CHAPTER XVI

CIVIL WAR AND ITS RESULTS

The successful conclusion of the war with Peru and Bolivia began a new era in Chile. The control of the nitrate fields meant an immense revenue for the government, and everyone wanted a chance to reap some profit. Politics absorbed the public attention, and the holding of office became the most popular occupation. Material prosperity followed. The Chileans believed themselves invincible on land and sea. With outside troubles settled for the time being internal dissensions arose, and the fight between the clergy and the anti-clericals broke out with renewed energy. The time seemed ripe for the settlement of disturbing questions arising out of the union of church and state.

A new presidential election became necessary soon after the capture of Lima, and while the victorious troops were still in possession of that city. Through the influence of President Pinto, Don Domingo Santa Maria (which, in English, means Sunday Saint Mary) was chosen as his successor. The opposition tried to centre on General Baquedano, the popular hero of the recent war, but the prestige of the government was too powerful. He was a liberal and had been banished for his opinions by President Montt. The conservatives by this time were in a great minority. Santa Maria was bitterly opposed to clerical influence in political affairs, and this led to bitter opposition from that quarter. The President proclaimed that the time had come for absolute liberty of conscience, civil marriage and the secularization of the cemeteries. Heretofore the priests alone had charge of the registers of births, deaths and marriages, were alone able to perform marriages, and in the cemeteries only those baptized into the Roman Catholic church were permitted interment in consecrated ground. All other political questions were held in abeyance during this controversy, and feeling became intense. The President was obliged to use all his official prestige in order to secure a majority in Congress, but he succeeded in passing a law requiring civil marriage, freeing the cemeteries and establishing a special official for the registration of births, deaths and marriages. These were, indeed, valuable reforms, and reflect credit on the administration of Santa Maria. Serious disorders resulted as the 1886 election approached, in which several persons lost their lives. Several men had the presidential bee in their bonnets and were backed by an active following. Nevertheless, in spite of all opposition, Santa Maria’s chief cabinet officer, and the man who had been most active in carrying out his program, Balmaceda, was chosen to succeed his chief, through the active aid of the administration and its official influence.

Since the close of the war with Peru, the most noted name in Chilean history is that of José Manuel Balmaceda. He was inaugurated President on the 18th of September, 1886, and his term was destined to be marked by stirring events. This man was, as a contemporary describes him, “about fifty years of age, six feet in height, of spare build and broad sloping forehead, with a good, humourous eye and wears generally on his face a half-playful, half-cynical smile.” His opponents call him a tyrant, a usurper and a dictator, but historians generally credit him with being a man far ahead of his time.

The first position of prominence held by Balmaceda, except as a member of Congress, was in the cabinet of President Santa Maria. Educated for the priesthood, he had been saved from that career by the opposition of his father, and later he became one of the most radical opponents of the Church, and one of the leaders in the fight for the separation of Church and State, which had been carried on during the term of his predecessor. He had been one of the most active and influential advocates of the radical programs of the _reformistas_. At the time of Balmaceda’s election the country was divided into no less than six different parties, ranging from the fiercest radicals to the most conservative churchmen. The civil marriage law, which had been inaugurated during the term of Santa Maria, as well as some other anti-church legislation, had aroused the opposition of all the clergy. The priests went so far as to refuse to perform a religious ceremony for any one who had been married by civil officers, and had even excommunicated the President and his cabinet who supported that measure. The women, who were especially under the domination of the priests, used all of their influence in opposition to the new marriage law. Nevertheless, with all of this opposition, ladies’ entreaties and priests’ absolution could not prevent the election of Balmaceda, who was chosen by a coalition of the radical elements, even though they were somewhat loosely cohered.

Balmaceda took the reins of government at an exceedingly unfortunate period. I have already had occasion to state the predominating influence of Congress in the government, and the possibilities it gave for an obstinate Congress to embarrass the President. It had become one of the unwritten laws that the resignation of a ministry should follow an adverse vote on any measure. In other words a ministry could only hold office when it represented a majority in Congress. As no power was given the President to dissolve that body when an adverse majority existed, so that an appeal might be made to the country, the President was greatly hampered. The last year of Santa Maria’s administration had brought about a serious condition of affairs. Violent scenes were enacted in Congress in the fight between the supporters of the President and his opponents. The revenue and appropriation bills had expired, and a filibuster on the part of the opposition had prevented new ones from being enacted.

