Part 17

If the instincts of patriotism did not prompt this support, I should find a sufficient motive in that duty which we all owe to the Supreme Ruler, God Almighty, whose visitations upon our country are now so fearful. Not rashly would I make myself the interpreter of His will; and yet I am not blind. According to a venerable maxim of jurisprudence, “Whoso would have equity must do equity”; and God plainly requires equity at our hands. We cannot expect success while setting at nought this requirement, proclaimed in His divine character, in the dictates of reason, and in the examples of history,--proclaimed, also, in the events of this protracted war. Terrible judgments have fallen upon the country: plagues have been let loose, rivers have been turned into blood, and there is a great cry throughout the land, for there is not a house where there is not one dead; and at each judgment we seem to hear that terrible voice which sounded in the ears of Pharaoh: “Thus saith the Lord God of the Hebrews, Let my people go, that they may serve me.” I know not how others are touched, but I cannot listen to the frequent tidings of calamity descending upon our arms, of a noble soldier lost to his country, of bereavement at the family hearth, of a youthful son brought home dead to his mother, without catching the warning, “Let my people go!” Nay, every wound, every sorrow, every hardship, all that we are compelled to bear in taxation, in want, in derangement of business, has a voice crying, “Let my people go!”

And now, thank God, the word is spoken!--greater word was seldom spoken. Emancipation has begun, and our country is already elevated and glorified. The war has not changed in _object_, but it has changed in _character_. Its object now, as at the beginning, is simply to put down the Rebellion; but its character is derived from the new force at length enlisted, stamping itself upon all that is done, and absorbing the whole war to itself. Vain will it be again to delude European nations into foolish belief that Slavery has nothing to do with the war, that it is a war for empire on one side and independence on the other, and that all generous ideas are on the side of the Rebellion. And vain, also, will be that other European cry,--whether from an intemperate press or the cautious lips of statesmen,--that separation is inevitable, and that our Government is doomed to witness the dismemberment of the Republic. With this new alliance, such forebodings will be falsified, the wishes of the fathers will be fulfilled, and the rights of human nature, which were the declared object of our Revolution, vindicated. Thus inspired, the sword of Washington--that sword which, according to his last will and testament, was to be drawn only in self-defence, or in defence of country and its rights--will once more marshal our armies to victory, while the national flag, wherever it floats, will give freedom to all beneath its folds, and the proud inscription be at last triumphantly verified: “Liberty and Union, now and forever, one and inseparable.”

* * * * *

But, fellow-citizens, the war we wage is not merely for ourselves, it is for all mankind. Slavery yet lingers in Brazil, and beneath the Spanish flag in those two golden possessions, Cuba and Porto Rico; but nowhere can it survive extinction here. Therefore we conquer for Liberty everywhere. In ending Slavery here we open its gates all over the world, and let the oppressed go free. Nor is this all. In saving the Republic we save Civilization. Man throughout his long pilgrimage on earth has been compelled to suffer much, but Slavery is the heaviest burden he has been called to bear: it is the only burden our country has been called to bear. Let it drop, and this happy Republic, with humanity in its train, all changed in raiment and in countenance, like the Christian Pilgrim, will hurry upward to the celestial gate. If thus far our example has failed, it is simply because of Slavery. Vain to proclaim our unparalleled prosperity, the comfort diffused among a numerous people, resources without stint, or even the education of our children; the enemies of the Republic had but to say, “There is Slavery,” and our example became powerless. But let Slavery disappear, and the same example will be of irresistible might. Without firing a gun or writing a despatch, it will revolutionize the world.

Therefore the battle we fight belongs to the grandest events of history. It constitutes one of those epochs from which humanity will date. It is one of the battles of the ages, as when the millions of Persia were hurled back from Greece, or when the Mohammedans, victors in Africa and Spain, were hurled back from France by Charles Martel, and Western Europe was saved to Christianity. In such a cause no effort too great, no faith too determined. To die for country is pleasant and honorable. But all who die for country now die also for humanity. Wherever they lie in bloody fields, they will be remembered as heroes through whom the Republic was saved and civilization established forever.

But there are duties elsewhere than in bloody conflict. Each of us, in his place at home, by his best efforts, can do something, not only to sustain the soldier in the field, but also to uphold that sublime edict which will be to the soldier both sword and buckler, while it gives to the conflict all the grandeur of a great idea. In this hour of trial let none fail. Above all, let none go over to the enemy, even should his tents for the moment be pitched in Faneuil Hall,[132] assured that there can be but two parties: the party of our country, with the President for its head, and Emancipation its glorious watchword; and the party of Rebellion, with Jefferson Davis for its head, and no other watchword than Slavery.

