however, in his _Lotus_, gives a list of five balas (from the _Vocabulaire Pentaglotte_) which correspond with the five indriyas of Spence Hardy: viz. _s_raddhâ-bala, power of faith, vîrya-bala, power of vigor, sm_ri_ti-bala, power of memory, samâdhi-bala, power of meditation, pra_gñ_â-bala, power of knowledge. They precede the seven bodhyaṅgas both in the _Lotus_, the _Vocabulaire Pentaglotte_, and the Lalita-Vistara.

To these seven bodhyaṅgas Burnouf has assigned a special treatise (Appendix xii. p. 796). They occur both in Sanskrit and Pâli.

151 Niraya, the hells, also called Naraka. Yamaloka, the realm of Yama, the judge of the dead, is explained as the four Apâyas—_i. e._ Naraka, hell, Tiryagyoni, birth as animals, Pretaloka, realm of the dead, Asuraloka, realm of evil spirits. The three terms which are here used together occur likewise in a passage translated by Burnouf, _Introduction_, p. 544.

152 Iti sankhyâ_m_ ga_kkh_anti, they are called; _cf._ Childers, _s. v._ sankhyâ. Asankhyeya, even more than aprameya, is the recognized term for infinity. Burnouf, _Lotus_, p. 852.

153 Avaramâtraka. This is the Pâli oramattako, “belonging merely to the present life,” and the intention of the writer seems to be to inculcate the doctrine of the Mahâyâna, that salvation can be obtained by mere repetitions of the name of Amitâbha, in direct opposition to the original doctrine of Buddha, that as a man soweth, so he reapeth. Buddha would have taught that the ku_s_alamûla, the root or the stock of good works performed in this world (avaramâtraka), will bear fruit in the next, while here “vain repetitions” seems all that is enjoined. The Chinese translators take a different view of this passage, and I am not myself quite certain that I have understood it rightly. But from the end of this section, where we read kulaputre_n_a vâ kuladuhitrâ vâ tatra buddhakshetre _k_ittaprâ_n_idhâna_m_ kartavyam, it seems clear that the locative (buddhakshetre) forms the object of the pra_n_idhâna, the fervent prayer or longing. The Satpurushas already in the Buddhakshetra would be the innumerable men (manushyâs) and Boddhisattvas mentioned before.

154 Arthavasa, lit. the power of the thing; _cf._ Dhammapada, p. 388, _v._ 289.