It was at this crisis that Balmaceda was inaugurated. He faced the situation courageously, and proceeded to collect the taxes and pay the expenses in accordance with the provisions of the expired law. This situation was accepted by the country, for a prosperity had fallen upon Chile such as the country had never known. In spite of reckless expenditures the revenues from the nitrate fields, which had been taken from Peru, mounted up so rapidly that the surplus soon reached immense sums. Mining industries of all kinds were exceedingly flourishing. Balmaceda, who was both clever and capable, as well as sincere, entered upon a campaign to educate the people, and no less than fifteen hundred public schools were established by him. Hospitals, health offices, fire brigades and other progressive institutions were aided liberally. Many public works, including railways and colonization schemes, were fostered, salaries were raised, and the Araucanian Indians were admitted as citizens of the republic. New election laws were passed, which had for their purpose the development of real democratic government.

Nevertheless beneath the outward prosperity a smouldering fire was burning. The slogan of Balmaceda “Chile for the Chileans” aroused the opposition of foreign interests. The reduction of ecclesiastical fees and stipends, and the enforcement of the civil marriage law, kept the opposition of the clergy alive. The jealousy of the old families, who had heretofore been supreme in the government, to the new democratic measures advocated by Balmaceda were aroused. Furthermore the election of Balmaceda was really not by a party, but the result of a temporary coalition of three discordant elements. By 1889 Balmaceda had succeeded in arousing the enmity of practically all the parties. The progressive elements had split into nationals, liberals, dissentient-liberals and radicals. Continual changes in his cabinet followed, and one group was substituted for another every few months. It had been the ambition of Balmaceda to unite all the liberal elements into one party, but in this he had signally failed.

Balmaceda soon found himself without a majority in Congress, and with no prospect of securing one. Heretofore a majority had sometimes been acquired by the trading of votes among the different factions in exchange for a share of patronage. Even this method no longer availed. The idea gradually became prevalent that the President was plotting to build up a strong personal following, in order to establish a dictatorship and replace with it the power of Congress. Circumstances, as much as anything else, practically forced Balmaceda into this position. He believed in himself and his own motives, and the selfishness of the different liberal groups irritated him. All of this turmoil was galling to a man of the character of Balmaceda. Reformation of various evils was his aim, but he found himself thwarted at every turn. He soon grasped the fact that if he could control Congress, he could settle the vexed questions which, in his opinion, retarded the development of his country. Furthermore, he gave a wider interpretation to the constitution in relation to the powers of the executive than did the legislative body.

Congress finally refused to pass appropriation bills or vote supplies for the army, and, in retaliation, Balmaceda dissolved Congress, which he claimed he had a right to do under the constitution of 1833. In January, 1890, he appointed a cabinet composed exclusively of personal followers, and these new ministers announced that they would hold office so long as they were satisfactory to the President, regardless of Congress. A definite rupture was inevitable, for the breach had become so wide that temporizing was impossible. Balmaceda must either resign or assume dictatorial powers. He chose the latter.

The _Comision Conservada_, which safeguards the interests of Congress when that body is not in session, demanded that that body be convoked. Balmaceda ignored the request. A mass meeting in Santiago denounced the President. The opposition finally became so bold that a _junta_ was formed, of which Captain Jorge Montt, a naval officer, was the head. The particular charges made by the revolutionists were that the President had no right to maintain any military forces after the appropriations for its support were exhausted. Balmaceda retaliated with a proclamation that he would follow the precedent established when he came into office, would collect taxes and maintain the public service by executive authority until the assembling of the next Congress. He expressly disclaimed any intention of establishing a dictatorship, but refused to allow Congress to interfere with the executive functions of the government. As neither party would recede actual war soon followed.