APPENDIX.

NOMINATION AND REËLECTION OF MR. SUMNER.

As this speech was made in the midst of the excitement in Massachusetts on the nomination of Mr. Sumner as Senator, an account of that contest will not be out of place here.

* * * * *

The early and active part taken by Mr. Sumner in favor of Emancipation, and the urgency of his efforts against Slavery, excited against him an intense opposition, not only in Massachusetts, but throughout the country. He was denounced as second only to Jefferson Davis in hostility to the Constitution. But these attacks aroused the friends of Emancipation, who were unwilling to see their representative sacrificed.

There were signs of this contest in the autumn of 1861, when Mr. Sumner called for Emancipation as our best weapon.[133] Governor Andrew saw it coming. In a letter, dated June 9, 1862, with reference to the appointment of officers in the Internal Revenue Bureau, he used the following language.

“The Hunkers will make the most strenuous efforts to secure a large representation in this agency, so that, by means of their influence with the people (and in travelling from town to town), they can poison the minds of prominent citizens against you, and accomplish your defeat by securing a Legislature favorable to their purposes.

“Depend upon it, that they are calculating largely upon the Tax Bill as an element in their desperate ‘strategy’ for the fall campaign.”

The _New York Tribune_, in a vigorous article, June 24, 1862, entitled “Mr. Sumner’s Seat,” set forth reasons “why many earnest Republicans in other States would regret the retirement of Mr. Sumner.” Here it said:--

“Most of our Republican statesmen have a political history antecedent to our existing organizations. Mr. Sumner, nearly alone, is nowhere regarded as having Whig or Democratic predilections, but as purely and wholly Republican.

“Other statesmen, however profoundly Republican, regard collateral questions with an observing interest: the Tariff, the Currency, the Pacific Railroad, &c., largely engross their attention. Mr. Sumner profoundly believes it of paramount, absorbing interest that the nation should be just, even to her humblest, most despised children, and that Righteousness is the essential condition of material and other prosperity. Never inattentive to or neglectful of any public duty, never even accused of sacrificing or opposing the interest of Massachusetts in any matter of legislation, he is yet known to believe that her interests can never be truly promoted by sacrificing those of Humanity. In an age of venality and of uncharitable suspicion, he was never even suspected of giving a mercenary or selfish vote; in an atmosphere where every man is supposed to have his price, and to be scheming and striving for self-aggrandizement, no man ever suggested that Charles Sumner was animated by sinister impulses, or that he would barter or stifle his convictions for the Presidency. The one charge brought against him by his many bitter adversaries imports that he is a _fanatic_,--not that it was ever imagined that he is the special devotee of any fane or sect, but that he sincerely believes it the end of civil government to hasten the coming of God’s earthly kingdom by causing His justice to pervade every act, every relation, and thus making the earth, so far as human imperfection will permit, a vestibule of heaven.”

In warning against possible combination to defeat his reëlection, the article said:--

“All that the Republicans of other States can and do ask is, that no back-stairs intrigue, no chimney-corner arrangement, shall send to Boston a Legislature secretly pledged to oust him, and elected by constituencies profoundly ignorant of any such manipulation.… All we ask is, that those who vote at the polls to supersede Mr. Sumner in the Senate shall know for what they vote, and not be duped by professions only made to deceive.”

The adverse spirit showed itself at a large public meeting in New York, July 1st, which was entitled by the _Herald_, “The Anti-Abolition and Anti-Secession Movement.--Disunion the Fruit of Abolition.” Here Hon. William Duer, of Oswego, seemed to become the mouthpiece of the excited multitude.

“No emancipation and turning loose upon them hordes of uncivilized and ignorant Africans.… No tyrant in history has ever made his name execrated by measures more despicable than such as those proposed by the Abolitionists for the humiliation and destruction of the South. The Southern people have been deluded by their leaders in the same way as the Northern people, and, in his opinion, the next man who walked up the scaffold after Jefferson Davis should be Charles Sumner. [_Loud and long-continued applause, mingled with hooting and groans for Sumner. Some person in the meeting attempted to say a word in his favor, but his voice was quickly drowned in loud shouts of ‘Put him out!’_]”

This is from the _Herald_. The same incident is thus reported in the _Tribune_.

