Part 5

The invitation you send me, coming from such a source, couched in terms so flattering, and possessing such an import, presents a temptation difficult to resist. But I am admonished by the state of my health, which is yet far from its natural vigor, that I must not listen to it, except to express my gratitude. In making this excuse, let me fortify myself by the confession that I left home mainly to withdraw from the excitements of public life, and particularly from all public speaking, in the assurance that by such withdrawal, accompanied by that relaxation which is found in change of pursuit, my convalescence would be completed. The good physician under whose advice I have acted would not admit that by crossing the sea I had been able at once to alter all the conditions under which his advice was given.

I cannot turn coldly from the opportunity you offer me. My heart overflows with best wishes for yourselves individually, and also for the commerce which you conduct, mingled with aspirations that your influence may always add to the welfare and just renown of our country. As American merchants at Paris, you are representatives of the United States on a foreign mission, without diplomatic salary or diplomatic privilege. But it belongs to the felicity of your position that what you do well for yourselves will be well for your country, and, more than any diplomacy, will contribute to strengthen the friendly ties of two powerful nations. Pardon the allusion, when I add that you are the daily industrious workmen in that mighty loom whose frame stands on the coasts of opposite continents, whose threads are Atlantic voyages, whose colors are the various enterprises and activities of a beneficent commerce, and whose well-wrought product is a radiant, speaking tissue,--more beautiful to the mind’s eye than any fabric of rarest French skill, more marvellous than any tapestry woven for kings,--where every color mingles with every thread in completest harmony and on the grandest scale, to display the triumphs and the blessings of Peace.

Accept the assurance of the sincere regard with which I have the honor to be, Gentlemen,

Your faithful servant and fellow-citizen,

CHARLES SUMNER.

To JOHN MUNROE, B. G. WAINWRIGHT, ELLIOT C. COWDIN, Esqrs., and others, American merchants at Paris.

The vigilant spirit of Slavery did not fail to note this correspondence. Immediately upon its appearance, a well-known Virginian, the reputed owner of large plantations in right of his wife, and long resident in Paris, addressed a letter to _Galignani’s Messenger_, in which he undertook to set forth what he called Mr. Sumner’s mission in Europe. Here is a specimen.

“That mission, certainly ‘without any diplomatic privilege,’ but peradventure not without perquisites, is to initiate, and, if the exigencies of the cotton market and manufacture do not forbid it, to organize, a systematic agitation in this and the British capital against the Southern States of the Confederacy, and that ‘peculiar institution’ of theirs, so tenderly nursed of yore, and transmitted to them by dear Old Mother England, and which in very modern times has been not less cherished and sustained by the ‘enterprise and activity’ on the coast of Africa of some of her Puritanical progeny in the New World. Under these circumstances can any such subdolous plea as that put forward excuse these ‘American merchants’ from lending themselves to such agencies and influences? If they were sordid and self-seeking adventurers, in pursuit of _political_ capital, rather than the honorable rewards of a liberal and enlightened trade, one could understand, or rather would not marvel at, this pseudo-patriotic partisanship, this unfraternal display of their _sectional_ colors in a foreign land.”

Thus was the invalid in search of health pursued by the same malign spirit from which he had originally suffered.

OUR POLITICS SEEN FROM A DISTANCE.

LETTER TO A FRIEND, DATED HEIDELBERG, SEPTEMBER 11, 1857.

The following letter found its way into the papers of the time.

HEIDELBERG, September 11, 1857.

MY DEAR ----,--Weeks have now passed since I have seen a letter or newspaper from home. During this time I have been travelling away from news, and am now famished. On arrival at Antwerp, I trust to find letters at last.

I have been ransacking Switzerland; I have visited most of its lakes, and crossed several of its mountains, mule-back. My strength has not allowed me to venture upon any of those foot expeditions, the charm of Swiss travel, by which you reach places out of the way; but I have seen much, and have gained health constantly.

I have crossed the Alps by the St. Gothard, and then recrossed by the Grand St. Bernard, passing a night with the monks and dogs. I have spent a day at the foot of Mont Blanc, and another on the wonderful Lake Leman. I have been in the Pyrenees, in the Alps, in the Channel Isles. You will next hear of me in the Highlands of Scotland.

I see our politics now in distant perspective, and I am more than ever satisfied that our course is right. It is Slavery which degrades our country, and prevents its example from being all-conquering. In fighting our battle at home we fight the battle of Freedom everywhere. Be assured, I shall return, not only with renewed strength, but with renewed determination to give myself to our great cause.

Ever sincerely yours,

CHARLES SUMNER.

FAREWELL ON SAILING FOR EUROPE A SECOND TIME IN QUEST OF HEALTH.

LETTER TO THE PEOPLE OF MASSACHUSETTS, ON BOARD STEAMER VANDERBILT, NEW YORK HARBOR, MAY 22, 1858.

