CHAPTER XIV

THE STRUGGLE FOR INDEPENDENCE

The subjugation and colonization of Chile was due to two causes. Pedro de Valdivia, who had distinguished himself in Peru, wanted an empire for himself, and Francisco Pizarro was desirous of ridding himself of so formidable a rival. Valdivia was therefore graciously permitted to march into and conquer at his own expense the country south of Peru. After many months of preparation Valdivia set out on his expedition with one hundred and fifty Spaniards, provided with horses and arms, one thousand Indians, mostly carriers, and a supply of cattle, pigs, poultry and seeds of many European plants. Thus equipped this cavalier set out from Lima, and marched across the deserts of Arequipa, Tacna, Tarapacá and Atacama. He reached the central valley of Chile without the loss of a single Spaniard through sickness or desertion—a remarkable record.

The first few years were hard ones for these colonists. Santiago was founded and made the capitol. The Indians were hostile, and dissensions soon arose among Valdivia’s followers. Several small parties of reinforcements arrived, but the Spaniards’ position was always precarious because of the fierce Araucanians. After Valdivia’s death in 1551, misfortune followed misfortune in the new colony. Garcia Hurlado de Mendoza, one of the viceroys of Peru, succeeded him as governor. This man was a mere youth with no experience, and his rule was fraught with disaster. He established churches and monastic orders, provided magnificent shows and spectacles, but did not materially improve the condition of the colony. Then came Francisco and Pedro de Villagran and a number of other governors,—some good and more of them bad. The colony slowly increased in numbers, but constant war with the Indians prevented it from growing rapidly. The coast was swept several times by Dutch and English pirates. Earthquakes and plagues reaped their harvests from the inhabitants. But wealth was increasing. Thus passed the sixteenth, seventeenth and part of the eighteenth centuries. It would be impossible within the limits of this volume to detail all events, but some of the Indian wars are mentioned in another chapter.[3] The usual narrow-sighted policy of Spain toward all her dependencies was followed, and the local disaffection grew more acute each year.

It was Voltaire who said that “cruelty leads to independence.” The colonial system of Spain in South and Central America, of which the writer has had occasion to treat before, was one of selfishness, cruelty and tyranny. Only the merchants of Cadiz were allowed to sell goods to the colonists, and the colonists were permitted to sell their products only to the same traders, who managed to reap a profit, owing to the monopoly granted them, of as much as three hundred per cent. Local human rights were not recognized by the government of Spain. It was treason for a man to assert his freedom, or to seek a free field for his labour. The natives were compelled to labour for the conquerors without profit. Imposing buildings were constructed, cities were encircled with massive walls, great monasteries, churches, and convents rose on the hills, all by the unrequited toil of generations of these impressed natives. Education was denied, and the local government, including the church officials, united in this system of repression and disregard of human rights.

There was, however, another element which entered into final independence. For this we must hark back to Spain for a moment. Charles IV had resigned his throne in favour of his son, Ferdinand VII. The colonists accepted this change because of their loyalty to the heredity in line of succession, which had to them a religious as well as political significance. Charles IV afterwards regretted his abdication and appealed to Napoleon, who was then in the height of his power, alleging that the abdication had not been voluntary. Napoleon poured troops into Spain, and it was not long until Ferdinand VII was compelled to yield. Napoleon then placed his favourite brother, Joseph, upon the throne of Spain. Joseph was a well-meaning monarch, a man of far more principle than his brother, who, perhaps, would have done well by the colonists, had he been permitted to work out their destinies. The colonists, however, felt no loyalty toward him, and would not recognize his authority. When Ferdinand VII was finally restored to the throne after the downfall of Napoleon, he became a tyrant, and violently opposed all liberal ideas. The despotism that Napoleon had overthrown was reestablished. These mistaken moves on the part of Ferdinand, a period of a few years during which the Crown had been opposed, and the free air of America all had tended to induce a spirit of liberalism and opposition to monarchy in the New World. It was not long before Chile was caught in the same whirl as the rest of the Spanish-American provinces.