“And if we came to hanging every traitor in this country in the order of their guilt, the next man who marched upon the scaffold after Jefferson Davis would be Charles Sumner. [_Loud applause, the greatest of the evening thus far. Groans for Sumner. Great excitement. Cries of ‘Put him out!’ Cries, ‘Where is Horace Greeley?’_]”

A correspondent of a Boston paper, taking up the strain, echoed it for the benefit of Massachusetts.

“There are now two war-cries in New York, and the great Union mastiff is as ready to pounce upon one of the brutes as upon the other. If there are two parties outside of the doomed radicals, they are those, the most violent of them, who would hang Jeff. Davis and Sumner together, and those who would hang Davis first and Sumner afterwards.

“If Sumner is reëlected to the Senate, he may not find it convenient to pass through this city. That his name is odious, infamous, is not all,--it is cursed and abominable. The blood of thousands sacrificed to his ambition and personal revenge cries to Heaven against him, and if a Massachusetts Legislature can still support him by its vote, those who do so will deserve to lose their children at the altar of this Moloch.”

The _New York Herald_ followed with a leader, July 16th, entitled, “Senators Wade and Sumner,” which, after announcing that the terms of these Senators would expire on the 4th of March next, made the following appeal.

“By the foulest means they have succeeded in clogging the wheels of our progress in the war, and have made another year of battles unavoidable. Had it not been for them and their coadjutors, the war would have been over and the Union restored on the Fourth of July instant. More than any other men they are responsible for the useless sacrifice of blood and treasure in the past, and for the three hundred thousand more men and five hundred millions more dollars which will have to be perilled in the future. Practically, and in the most emphatic sense, they are traitors to the country and enemies of the nation. From them, more than from a thousand Vallandighams, Jeff. Davis has received aid and comfort; for they have strengthened his forces by exasperating the South and by dividing and weakening the North. We hope that the loyal men of Massachusetts and Ohio will raise these questions in the coming elections for State legislators, and vote down every man who is pledged or who intends to vote for the reëlection of these twin traitors, Sumner and Wade. They have only escaped Fort Lafayette and the gallows because the Government has distrusted its own power and misunderstood the sentiments of the loyal people. Let this misunderstanding now end, and let Messrs. Sumner and Wade find, when they return to their homes, that they are held personally and politically responsible for their infamous and treasonable course.”

The friends of Emancipation in Massachusetts were not inactive. The issue thus presented was accepted by the formal nomination of Mr. Sumner, at the annual Republican State Convention at Worcester, September 10th.

* * * * *

The Convention was organized by the choice of the following officers.

_President_,--Hon. Alexander H. Bullock of Worcester.

_Vice-Presidents_,--District 1, Nathaniel Coggswell of Yarmouth; District 2, J. H. D. Blake of Braintree; District 3, Theodore Otis of Roxbury; District 4, Nehemiah Boynton of Chelsea; District 5, Timothy Davis of Gloucester; District 6, George Foster of Andover; District 7, Chauncey L. Knapp of Lowell; District 8, Valorous Taft of Upton; District 9, Joel Hayden of Williamsburg; District 10, George L. Wright of West Springfield. _At Large_,--John Bertram of Salem, George Morey of Boston, Tappan Wentworth of Lowell, Ensign H. Kellogg of Pittsfield, Charles G. Davis of Plymouth, Henry Alexander, Jr., of Springfield.

_Secretaries_,--Stephen N. Stockwell of Boston, William M. Walker of Pittsfield, Joseph B. Thaxter, Jr., of Hingham, William T. Hollis of Plymouth, Thomas B. Gardner of Boston, Joel Hayden, Jr., of Williamsburg.

John A. Andrew was re-nominated for Governor by acclamation. J. Q. A. Griffin, of Charlestown, introduced a resolution approving the course of the two Senators, and nominating Mr. Sumner for reëlection as Senator, and at the same time said:--

“Remember, it is our duty not only to sustain the arms of the Generals in the field, but likewise to sustain the President in his seat, the Cabinet in its counsels, the Governor in his chair, and, _above all, the fearless legislator in his duty_. [_Loud applause, and cries of ‘Good!’_]”

Mr. Griffin was followed by Frederick Robinson, of Marblehead, who hoped that the resolution would be adopted unanimously, and also another, expressing the opinion of Massachusetts in favor of Emancipation. George F. Hoar, of Worcester, agreed with Mr. Robinson. As to the resolution approving Charles Sumner and Henry Wilson, “he liked that,” but he wished, also, “an expression of the opinion of this Convention, that it is the duty of the United States Government, in the further prosecution of the war, to strike the Rebellion where it is weakest.” The different propositions were then referred to a committee. At this stage the letter of Mr. Sumner to the Convention was presented and read by Mr. Claflin.[134]

Among the resolutions subsequently reported were the two following.