TO THE PEOPLE OF MASSACHUSETTS:--

Two years have now passed, since, when in the enjoyment of perfect health, I was suddenly made an invalid. Throughout this protracted period, amidst various vicissitudes of convalescence, I seemed to be slowly regaining the health that had been taken from me, until I was encouraged to believe myself on the verge of perfect recovery.

But injuries so grave as those originally received are not readily repaired; and a recent relapse painfully admonishes me, that, although enjoying many of the conditions of prosperous convalescence, I am not yet beyond the necessity of caution. This has been confirmed by the physicians in Boston and Philadelphia most familiar with my case, who, in concurrence with counsels previously given by medical authorities in Europe, have enjoined travel as best calculated to promote restoration. Anxious to spare no effort for this end, so long deferred, I to-day sail for France.

To the generous people of Massachusetts, who have honored me with an important trust, and cheered me by so much sympathy, I wish to express the thanks which now palpitate in my bosom, while I say to them all collectively, as I would say to a friend, Farewell!

These valedictory words would be imperfect, if I did not seize this occasion to declare, what I have often said less publicly, that, had I foreseen originally the duration of my disability, I should at once have resigned my seat in the Senate, making way for a servant more fortunate in the precious advantages of health. I did not do so, because, like other invalids, I lived in the belief that I was soon to be well, and was reluctant to renounce the opportunity of again exposing the hideous Barbarism of Slavery, now more than ever transfused into the National Government, infecting its whole policy and degrading its whole character. Besides, I was often assured, and encouraged to feel, that to every sincere lover of civilization my vacant chair was a perpetual speech.

CHARLES SUMNER.

ON BOARD STEAMER VANDERBILT, NEW YORK HARBOR, May 22, 1858.

HONOR TO THE INVENTOR OF THE ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH.

LETTER TO PROFESSOR MORSE, IN EXCUSING HIMSELF FROM A DINNER AT PARIS, AUGUST 17, 1858.

HÔTEL AND RUE DE LA PAIX, PARIS, Tuesday, August 17, 1858.

MY DEAR SIR,--I have fresh occasion to be unhappy that I am still an invalid, because it prevents me from joining in the well-deserved honors which our countrymen here are about to offer you.

As I would not be thought indifferent to the occasion, I seize the moment to express in this informal manner my humble gratitude for the great discovery with which your name will be forever associated. Through you Civilization has made one of her surest and grandest triumphs, beyond any ever won on a field of battle; nor do I go beyond the line of most cautious truth, when I add, that, if mankind had yet arrived at a just appreciation of its benefactors, it would welcome such a conqueror with more than a marshal’s baton.

I write to you frankly, and with a still cordial memory of that distant day, when, in the company of a friend who is no longer on earth, I first had the happiness of taking you by the hand.

Believe me, my dear Sir, with much regard,

Ever sincerely yours,

CHARLES SUMNER.

PROFESSOR MORSE.

LONGING FOR DUTIES OF POSITION.

FROM A LETTER TO A FRIEND, DATED AT AIX, SAVOY, SEPTEMBER 11, 1858.

This extract is taken from the public papers of the time.

AIX, SAVOY, September 11, 1858.

…

Look at the map of Europe, and you will find, nestling in the mountains of Savoy, between Switzerland and France, the little village of Aix, generally known as Aix-les-Bains, from the baths which give it fame. There I am now. The country about is most beautiful, the people simple and kind.

My life is devoted to health. I wish that I could say that I am not still an invalid; yet, except when attacked by the pain on my chest, I am now comfortable, and enjoy my baths, my walks, and the repose and incognito which I find here.

I begin the day with _douches_, hot and cold,--and when thoroughly exhausted, am wrapped in sheet and blanket, and conveyed to my hotel, and laid on my bed. After my walk, I find myself obliged again to take to my bed for two hours before dinner. But this whole treatment is in pleasant contrast with the protracted suffering from fire which made the summer a torment. And yet I fear that I must return to that treatment.

It is with a pang unspeakable that I find myself thus arrested in the labors of life and in the duties of my position. This is harder to bear than the fire. I do not hear of friends engaged in active service--like Trumbull in Illinois--without a feeling of envy.

…

CHARLES SUMNER.

INDEPENDENCE AND UNITY OF ITALY.

LETTER TO A PUBLIC MEETING AT NEW YORK, FEBRUARY 17, 1860.

This meeting was at the City Assembly Rooms, and was addressed by Rev. Joseph P. Thompson, Hon. Charles King, Rev. H. W. Bellows, Rev. Henry Ward Beecher, Hon. Joseph Hoxie, and Professor O. M. Mitchel. According to the _New York Tribune_, the letter of Mr. Sumner “was received with much enthusiasm.”

SENATE CHAMBER, February 16, 1860.