The approach of the end of almost three centuries of the colonial system in Chile does not speak well for Spain. Trade was still restricted. The post-office was a monopoly that had been farmed out to a private person. A mail vessel arrived at Montevideo from Spain once in two months, and from there the mails were transported across the Andes. There was a post once a month between Concepción and Santiago, and twice a week between Santiago and Valparaiso. Most people used private couriers or travellers for their despatches. The only manufactures were the making of brandy and wine, drying beef and tanning hides.

No city, except Santiago, had more than six thousand people, and that city had perhaps thirty thousand. Horse racing, cock-fighting, bull-fighting and cards were the only amusements. The buildings were creditable, but the streets were dirty, unlighted, and unsanitary. People who went abroad at night had their servants carry lanterns before them. Vice and disorder was everywhere. Robbery, brawls and assassination were frequent. Begging was an intolerable curse. Titles of nobility were common, and had been purchased by many unworthy persons. Decorations of membership in orders of nobility had been scattered broadcast. There was not even a school for girls in Santiago. The majority of the people still lived in the country in homes that were without conveniences. They had little furniture, but all were provided with an oratorio in which each wandering missionary was expected to celebrate mass. The Indians were held in practical slavery, and the landlords administered justice over their tenants. A sentimental attachment, and also fear that a bad condition might be made worse, kept these poor humans from leaving. Diseases often became epidemic through the unsanitary conditions, so that thousands were at times swept away. Concepción lost a fourth of its population one year through the ravages of smallpox. It is probable that at the beginning of the nineteenth century the total population of Chile, exclusive of the Araucanian Indians, did not exceed a half million.

There are two men by the name of O’Higgins prominent in Chilean history. The first, Ambrosio O’Higgins, was born in Ireland in 1730, of humble parentage. His uncle, a Spanish priest, sent the youth to South America, and he finally landed in Chile. He first became a trader and peddler, and then an engineer. During this latter employment he built the _casuchas_, as the rest houses in the Uspallata pass are called. He also distinguished himself in fights with the Indians, so that he received government recognition. Plain Ambrose became Don Ambrosio. Then the Irish youth, once a ragged, barefooted urchin, became successively Marquis of Osorno, governor of Chile, and, finally, Viceroy of Peru. He died at the age of eighty, in Peru, while he was filling the latter office. His administration was marked by indefatigable activity. It was not until he was sixty-eight years of age that he became captain-general of Chile, which position he held for eight years. He introduced a number of agricultural reforms and set aside many of the abuses on the plantations. He constructed a passable road between Valparaiso and the capitol, where none had hitherto been built, as the Spaniards were content to ride on mules and carry their goods the same way. He improved the road over the Andes via the Uspallata pass, as trade by this route had greatly increased. Altogether the things accomplished by this energetic Irishman were remarkable; his efforts and talents worked a great deal of good for Chile and Peru. Had all the governors and viceroys been men of similar character history would probably read differently.

The year 1810 was fraught with direful consequences for Spain. In that year Hidalgo sounded the _grito_ of independence in Mexico, and the memorable assembly met in Buenos Aires, which was the forerunner of a successful revolution. The news of the latter event, which happened on the 25th of May, soon reached Santiago and fanned the fires of revolution. On the 18th of September three hundred and fifty electors met in that city and elected a _junta_ to take charge of the government. A quiet submission to the new order of things followed for a few months. A Congress was elected and opened with solemn religious ceremonies and many eloquent speeches. But jealousies soon arose over the personnel of the government _junta_, and several years of conflict with Spain and internal dissension followed. The leaders of the patriot forces were Bernardo O’Higgins, of Irish descent, Lord Cochrane, an Englishman, and San Martin, an Argentinian. The disturbing element was contributed in the main by three brothers, named Carrera. Though leaders for a while these brothers, of whom José Miguel Carrera was the ablest one, all met violent deaths at the hands of their indignant countrymen.

