Part 2

Audacious sophistry, often exposed, but still flaunting abroad, may seek to deceive you. It may foam with abuse and bristle with perversion of fact; but it cannot obscure the unquestionable truth, which now stares everybody in the face, that a vote for Buchanan is a vote for all these bad things. _It is a vote not simply for the extension of Slavery, but also for the extension of Slavery_ BY FORCE, involving, besides, the erection of the Slave Oligarchy as the dominant power in our Republic, and the violation of the constitutional rights of American citizens. Surely, Illinois will not be led to sanction such enormities. Hers will be the path of Liberty, which is, of course, the path of true patriotism. Through her agency incalculable harm has already come to the Republic; but I cannot forget that she has begun a glorious reparation, by introducing to the National Councils a Senator of rare skill in debate, of sweetest purity of character, and of perfect loyalty to those principles by which Liberty will be secured, and our good name extended in history. I refer to Mr. Trumbull, who now belongs to the whole country, which is justly grateful for his eminent services. With his example before her, Illinois cannot wander again into the support of Slavery.

Give to the Republicans of Illinois my hearty God-speed, and let my absence speak to them.

Ever faithfully yours,

CHARLES SUMNER.

TO HON. J. O. NORTON.

APPEAL FOR THE REPUBLICAN CAUSE.

LETTER TO A COMMITTEE OF HUDSON RIVER COUNTIES, POUGHKEEPSIE, NEW YORK, OCTOBER 3, 1856.

PHILADELPHIA, October 3, 1856.

DEAR SIR,--Among valued opportunities, which, by the dictation of my physician and the admonitions of continued ill-health, I am constrained to forego, is that afforded by the invitation, with which I have been honored, to meet the Republicans of the Hudson River Counties at Poughkeepsie. They will, I trust, believe me not indifferent to their kindness, or to the cause in whose name they are to assemble.

Nothing but necessity could keep me thus aloof, a mere looker-on, while the great battle of Freedom is waged. The pleasure of the sight to a spectator secure in the distance has been declared by an ancient poet in a much admired passage, reproduced by a greater modern:--

“’Tis pleasant also to behold from far The moving legions mingled in the war.”

Yet the impulse and ardor of my convictions do not allow me to be content in any such retirement. I wish to enter the strife, and give such powers as I can to the righteous cause. But I am forbidden.

It only remains that from my retreat I should send all that for the present I can give, the prayers and benedictions of one yet too feeble for any exertion.

While thus sitting apart, I am permitted to survey the field and to recognize the ensigns of triumph now streaming in the fresh northern breeze. Everywhere the people are aroused, at least away from the pavement of great cities, where, too often, human perversity is such as to suggest that “God made the country and man made the town.”

Iowa, at the extreme West, and Maine, at the extreme East, testify to a sentiment which must prevail also in the intermediate States. In proper season New York and Pennsylvania will confess it. And this is natural; for the whole broad country has been shocked by the enormities of which Mr. Buchanan, in the pending contest, is the unflinching representative, and Mr. Fillmore the cautious, but effective, partisan.

In this contest I discern the masses of the people, under the name of the Republican party, together with good men regardless of ancient party ties, arrayed on the one side, while on the other side is the oligarchical combination of slave-masters, with the few Northern retainers they are yet able to keep, composed chiefly of sophists whose lives are involved in a spider’s web of fine-spun excuses, hirelings whose personal convictions are all lost in salary, present or prospective, and trimmers whose eyes fail to discern present changes of opinion only because they are fastened too greedily upon ancient chances of preferment. Such are the parties.

And I discern clearly the precise question on which these parties are divided. In stating it I answer it.

The Territory of Kansas has been made the victim of countless atrocities, in order to force Slavery upon its beautiful, uncontaminated soil. By lawless violence a Government has been established there, which, after despoiling the citizen of all his dearest rights, has surrounded Slavery with the protection of pretended statutes. And the question is distinctly submitted to the American people, “Are you ready to sanction these enormities?” This is the simple question. The orators of Slavery, freely visiting Poughkeepsie, could not answer it, and therefore they have kept it out of sight. But there the question stands.