GENTLEMEN,--You do me no more than justice, when you suppose that my sympathies are with Italy in her present noble struggle. If I do not attend the meeting at New York, according to the invitation with which I am honored, it is because other duties here keep me away.

To the cause of Human Freedom everywhere I am bound by all ties, whether of feeling or principle. To Italy also--venerable, yet ever young, with that fatal gift of beauty which from all time she has worn--I confess a sentiment of love and reverence; I am sorrowful in her sorrow, and happy in her happiness.

Surely, by her past history, and all that she has done for human improvement, we are her debtors. Without Italian genius what now were modern civilization? There is no art, or science, or activity, or grace, in which she has not excelled or led the way. If I went into detail, I must mention not only sculpture, painting, engraving, and music, but also astronomy, navigation, bookkeeping, and jurisprudence; and I must present an array of great names, such as no other country can boast. And to all these I must add the practical discoveries of the mariner’s compass, the barometer, the telescope applied to astronomy, and the pendulum as a measure of time.

To the political skeptics and infidels who affect to doubt the capacity for freedom of this illustrious people I would say, that Italy, in modern times, was the earliest home of political science, and the earliest author of some of those political truths which have since passed into principles. Besides, divided into separate, sovereign States, with separate systems of legislation, her condition is coincident with our own, to the extent of possessing those local facilities for self-government which are our boast. And then there is the spirit of her sons, as shown in recent efforts, giving assurance of courage, and of that rarer wisdom which knows how to guide and temper courage, both of which shone so conspicuous in the Venetian Manin, worthy compeer of our own Washington.

Allow me to add, that I confidently look to the day when we may welcome into the fellowship of nations a community new in external form, but old in constituent parts,--separate in local governments, but bound in perfect union, with one national flag, one national coin, and one national principle, giving to all the strength of unity,--_E Pluribus Unum_,--and constituting the United States of Italy. And may God speed this good time!

Accept the assurance of the respect with which I have the honor to be, Gentlemen,

Faithfully yours,

CHARLES SUMNER.

TWO LESSONS FROM THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON.

LETTER TO THE WASHINGTON MONUMENT ASSOCIATION OF THE FIRST SCHOOL DISTRICT OF PHILADELPHIA, FEBRUARY 21, 1860.

SENATE CHAMBER, February 21, 1860.

DEAR SIR,--It would be a pleasure to be with you at your celebration of the Birthday of Washington, according to the invitation with which you have honored me. But other duties will keep me away.

It is always a delight to listen to the praise of Washington, particularly when his full life is set forth, and he is shown in his real character, ever wise, firm, and true, teaching two commanding lessons: first, by the achievements and trials of a seven years’ war, that his fellow-countrymen should not be willing to be slaves; and, secondly, by the repeated declarations of his life, and especially by his great example in his last will and testament, that his fellow-countrymen should not be willing to be slave-masters. I do not know for which he is to be most honored.

Accept my thanks for the personal kindness of your letter, and believe me, dear Sir,

Faithfully yours,

CHARLES SUMNER.

GEORGE F. GORDON, Esq.

MACAULAY ON SLAVERY.

COMMUNICATION TO THE NEW YORK TRIBUNE, MARCH 3, 1860.

The same paper contained the article of Macaulay entitled “The West Indies,” from the _Edinburgh Review_, January, 1825, Vol. XLI. pp. 464-488. The day after its appearance, the New York Herald, in a leader with the caption, “_Macaulay, Sumner, and Slavery,_” sought to disparage the testimony, saying, among other things:--

“What Mr. Sumner now introduces is a proof how badly off the party must be for weapons, when they rake them up from the dead magazines of another generation, and written by a youth a little over twenty years of age; or Mr. Sumner has not yet recovered his usual strength of mind, since the injury he received a few years ago at the Capitol. And what does his article amount to? That the British planters in the West Indies treated their slaves very badly, which may or may not be true. But from the abuse of the institution in one place he argues against the policy of its continued existence in any other part of the world. He might as well conclude, that, because many of the English are cruel to their horses, and that it was necessary to pass an Act of Parliament for their protection, therefore horses ought to be emancipated in the United States, and let loose through the country. An argument from the abuse to the disuse of anything is the poorest kind of logic.”

Such was the tone of discussion on the eve of the Presidential election destined to decide the fate of American Slavery.

TO THE EDITOR OF THE NEW YORK TRIBUNE:--

SIR,--I ask attention to an eloquent and characteristic article on Slavery, by Macaulay, never yet printed in our country with his name. It is in an old number of the “Edinburgh Review,” while Jeffrey was its editor, and in point of time preceded the famous article on Milton. It is, indeed, the earliest contribution of the illustrious writer to that Review, of which he became a chief support and ornament. As such, it belongs to the curiosities of literature, even if it did not possess intrinsic interest from subject and style.