Bernardo O’Higgins was born in Chillan, Chile, in 1776, an illegitimate son of Ambrosio O’Higgins. He was educated in England, where he imbibed republican sentiments. He returned to Chile a few years before his father’s death, and immediately identified himself with the revolutionists. By the year 1813 he was at the head of their forces. He proved to be a man of wonderful activity, although not of military training. Troubles between the Carreras and O’Higgins were unfortunate for the patriot cause, but the latter was in the right and the jealousies of the former thwarted him at every turn. After several years of possession of the capitol by the revolutionists the loyalist forces under General Osorio recaptured Santiago, and O’Higgins was compelled to flee. The general fled to Mendoza and there joined General San Martin, who was greatly impressed by the Irishman. For several years the destinies of these two men were linked and intertwined.

José de San Martin was a noble character, and his life was actuated by unselfish principles. There was, according to the best accounts, a moral grandeur in his character, which places him in the rank of the world’s great leaders and patriots. No doubt he had his faults, which may have been serious enough, but his life was far above his contemporaries, and he has given us a sample of self abnegation which is well worth remembering. He gave his sword to the best interests of the human race, and when he found that his presence might not serve the cause of humanity in the nations he had liberated, he went into exile and poverty.[4]

Here is a pen picture of San Martin written by one who interviewed him at Lima: “On the 25th of June I had an interview with General San Martin on board a little schooner anchored in Callao Roads. There was little at first sight in his appearance to engage attention, but when he arose and began to speak his great superiority over every other person I have seen in South America was sufficiently apparent. He received us in a very simple style on the deck of his vessel, dressed in a surtout coat and a large fur cap, seated at a table made of a few loose planks laid along the top of two empty casks. Upon this occasion his views and feelings were decidedly stated. ‘The contest in Peru,’ said he ‘is not a war of conquest and culture, but entirely of opinion. It is a war of new and liberal principles against prejudices, bigotry and tyranny. I do not want military recognition; I have no ambition to become conqueror of Peru; I want solely to liberate the country from oppression.’”

In 1822 San Martin decided that he wanted to meet Bolivar. A meeting was arranged between the two to take place at Guayaquil, on the coast of Ecuador. Bolivar had driven the Spaniards from Venezuela, Colombia and Ecuador, but had not proceeded farther south. San Martin wished to cooperate with him in the subjugation of Peru. Bolivar came to the city with some fifteen hundred men, and entered the city under arches of triumph. San Martin arrived by sea on a little vessel called the Macedonia. He landed and passed through files of soldiers who had been drawn up to do him honour. When the two heroes met they embraced, entered the house arm in arm and were left alone. What actually occurred no one knows, as neither of the principals ever revealed the conversation. It is known, however, from subsequent events, that San Martin decided upon self abnegation, which, he believed, would be best for the cause of liberty. A great ball was given to the two heroes, which was preceded by a banquet. Bolivar loved these festive occasions, but San Martin avoided them whenever possible.

After his return to Peru San Martin wrote to Bolivar as follows: “My decision is irrevocable. I have convened the Congress of Peru; the day after its meeting I shall leave for Chile, believing that my presence is the only obstacle that keeps you from going to Peru with your army.”

Upon his resigning his office San Martin delivered a speech, of which the following is a part. “I have witnessed the declaration of independence of the states of Chile and Peru. I hold in my possession the standard which Pizarro brought to enslave the empire of the Incas. I have ceased to be a public man. Thus I am more than rewarded for ten years spent in revolution and warfare. My promises to the countries in which I warred are fulfilled—to make them independent and leave to their will the elections of the governments. The presence of a fortunate soldier, however disinterested he may be, is dangerous to newly constituted states. I am also disgusted with hearing that I wish to make myself a sovereign. Nevertheless, I shall always be ready to make the last sacrifice for the liberty of the country, but in the class of the private individual, and no other. With respect to my public conduct, my compatriots (as is generally the case) will be divided in their opinions. Their children will pronounce the true verdict. Peruvians! I leave your national representation established. If you impose implicit confidence in it, you will triumph. If not, anarchy will swallow you up. May success preside over your destinies, and may they be crowned with felicity and peace!”