Refusing to become partakers of such wrong, you will contribute not only to the freedom of Kansas, but also to the overthrow of the brutal and domineering Oligarchy which seeks to enslave Kansas, simply as a stepping-stone to the enslavement of the whole country. Surely, no man can hesitate, when Freedom requires his vote. Nay, more, is not this cause worth living for? is not this cause worth dying for?

* * * * *

Accept my thanks for the special kindness of your communication, and my regrets that I can answer it only by this imperfect letter.

Believe me, dear Sir, ever faithfully yours,

CHARLES SUMNER.

STEPHEN BAKER, Esq.

RELIEF FOR KANSAS.

LETTER TO A COMMITTEE OF THE KANSAS AID SOCIETY AT BOSTON, OCTOBER 3, 1856.

PHILADELPHIA, October 3, 1856.

MY DEAR SIR,--There is inspiration in a good cause, which is shown at once in the improved character of all who embrace it. Especially is this apparent in the young. Never is youth so radiant as under its influence. The young men of Boston have done wisely for themselves in associating together for the relief of Kansas. All that they can do will be twice blessed,--blessing them in their lives, and blessing distant despoiled fellow-citizens.

With pleasure I learn that the Governor will preside at your earliest public meeting. But this is only according to the just rule of life. Kindred to honors are duties; and the head of a Christian Commonwealth should be the head of this Christian charity, while every citizen should range in place, and our beloved Massachusetts, by the contributions, voices, and votes of her unanimous children, should become one united, compact, all-embracing _Kansas Relief Society_, at once an overflowing fountain of beneficence and an irresistible example to the country. For myself, I would rather a thousand times serve this cause, even in the humblest capacity, than be a Governor indifferent to its appeals.

All that can be given is needed; and whoso gives bestows upon a missionary enterprise, which, in the footsteps of Liberty, will carry peace, civilization, Christianity, the Bible, and all blessings of earth and heaven. To such a charity every person must give; if in no other way, the man who has two coats must sell one, and let Kansas have the other. But, while encouraging this effort, candor compels the confession that all your contributions will be of small account, unless a President and Congress are chosen who shall give their sympathies to Freedom rather than to Slavery. Only in this way can the rod of the oppressor be broken. A vote for such men will be a contribution to Kansas.

Present my thanks to your associates, and accept for yourself the assurance of my special gratitude for that constant devotion to human freedom by which you have been distinguished.

Ever faithfully yours,

CHARLES SUMNER.

DR. W. F. CHANNING.

DUTY TO VOTE FOR KANSAS AND FOR BURLINGAME.

LETTER TO A MEETING AT FANEUIL HALL, OCTOBER 29, 1856.

PHILADELPHIA, October 29, 1856.

SIR,--I cannot be at Faneuil Hall on Saturday evening, according to the invitation with which I have been honored. But, though feeble still, I hope to be in Boston on the succeeding Tuesday, to vote. If not strong enough to speak, I trust at least to be able to perform this duty of the citizen.

My vote will not be needed; but I am unwilling that the opportunity should pass of uttering my determined NO against the efforts now making to subjugate Kansas and to install the Slave Oligarchy in permanent control of the National Government. Against this dreadful conspiracy I protest, with all the ardor of my soul; and I know no way in which I can hope to make this protest immediately effective, except by casting my vote for those candidates openly and unequivocally hostile to the consummation of the crime.

Especially shall I vote for Burlingame; and I shall do this, not only because I think him worthy of honor, and admire his generous nature, intrepidity, and eloquence, but because I have at heart the good name of Boston, and the welfare of my country. Boston should sustain Burlingame, not merely for his sake, but for her own sake,--not merely to do him honor, but to save herself from dishonor,--not merely from local pride, but to strengthen Liberty and to serve the whole Republic, now endangered alike from criminal audacity and from subservient timidity.

I have the honor to be, Sir,

Your faithful servant,

CHARLES SUMNER.

TO THE CHAIRMAN OF THE MEETING AT FANEUIL HALL.

PUBLIC RECEPTION OF MR. SUMNER, ON HIS RETURN TO BOSTON:

WITH THE SPEECHES:

NOVEMBER 3, 1856.

As it became known that Mr. Sumner would return home to vote, a Boston committee visited Philadelphia to urge his acceptance of a banquet, with the understanding that he should simply show himself there without speaking. Acting under medical advice, he declined this invitation. The sympathy of the community found vent in a public reception.