Here are seen, no longer in germ, but almost in perfect development, those same great elements of style which appear in the maturer essays and the History,--mastery of language, clearness of statement, force, splendor of illustration, an irrepressible sequence of thought and argument, and that same whip of scorpions which he afterward flourished over Barère: all these are conspicuous in this first effort, where he utters the honest, gushing indignation of his soul. Never has Slavery inspired speaker or writer to more complete and scornful condemnation.

The article was called forth by British Slavery in the West Indies; but it is just as applicable to American Slavery. _Mutato nomine, de te fabula narratur._ Every line bears upon the slave-drivers of our country, with greater force even than upon the slave-drivers of the West Indies; for audacity here goes further than it was ever pushed in the British dominions. It is interesting to find how exact the parallel becomes. In the picture of illiberal men conspiring to support Slavery Macaulay seems to delineate us.

“The slave-drivers may boast, that, if our cause has received support from honest men of all religious and political parties, theirs has tended in as great a degree to combine and conciliate every form of violence and illiberality. Tories and Radicals, prebendaries and field-preachers, are to be found in their ranks. The only requisites for one who aspires to enlist are a front of brass and a tongue of venom.”[9]

Aiming to exhibit Slavery in its laws, without dwelling on the accumulated instances of cruelty, he puts the case on the strongest ground; and here his unimpeachable witness is the statute-book itself. But this same argument bears with equal force upon _our_ Slavery; so that, in reading his indignant exposure of the West India jurisprudence, we see rising before us the kindred enormities of our own Slave States, and acknowledge the truth of his generous words.

He seems also to have anticipated that flagrant sophism, which, under the guise of Popular Sovereignty, insists that men shall be at liberty--“perfectly free” is the phrase of the Nebraska Bill--to buy and sell fellow-men.

“If you will adopt the principles of Liberty, adopt them altogether. Every argument which you can urge in support of your own claims might be employed, with far greater justice, in favor of the emancipation of your bondsmen. When that event shall have taken place, your demand will deserve consideration. At present, what you require under the name of Freedom is nothing but unlimited power to oppress. It is the freedom of Nero.”[10]

The threats of disunion, coming from slave-drivers, are also foreshown, and treated with the scorn they merit.

“Who can refrain from thinking of Captain Lemuel Gulliver, who, while raised sixty feet from the ground on the hand of the King of Brobdignag, claps his hand on his sword and tells his Majesty that he knows how to defend himself? You will rebel!… But this is mere trifling. Are you, in point of fact, at this moment able to protect yourselves against your slaves without our assistance? If you can still rise up and lie down in security,--if you can still eat the bread of the fatherless and grind the faces of the poor,--if you can still hold your petty Parliaments, and say your little speeches, and move your little motions,--if you can still outrage and insult the Parliament and people of England,--to what do you owe it?”[11]

The sensitiveness of slave property--the same in our Slave States as in the British West Indies--is aptly described in the remark, that a pamphlet of Mr. Stephen or a speech of Mr. Brougham is sufficient to excite all the slaves in the colonies to rebel. And it is shown that in a servile war the master _must_ be loser; for his enemies are his chattels. Whether the slave conquer or fall, he is alike lost to the owner. In the mean time, the soil lies uncultivated, the machinery is destroyed. And when the possessions of the planter are restored to him, they have been changed into a desert.[12]

Here also is an exhibition of the incompatibility between Slavery and Christianity, which ought to be read in every Southern pulpit:--

“The immorality and irreligion of the slaves are the necessary consequences of their political and personal degradation. They are not considered by the law as human beings.… _They must become men before they can become Christians_.… Can a preacher prevail on his hearers strictly to fulfil their conjugal duties in a country where no protection is given to their conjugal rights,--in a country where the husband and wife may, at the pleasure of the master or by process of law, be in an instant separated forever?… The great body of the colonists have resolutely opposed religious instruction; and they are in the right. They know, though their misinformed friends in England do not know, that Christianity and Slavery cannot long exist together.”[13]

Such is the philippic against Slavery by the first writer of the English language in our day, and one of the first in all times. As testimony to a sacred cause, it is priceless; as a contribution to literature, it cannot be forgotten. Why it was suppressed by American publishers, who gave us the earliest collection of Macaulay’s Essays ever printed in England or America, I know not. Unhappily, this suppression was too much in harmony with the received American system from that day to this, whether in publishing Humboldt’s work on Cuba, the Bishop of Oxford’s work on the American Church, or the engraving of Ary Scheffer’s “Christus Consolator,” from all of which the slave is shut out. That this blame may not fall upon the author himself, it is important to know that the American collection was made without any list supplied by him. In the modesty of his nature, he regarded his contributions to Reviews as fugitive pieces, which he abandoned to the world, without caring to gather them together. It will be for posterity to rejudge this judgment.