There were at least five great battles that decided the liberty of South America. One of the greatest of these was that of Maipo, or Maipu, which was fought on Chilean soil. Although this battle lasted only a few hours, it was the result of years of careful preparation by San Martin. In 1814 San Martin, who was then in Buenos Aires, decided that the best way to free Argentina was to drive the Spaniards from the West Coast, as that was the principal seat of their power. He accordingly sought the governorship of the province of Cuyo, which bordered on Chile, and repaired there to begin his real preparation. The _junta_, that governed Buenos Aires, gave him a small body of troops, which San Martin had already drilled and made effective soldiers. To these were added Chilean exiles, slaves who had been freed, and others whom he could gather at Mendoza, in the foothills of the Andes, which was his capitol. For two years he trained these men, gathered his artillery and ammunition and made his preparation to cross the passes of the Andes. No detail had been omitted by this careful organizer. To no one did he reveal his plans until he was ready for the start, then his army, which numbered about four thousand, was divided into two bodies, which proceeded through different passes across the border into Chile. More than seven thousand mules had been collected for the soldiers to ride, and every mule was shod. Specially designed sledges had been constructed on which to carry the guns. Jerked beef, parched corn and other supplies had been prepared for food in large quantities.

The lonely and desolate passes of the mountains suddenly disgorged a well-equipped and disciplined army on Chilean soil. The royalist forces were taken by surprise, although reports had from time to time reached the commander. General Maroto concentrated his forces on the ridge of Chacabuco, whose yellowish-brown hills are almost devoid of vegetation. There was no definite road over this ridge, which consisted of an intricate complexity of steep-sided little valleys, or barrancas. General San Martin divided his forces, the command of one section being given to O’Higgins. Both sections attacked the Spanish forces vigorously, and the latter soon gave way through the very force of the onslaught.

O’Higgins formed his infantry in a solid column, and with drums beating, advanced against the enemy’s front. The men were greatly fatigued by their march, and the sun was beating down fiercely. After a slight repulse O’Higgins and his infantry made a bayonet charge. The shock was terrible, and the Spanish lines first wavered and then broke and ran. The defeat was decisive for the royalist forces. The Spaniards left two-thirds of their number on the field of battle or in the hands of the victors. The loss of San Martin was insignificant, for his casualties did not exceed one hundred and fifty. The Spanish governor abandoned Santiago that same night, and General San Martin and his army entered it two days later, on the 14th of February, 1817, in triumph.

When the army reached Santiago a popular assembly was convened. The dictatorship was offered to San Martin, but he declined. O’Higgins was then selected and accepted. The country, however, was in a deplorable condition. The new dictator exiled a bishop and many priests, shut up traitorous women in convents and began vigorous measures to preserve order. But the war was not yet over. Several sanguinary engagements followed.

General Osorio landed with an army at Talcahuano and slowly proceeded northward. San Martin and O’Higgins endeavoured to entice him as far as the river Maule, after the country had been thoroughly devastated. General Osorio made an unexpected night attack at Cancha-Rayada and inflicted a terrible defeat on the patriotic forces. San Martin retreated in good order, and took up his position along a ridge of low hills about two miles from Santiago. Osorio established himself on a similar ridge. Between the two forces was a plain about half a mile in width. On this plain was fought the battle of Maipo on the 5th of April, 1818.