Through the influence of Captain Montt the entire navy, with the exception of a couple of torpedo boats, adhered to the revolutionists. On the night of January 6th, 1891, the Vice-President of the Senate and the President of the Chamber of Deputies embarked on the _Blanco Encalada_ with Captain Montt, and the revolution was begun. A cargo of war material designed for the government was captured and the naval stores at Talcahuana seized. On the 10th a skirmish occurred between the shore batteries at Valparaiso and some boats of the navy, and in this engagement the first blood in this civil war was shed. From this time events moved forward with great rapidity. The majority of the aristocracy espoused the cause of the revolutionists, and this move had great influence. Although several attempts were made to produce mutiny among the troops they remained loyal to Balmaceda.

The disaffection of the entire navy was both a surprise and disappointment to Balmaceda, but he immediately placed the army on a war footing and increased their pay. A reward of two years pay was offered to the crew of any man-of-war if the vessel deserted the revolutionary cause, but this inducement had no effect. Balmaceda placed the troops in several parts of the country, where he thought they would be most useful in defense. The natural conditions of Chile, however, hindered him. As the revolutionists had control of the sea, it was impossible for Balmaceda to relieve the small garrisons at Iquique, Antofagasta and Pisagua, the nitrate ports. The revolutionists, after a few short skirmishes, obtained possession of these places. Pisagua fell first, and a couple of bloody battles were fought for its possession and then recovery. The troops at Iquique were withdrawn to resist the land forces, and marines were landed who captured it.

The congressionalists then established their headquarters at Iquique, and took possession of the immense revenues derived from the export of nitrate. With this cash they purchased the most modern arms and equipments. Balmaceda, although having means, was unable to get modern rifles, so that his troops were not so well armed as those of the revolutionists. The two torpedo boats, which remained loyal to the government succeeded in sinking the _Blanco Encalada_, and also in doing other damage to the navy, but not enough to cripple its effectiveness. Blockades of the ports cut off all of Balmaceda’s outside supplies. Balmaceda attempted to purchase ironclads in Europe, but the revolutionists outbid him and he was unable to build up a navy. The long seacoast was also a disadvantage to him, since it was impossible for him to transport his troops by water as the revolutionists could. It was not many months until all the northern provinces were under the control of the revolutionists, but no engagements had taken place in the central or southern provinces. The revolutionists were encouraged by these successes, and public opinion was undoubtedly changing because of the high-handed and arbitrary methods of Balmaceda. Suspected persons were arrested, and many of them executed without trial. The value of human life seemed to sink into insignificance, and a reign almost of terror followed. In one instance a guerilla band composed of young men, some of whom were not more than sixteen years of age, and all belonging to the best families in Santiago, were captured by the government force at a farmhouse. Eight were shot at once and the others, after a court martial, were sent back to the place where they were captured to be executed. This led to a storm of execration against Balmaceda. Furthermore, he had chosen Señor Claudio Vicuña as his successor, and the latter was declared elected after a farcical contest in which no opposing candidate appeared. The congressionalists decided to carry the war into the heart of the enemy’s country, and a large army was embarked at the various northern ports under their control.

On the 18th of August, 1891, the revolutionary fleet of seventeen vessels suddenly appeared at Valparaiso with the entire revolutionary army, consisting of a little less than ten thousand men, aboard. This force was to oppose an army of forty thousand government forces. The former, however, were volunteers, while the latter was known to contain large numbers of disaffected ones. Two days later these troops were landed at Quinteros, not far from Valparaiso, and near the mouth of the Aconcagua River.

At this place the river flows through a flat valley, which is from six hundred to eight hundred yards in width, and is bordered by lines of hills from four hundred and fifty to six hundred feet in height. The government forces numbering six thousand, three hundred and twenty-two men, were located on the southern bank of the river at Concon, where their line was about three miles in length. They were armed with old rifles, while the troops of the revolutionists were provided with Mannlicher rifles of the newest pattern. General Korner, who was in charge of the congressists, did not hesitate before this formidable position. He divided his forces into three parts. One forded the icy-cold waters of the Aconcagua at Concon _bajo_ and attacked the flank of the enemy. The second and third brigades engaged them from the opposite side of the river, and then crossed the river higher up. The ships of the navy also directed their fire against the Balmacedists. The battle was begun on the morning of the 21st. The government troops ran short of ammunition and began to give way. After four and one-half hours of fighting the battle was won. Retreat soon turned into a rout, and the defeated forces fled in every direction. The government loss was seventeen hundred killed and wounded, and fifteen hundred men and all their artillery captured. The revolutionists had only eight hundred and sixty-nine casualties. The result was a decided victory for Balmaceda’s enemies.