“_Resolved_, That the most decisive measures for the complete and permanent suppression of this Rebellion are the most prudent, and that, as the institution of Slavery is a principal support of it, that institution shall be exterminated.”

“_Resolved_, That we recognize and acknowledge the preëminent merits and services of our Senators in the Congress of the United States, the Hon. Charles Sumner and the Hon. Henry Wilson. In the posts of duty assigned them by the suffrages of their brother Senators, one as Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, and the other as Chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs, they have cordially and unreservedly, and with masterly ability, supported all governmental measures, and fitly represented the Commonwealth as among the most cheerful and enthusiastic defenders of the Government. And now that the second term of our senior Senator is drawing to a close, we desire to express our warm approbation of his course and appreciation of his services, and to commend him to the suffrages of his fellow-citizens, whom he has served so well, that the Commonwealth may again honor itself by returning to duty at the capital a statesman, a scholar, a patriot, and a man of whom any republic in any age might be proud.”

The whole series, as read, was received with intense enthusiasm, especially that against Slavery. A motion was made to amend by striking out that part recommending the reëlection of Mr. Sumner, which was voted down promptly, and the resolution was unanimously adopted.

The action of the Convention presented two distinct issues,--first, the extermination of Slavery, and, secondly, the reëlection of Mr. Sumner. There was at once a counter movement. A call was put forth for what was called a “People’s Convention,” at Faneuil Hall, October 7th, whose main object was to defeat the action of the Republican Convention, and especially the reëlection of Mr. Sumner. It was supposed that in this way all the elements of opposition could be united. This plan received an unexpected check by the Proclamation of Emancipation of September 22d. It could no longer be said that the Republican Party of Massachusetts and Mr. Sumner were not in entire harmony with the President.

Meanwhile Mr. Sumner addressed his fellow-citizens at Faneuil Hall, October 6th, in vindication of the Proclamation. On the succeeding day the “People’s Convention” assembled in the same place and nominated candidates for State offices in opposition to the Republicans. The tone of this Convention appears in a brief extract from the speech of Hon. Josiah G. Abbott, of Boston. After alluding to the various interests of Massachusetts, he said:--

“And I tell you, Gentlemen,--and every heart here responds to it,--every heart out of this hall would respond to it, if the lips would speak the language of the heart,--I tell you, Gentlemen, we want men in the Halls of Congress, in the House of Representatives, and, above and beyond all, in the Senate Chamber, who will attend to those interests, and not be continually, as they have been, Sir, attending to mere wild speculations and sentimental theories. [_Applause._] Do not the people cry out, ’For God’s sake, give us somebody who believes there is something to be attended to in the wants of a million and a quarter of white men, women, and children’? [_Great applause._]”

The spirit of this Convention was thus described by the _Norfolk County Journal_:--

“The partisanship of the People’s Convention all centres in opposition to Charles Sumner. It is as pure an instance of personal hate on the part of its leaders as was ever exhibited. _This animosity comes solely from the fact that he was the earliest and has been the most persistent advocate of what is now the policy of the nation._ They hate Mr. Sumner, not because he is personally unamiable, not because there is a flaw in his moral character or a doubt as to the purity of his intentions, not because he has not represented the opinion of Massachusetts, and faithfully advocated her best interests on every point affecting her material prosperity. They have commenced this personal crusade _solely_ because he has been the most conspicuous and uncompromising foe to the encroachments of Southern Slavery. And now that the President has ranged himself on Mr. Sumner’s side, in opposing him they oppose the Administration.”

On the next day, the Democratic Convention at Worcester adopted the nominations of the “People’s Convention,” so that the elements of opposition seemed to be united. The President of the Convention in his remarks announced the common object.

“Let me, then, appeal to you to come here with one heart and with kindly feelings towards all, entertaining respect for the opinions of all, so that, when this Convention shall have adjourned, a voice will go forth throughout this Commonwealth, that the day of John A. Andrew and Charles Sumner is ended. [_Prolonged cheers._]”

Other speeches followed in the same tone, and insisting upon union “to beat Sumner and Andrew.”

The issue was thus presented to the people of Massachusetts, and throughout the Commonwealth the election of Senators and Representatives turned mainly upon it. If the attack was vigorous, so also was the defence. Of the latter a few illustrations will suffice. The first is from Wendell Phillips, who, in an address at Music Hall, Sunday forenoon, November 2d, said:--