The day was exquisitely beautiful, and the sky was clear and serene. San Martin opened with a strong artillery fire from both his right and left flank. He then ordered a general advance. The horse grenadiers, who had accompanied him from Argentina, charged the Spanish lines furiously. Other battalions charged the royalist right, which was made up of veterans of the Peninsular wars. The Spanish cavalry were driven from the field. San Martin brought his reserves into action and the Spaniards began an orderly retreat. They withdrew to the buildings and walled enclosures of a _hacienda_. These were soon broken down by the patriot guns. The closing scenes were horrible. The infuriated patriots showed no mercy, and the _patios_ and gardens were soon littered with the dead. The result, after several hours of fierce fighting, was of a most decisive character. The Spaniards’ loss was nearly three thousand. The remainder were flying in every direction, with the enemy in close pursuit. Osorio finally reached Talcahuano with only ten men, the remnant of the original force of five thousand that entered the battle of Maipo. The revolutionists’ loss was eight hundred killed and one thousand wounded. Spain at last realized the strength of her opposition.

The war for liberty now turns toward Peru. Soon after the decisive battle of Maipo San Martin reverted to his original plan to invade Peru. The _junta_ at Buenos Aires commanded him to return to Argentina and aid them in that city. But he refused to be drawn into the local struggle between the different factions that were seeking to obtain control of the government. He began work on his new expedition with the same careful and methodical plans to gather about him an effective army as he had at Mendoza. The survivors of that army were loyal to their commander, and they willingly volunteered for this new enterprise. Others were added, and all were carefully drilled. Supplies and ammunition were gathered. It was not until 1820, however, that San Martin was ready to embark for Peru with an army of four thousand one hundred men. This force was conveyed to the Peruvian coast by the Chilean navy under command of Lord Cochrane, who played an important part in driving the Spaniards from this coast and liberating Chile and Peru from their domination.

The name of Lord Cochrane is an honoured one in Chile, and the visitor will find numerous monuments and memorials to that British soldier of fortune. Thomas Cochrane was the tenth Earl of Dundonald, and was born in Armsfield, Scotland, on the 14th of December, 1775. He became a member of the House of Commons, and was an officer in the royal navy. One writer says of him: “He was, after the death of Nelson, the most notable naval commander in that age of glory.” He had made a reputation for himself as a daring officer during the Peninsular War. In 1814 he was accused of spreading a report of the death of Napoleon, and was fined, and expelled from the navy and Commons. He was also sentenced to a year in prison, which he served.

Angered and embittered by what he considered the unjust treatment of his country, Lord Cochrane accepted a commission from the revolutionary party of Chile to take charge of their little navy. He arrived in that country on the 28th of November, 1818. For the construction and equipment of this little fleet ladies had given their jewels, and even church plate had been contributed. He arrived in time to cooperate with San Martin in the movement that was then being formulated for the advance against the Spaniards in Peru. Maipo had already been won. With four little vessels conveying the transports Cochrane started for Callao and arrived there safely. The Spanish gunboats were anchored under the protection of the batteries on shore. A terrific fire was opened on the _O’Higgins_, which was the flagship, as the other boats were not able to get within range because of a calm. Cochrane’s enthusiasm was caught by the crew, and they successfully withstood the onslaught of several hundred guns. The _Esmeralda_, the best ship of the Spaniards, was captured by strategy. Cochrane always led his men in person, and was ever in the midst of the greatest danger. His courage and recklessness soon won for the doughty admiral the name of “El Diablo.” He declared and maintained a blockade of the entire Peruvian coast. He used fire-ships which scattered terror amongst the enemy. His vigorous tactics made his name feared by the Spaniards and Peruvians, so that the battle was half won before it was begun. And yet his crews and officers would be generally considered unsatisfactory, for they were composed for the most part of adventurers. He captured Valdivia by a clever ruse, which was the strongest fortified place on the Pacific coast.

Cochrane had the misfortune of a bad temper, and quarrelled with nearly every one in authority. He could not understand San Martin’s deliberation in attacking Peru, so that these two men, both able and honest, could not work together. He quarrelled with O’Higgins and others. He drove the Spanish fleet off the Pacific waters from Guayaquil south. He cleared the waters of pirates, and to him in great part was due the emancipation of Chile and Peru—all of this in two and one-half years. Cochrane finally left Chile and commanded the Brazilian navy from 1823-5, which position he resigned because of charges of insubordination. He then went to Greece and commanded their army for two years. Finally his good name was cleared in England and he returned to his native country, and had achieved the high rank of rear-admiral in the British navy when he died at the ripe old age of eighty-five.