Of the Balmacedist troops only two thousand could be mustered after this disaster. But thousands of other troops were hurried to Valparaiso before railroad communication was severed. A slight repulse was given the congressists near Viña del Mar. The army then took a wide detour in order to attack Valparaiso from the southeast. The government forces took possession of the heights at Placilla and awaited the expected battle. Each army at this time exceeded nine thousand men and were evenly balanced. But the government forces were disheartened, even though they occupied an exceptionally strong position. Their cavalry seems also to have been untrustworthy, for they gave no intelligence of this expected move of the enemy. No less than four hundred cavalrymen actually deserted and joined the other army. The country through which the congressists marched was broken, full of small streams and marshes. Hundreds of weary stragglers slept out under the trees. They reached Las Cadenas on the 27th and rested during that night. Early on the morning of the following day they started for the Balmacedist position on the heights, and this seems to have been the first knowledge that army had of the presence of the foe. The revolutionists began the engagement with artillery fire. The advance was stubbornly resisted, but a bayonet charge carried an outpost. A hand-to-hand conflict ensued until the defenders finally threw down their arms. Generals Alcerrica and Barbosa fought valiantly until killed. A horrible slaughter followed and the troops of Balmaceda fled in all directions. The casualties on both sides were heavy. Although the fighting only lasted four hours the government loss in killed and wounded was three thousand, three hundred and sixty-three, and the victors lost eighteen hundred. That same night Valparaiso was occupied, and a night of carousal and lawlessness and bloodshed ensued. Houses were set on fire, and ruffians shot at the firemen as they attempted to put out the flames. The soldiers and mob seem to have been entirely beyond control. The next morning four or five hundred dead bodies were found on the streets.

This battle was the deciding point of the civil war. When the news reached Valparaiso, Balmaceda realized it was useless to continue the struggle. He decided to resign and turn his office over to General Baquedano, a friend of the revolutionists. He issued a proclamation beseeching the citizens to preserve order during the crisis, in order to prevent bloodshed and plunder. On the 29th he turned the office over to General Baquedano in a short and dignified speech. That day being his wife’s saint day, the President had invited in several of his friends to dine. Notwithstanding the changed conditions Balmaceda did not recall the invitations, but acted during the whole evening as a generous host. As soon as his visitors had left, he walked over to the Argentine legation and took shelter. For several days the revolutionists believed that he had escaped the country and fled in disguise. No one suspected that the defeated President was at the house of the Argentine Minister, Mr. Uriburu, afterwards president of Argentina. On the 18th of September, the day upon which his legal term as president expired, the country was shocked to hear that Balmaceda had shot himself that morning at the home of his friend.

Balmaceda feared that his friends might be embarrassed by his presence, and he furthermore believed that his own death would make easier the position of those who had supported him during the trying times of the civil war. It is quite probable, also, that his pride could not brook the idea of a public trial and the humiliation necessarily attending it. To die, also, was to pose in a sense as a martyr. “I could escape,” he said in a letter to his brother, “but I would never run the risk of the ridicule any disaster to such an attempt would entail, and which would be the beginning of vexatious humiliation that I could not endure for myself or my family.” It was, indeed, a tragic end, and was done in a more or less tragical way, as he believed that he thus offered himself as an expiatory sacrifice. He left a message for his friends, which might be called his political testament, in which were these words: “Whenever you and the friends remember me, believe me that my spirit, full of the tenderest love, will be amongst you.” General Baquedano ruled the country for three days until the revolutionary _junta_ reached Santiago, when he relinquished his authority to them. A short time later at a special election Jorge Montt was chosen as Balmaceda’s successor, although Vicuña had previously been selected by the following of the deceased executive. As was to be expected, after such a desperate struggle, Congress was composed of members having a common political platform. It had been decided that the executive should be advised by and rule in harmony with the legislative majority. President Montt accepted the situation and appointed a cabinet acceptable to the majority.