The victory of Maipo, although won at great loss, forever settled the Spanish power in Chile. Absolute independence from Spain was at once proclaimed. O’Higgins managed to introduce a few reforms, but the country was still lawless, disturbed and unsettled. Armed bands of robbers, calling themselves royalists, attacked haciendas and villages, and murdered travellers. The dictator did the best he could and introduced many reforms in procedure. Even these improvements seemed to bring discontent. He was always optimistic, which was not for the best. Some men in whom he placed confidence betrayed it. The priests were insidious in their preaching, as they favoured the royalty. The Indians were incited to rebellion whenever possible.

Traitors arose among the malcontents. Others were jealous of O’Higgins. San Martin and Lord Cochrane were both appointed to head the opposition, but each declined. One General Freire consented. An assembly was convened, which the dictator attended. After a stormy scene O’Higgins resigned his office rather than plunge the country into civil war. The withdrawal of his firm but kindly hand was a great loss to Chile. He went to Peru, where he died an exile at Lima in 1842.

The long struggle with Spain had accustomed the Chileans to military service, and the control of the country naturally fell into the hands of the military element. Once the common danger disappeared, intrigue and personal ambition ran riot and led to a condition of affairs bordering on anarchy. Chile, however, never acquired the revolutionary habit to such an extent as its neighbours, for there was a powerful landed aristocracy whose interests lay in the cultivation of the soil, for which peace was necessary. Anarchy lasted only for a few years, and then followed four decades during which time four successive presidents ruled the country for two terms of five years each.

After the resignation of O’Higgins, in January, 1823, Congress offered the dictatorship to General Freire, who was then marching against the capital with a considerable force. A constitution was promulgated, but it proved to be only so much waste paper, for Freire soon suspended it. He quarrelled with the Church authorities, banished the Bishop of Santiago and issued decrees confiscating ecclesiastical property. Congress was dissolved. A new election was ordered, but only a few members were chosen. Political confusion followed, but another Congress was elected that limited the dictator’s powers. He maintained his position only by the use of sheer force.

In 1826 Freire succeeded in driving the Spaniards from the island of Chiloé, which was their last stronghold. This victory temporarily strengthened his prestige somewhat, although the liberals were daily becoming stronger. A financial crisis was impending as the expenses exceeded the revenues. Freire was temporarily replaced by Manuel Blanco Encalada. But things became worse and Freire was recalled. This restoration lasted only a few months when he resigned in favour of General Pinto. Pinto succeeded for a while in suppressing the disturbances, and endeavoured to introduce some reforms in the army and finances. A new Congress wrestled with the constitutional problem. Rivalries among the leaders were too much for him. It was too easy for the aristocratic landlords to get up an army from among their peons, or inquilinos. A whole series of presidents and dictators followed in the next couple of years. Social as well as political anarchy reigned supreme. Disorders were prevalent, robberies occurred daily and life was unsafe.

Order was gradually coming out of chaos, however, for peace began to appear above the political horizon. With the battle of Lircay the conservatives, under General Prieto and Bulnes, won a decisive victory over the other elements. Freire fled and a horrible slaughter followed, for the victors were merciless. Freire himself and his partisans were banished to Peru, and his sympathizers removed from the army.

At the election in 1831, General Don Joaquin Prieto was chosen chief magistrate. Although he owed his elevation to the military power, the new President did not attempt the role of dictator at first. He was ably seconded by his chief cabinet officer, Señor Portales, one of the ablest statesmen that Chile has produced. After two years of careful preparation a new constitution was promulgated in 1833. Although it has been amended from time to time to meet new conditions, just as has our own constitution, this instrument has remained the fundamental law of the land. It gave to Chile a strong and stable government. The foundation of the government, under the franchise conditions, was the property-holding class. Political power originated in an oligarchy which obtained control of Congress. Although such a possibility was not designed in the constitution, it gradually developed a government by dictators. This was due to the turbulent character of the people. Extraordinary powers were granted from time to time in order to suppress revolutionary outbreaks. These powers included the right to suspend the constitutional guarantees, to imprison and exile political suspects without trial, and to adopt such other arbitrary measures as the executive might deem advisable. All of these powers were invoked by President Prieto before the end of his first term.

As there was no constitutional inhibition against a second term Prieto was reelected in 1836, and Portales retained his portfolio. All branches of the government had been reformed over the former chaotic conditions, and industrial progress had been rapid. The credit of the country was good, and interest was paid promptly. Life in the new republic, however, was not dull. It was sometimes necessary to put down disorders with a firm hand. Opponents were banished without mercy. Peru seemed to have favoured those who sought refuge on her soil, and war was declared against that republic. Several battles were fought, and Chile captured the entire Peruvian navy, consisting of three vessels. Portales was killed, and a serious repulse finally compelled Prieto to make peace. This caused trouble at home, and it gave Prieto’s enemies a chance to denounce the war and its outcome. A new expedition was sent against Peru under General Bulnes, and this expedition was successful. The Bolivian-Peruvian dictator was overwhelmingly defeated, and this success made Chile the dominant power on the Pacific Coast, a position which it has retained ever since.

At the election in 1841 General Manuel Bulnes was chosen president. He was a very distinguished soldier. Owing to his training as a soldier, President Bulnes had little idea of any method of administration other than by force. His course toward political opponents was severe, and all attempts to dispute his authority were crushed with an iron hand. Nevertheless, during the ten years administration of Bulnes, prosperity made great strides and Chile became a nation of influence and importance. The growth of the customs revenues placed the government finances on a sound footing. The President fostered education and other reforms. A more liberal religious atmosphere began to grow up. Mines were discovered and opened. The Liberals began to be more numerous, but Bulnes was outspoken in his opposition to them. In spite of their opposition he succeeded in selecting Manuel Montt as his own successor in 1851.

The new President was a civilian and had been a member of the Supreme Court, and many reforms were expected from him. More would probably have been granted by him, for his standing was of the highest, had not a serious disturbance broken out just a few days after his inauguration. The headquarters of the revolutionists were at Concepción. Proceeding toward the capital they won several small victories. The decisive battle of Loncomilla followed, however, in which the government was victorious, but not until five thousand Chileans had lost their lives in this internecine warfare. Peace and general amnesty followed this victory, and equilibrium was quickly established. Montt welcomed liberals among his followers. A number of administrative reforms were adopted, although the liberal program was strenuously opposed. New treaties with the leading commercial nations were negotiated. Nevertheless the policy of centralizing the entire government with the bureaucracy of Santiago was followed up. Many leading liberals were exiled. During his second term Montt attempted to grant a greater degree of political liberties, but insurrections broke out in the north and south, and there was bloody rioting in Valparaiso. This led to a renewal of drastic measures. Montt finally came into open rupture with Congress, because it favoured the return of his political enemies, among whom were some of the ablest men in the republic. The clergy were angry because they were compelled to submit their decisions to the civil tribunals. He became more and more dictatorial in his methods. Newspapers were suppressed, meetings dispersed, and agitators imprisoned. President Montt succeeded in putting down the various insurrections. In spite of defeat on the field of battle the liberals in fact won a victory, for their cause was forced on the government. It was obliged to make some concessions in order to prevent a renewal of the conflict. The government was in this condition when Montt’s second term reached an end in 1861.

José Joaquin Perez, a man of high personal prestige, was unanimously chosen as Montt’s successor. From the very commencement of his administration Chile began to enjoy a freedom unknown in the preceding thirty years. Criticism of the government was encouraged, instead of being treated as a crime to be punished by imprisonment or banishment. The policy of President Perez was one of conciliation, in order to unite the discordant elements. A law was at once passed granting amnesty to political offenders. The extraordinary powers heretofore granted to dictatorial presidents was not even asked for by Perez, nor did he need it. Railroads were opened up, and colonists began to come in. Fierce parliamentary struggles over certain reform measures followed in Congress, and there were many changes of ministry.