Confidence was soon restored and business quickly adjusted itself. The new President proved to be conservative and non-aggressive. The country was in a bad financial condition, but the nitrate revenues were large. The Balmacedists were gradually brought under amnesty laws, until all were finally permitted to return to Chile. Having been a sailor President Montt took steps to build up a stronger navy, in order to be ready for impending trouble with Argentina. For two years the new administration kept a majority, but a new election gave the Balmacedists the balance of power amidst the warring factions. Montt soon began to experience the same trouble as his predecessors. No party had a majority, and by new combinations of factions the dominating groups were changed. A new cabinet became necessary every few weeks, and no definite policy or program was possible. On the whole this administration was very satisfactory in view of the difficulties under which it laboured. Agricultural and mining depression further embarrassed his administration, but for these no government could be held responsible. President Montt retired from office with the respect of all.

At the election in 1896 Señor Federico Errázuriz, son of a former president of the same name, was elected over his opponent by a majority of one. The new congressional elections still further complicated matters. The liberal groups became more divided than ever. Cabinet crises grew even more frequent, and it was only when Congress was not in session that a ministry could remain in power any length of time. The result was an absolute confusion in legislation. The most serious foreign question was the dispute with Argentina. Excitement in both countries ran high. Warlike speeches were made, and the public mind was unduly excited. Preparations were made for the mobilization of an army of fifty thousand men, and a declaration of war was expected almost daily. President Errázuriz finally took the matter upon himself and asked that the matter be submitted to arbitration. Argentina at last consented. The northern part was to be decided by the representative of the United States in Argentina, Mr. W. I. Buchanan, and the southern section by Queen Victoria, of England. If Errázuriz had done nothing else during his term of office this one act places the whole country greatly in his debt. President Errázuriz died just before his term of office ended, and the duties of the office were filled by the Minister of the Interior, Señor Zañartú, until the inauguration of his successor.

Señor Jerman Riesco was chosen president for the term beginning November 18th, 1901. The same confusion continued during the greater part of his term, so that much useful legislation was rendered impossible. It was not possible for the executive to select a cabinet that would be responsive to his will, but he was obliged to take one selected for him by the legislative body. As President Balmaceda said: “Only in the organization of a popular representative government with independent and responsible powers, and easy means to make that responsibility effective, will there be parties of a national character, derived from the will of the people and ensuing harmony between the different powers of the state.” The several presidents since Balmaceda have realized this condition, but the serious lesson of the civil war has prevented any radical step being taken by the occupant of that office.

At the election in 1906, Pedro Montt, son of Manuel Montt, was elected to the office of President of Chile. President Montt had served his country in many ways, having been a member of Congress for a long time, had held positions in several cabinets, and had also represented Chile as minister to the United States. Owing to his dark complexion Montt was once taken for a negro in Washington and refused admission to a hotel. He proved to be a conservative and able president, who had at heart the best interests of his country. On few occasions, however, did he have the legislative body with him, and many of his good projects failed. He had ability, tact and honesty of purpose, but met the same obstacles as his predecessors. In July, 1910, President Montt visited the United States. He spent a few days in this country while on his way to Europe to secure medical attention, and was shown numerous official courtesies. He was a spectator of the shooting of Mayor Gaynor on board a steamer in New York harbour. Soon after reaching Europe President Montt was attacked by heart failure, and died in Bremen, Germany, on the 16th day of August, 1910. Señor Elias Fernandez Albano, Minister of the Interior, assumed the office of executive on the death of President Montt. In poor health at the time Acting-President Albano survived less than one month after his inauguration, and died on the 7th of September.

On the 15th of November, 1910, Dr. Ramon Barros Luco was elected President of Chile, and assumed office on the 23rd of December, 1910. Dr. Luco was born in 1835, and has had a long and honourable career in politics. He held the office of Minister of Finance and Minister of the Interior under several different administrations. He has also been President of the Senate, and has filled numerous other responsible positions. He now has the opportunity to round out a long life, which has already passed the scriptural limit, with the highest office in the gift of his countrymen.