The only serious disturbance of the Perez administration was a brief war with Spain, which occurred in 1864-5. The dispute was primarily between Spain and Peru, but Chile took the part of the latter, for fear that Spain might seek to reestablish her authority in South America. As a result Valparaiso was blockaded by the Spaniards and bombarded. Millions of dollars worth of property were destroyed in a few hours, but the Chileans would not yield and grant the apology demanded. Public feeling ran very high for a few months. Chile had only one war-ship, but this boat captured a Spanish gunboat. This so humiliated the Spanish commander, Admiral Pareja, that he suicided. Although the war did not officially end for many years, nothing hostile was done by Spain after the bombardment of Valparaiso. Perez was reelected as a matter of course in 1866, and finished his second term. Pressure for amendments to the constitution had become very strong, for the foreign influences were becoming noticeable. A measure was passed forbidding a president to be reelected to succeed himself, and this marks an important step in the evolution of political ideals. A desperate effort was made to enfranchise all who could read and write. This measure, although favoured by Perez, was defeated, but the property qualification was greatly reduced. In every way the two administrations of President Perez marked the beginning of a new era in Chilean affairs. The rights of the people began to receive greater consideration from politicians.

The election of 1871 was hotly contested. The liberals were very aggressive. The conservatives united with the moderates, and Federico Errázuriz, an astute politician, was chosen. This election practically marks the elimination of the conservatives as an important element for several presidential terms. It was not long after this election until more radical elements controlled Congress, and Errázuriz sided with the liberals in their program of reforms. The great issue was the amenability of the clergy to the civil law. The anti-clerical party forced through this law, and made concessions to Protestant worship. The requirement of obligatory teaching of the Catholic religion in the public schools was greatly modified. The Archbishop promptly excommunicated all who voted for these laws, and the breach between the liberals and clericals was further widened. The administration of President Errázuriz was marked by considerable internal improvement and the beginning of a greater navy, which was soon to be very useful. Political reforms went forward with increasing momentum, but not without the usual results. As soon as the liberals had things in their power, the various factions into which they were divided began to intrigue among themselves for congressional majorities. Material prosperity had continued until the great world panic of 1873. The government customs fell and financial troubles followed, but the debt was successfully refunded. One of the most remarkable features of this administration was that the same Prime Minister held his office during the entire term of four years without interruption.

The election of 1876 brought out several candidates. In former years the retiring President had practically selected his successor. More liberal ideas now prevailed, and the Chileans were called upon to decide for themselves who should be their chief magistrate. There were three active candidates, among whom was Señor Anibal Pinto, who was nominated by the moderates and elected. President Pinto was a man of studious habits and a strong advocate of peaceful measures. And yet this man of peace was called upon to preside over the nation during one of its most severe trials. Never did he falter, even when war became necessary, and never did he waver in his determination to protect Chilean interests.

The dispute with Argentina over the southern boundary had by this time become acute. Public feeling in both republics had reached such a stage that peace was threatened. A previous treaty had declared that the boundary should be the same as in colonial times. This was hazy and uncertain, because that section had been and still was uninhabited. No one had ever been concerned about it. Chile had always claimed the Andes to the east and Cape Horn to the south. Punta Arenas had been founded thirty-five years previously without serious opposition from Argentina. For years this controversy continued between the two countries, but impending war with Peru hastened a treaty. The territorial limitations were finally decided upon and Chile practically got all that she had contended for. Chile obtained practical control of both ends of the Straits, although the channel was declared neutral and neither nation can erect any fortifications along it.

A severe economic crisis, due to the depression in the mining industry, also disturbed this administration, but this situation was met as well as it could be. But all the troubles of President Pinto pale before the sanguinary war conducted against the combined forces of Peru and Bolivia, in which the lives of twenty thousand of his subjects were sacrificed.