The reception of Senator Sumner, on his return to Boston, was an imposing popular demonstration.[1] It was purely a peaceful and spontaneous celebration. There was no organization of enthusiasm; there were no military, no fire companies, no associated bodies, to swell the ranks of the procession or attract attention. Those of his fellow-citizens, simply, who wished to testify respect and sympathy, went forth to meet him; through the mouth of one, the most venerable and honored of their number, they welcomed him on his entrance within the limits of the city, and the chief executive magistrate of the Commonwealth greeted him on his arrival beneath the shadow of the State capitol. In both places, and also before Mr. Sumner’s residence in Hancock Street, there were vast concourses of citizens, assembled to do honor to their Senator.

The weather was favorable; the atmosphere was clear and warm for the season; and although the appearance of the sky at times boded rain, none fell until late in the evening, long after the exercises of the day were concluded.

Mr. Sumner arrived in this vicinity on Sunday morning, November 2d. On Monday he drove from Professor Longfellow’s, in Cambridge, where he had been staying, to the house of Amos A. Lawrence, Esq., at Longwood, in Brookline. Soon after one o’clock, the invited guests, who had assembled at the State House, proceeded in open carriages to Longwood, where they were joined by Mr. Sumner, who passed along the line of carriages, and was silently greeted by the gentlemen rising and removing their hats. The carriages then proceeded across to Roxbury, and thence along Washington Street to the Boston line, which was reached at three o’clock. Here the cavalcade was assembled, together with a vast concourse of citizens.

The chief marshal was General John S. Tyler, assisted by the following gentlemen as aids: Major John C. Park, Colonel R. I. Burbank, Major Moses G. Cobb, E. Webster Pike, Esq., Adjutant-General E. W. Stone, Colonel A. J. Wright, Colonel W. W. Bullock, and Carlos Pierce, Esq.

The following were the assistant marshals: Captain I. F. Shepard, Charles H. Hawes, W. E. Webster, F. L. Chapin, O. H. Dutton, Major F. A. Heath, F. B. Fay, Julian O. Mason, A. A. Dunnels, Stephen Rhoades, H. D. Child, Leister M. Clark, Charles W. Pierce, R. F. Martin, Rufus Frost, F. A. Fuller, J. W. Wolcott, William B. Spooner, Henry D. Williams, Colonel Robert Cowdin, of Boston, and Eugene Batchelder, Charles D. Hills, D. P. Ripley, of Cambridge.

As it went up Washington Street, the cavalcade numbered, by actual count, about eight hundred horsemen; but its numbers were subsequently increased by fresh arrivals, in couples and in groups, to over a thousand.

On the head of the cavalcade reaching the borders of Roxbury, it halted, and the whole was drawn up in a long line at the upper side of Washington Street, facing the centre. For over half an hour it waited for the cortege from Brookline which was to escort Mr. Sumner, and when at last the latter appeared, it was received with hearty cheers and music from the Brigade Band. It consisted of some sixteen or eighteen barouches or carriages, containing the Committee of Arrangements and other gentlemen.

The barouche which contained Mr. Sumner was drawn by magnificent horses. With Mr. Sumner was the Rev. Professor F. D. Huntington, of Harvard University, and Dr. Perry, of this city, Mr. Sumner’s physician. Among those in the succeeding barouches were Messrs. Abbott and James Lawrence, George and Isaac Livermore, Edwin P. Whipple, George R. Russell, Charles G. Loring, J. Huntington Wolcott, Hon. E. C. Baker, President of the Senate, Dr. Beck and Rev. Dr. Francis, of Cambridge, Professor Lovering, and James Russell Lowell, the poet,--that which followed Mr. Sumner’s barouche containing Professor Longfellow, and George Sumner, the brother of the Senator.

As the carriage with Mr. Sumner touched the line between Roxbury and Boston, there was a general cheer, which was continued along far into the distance,--the Brigade Band playing “Hail Columbia.” The first division of the cavalcade wheeled to the left, and formed into an escort. The carriages of Mr. Sumner and the Committee came next in succession, and then the two remaining divisions fell into column.

A few rods north of the Roxbury line the cavalcade came to a halt, when Mr. Sumner’s carriage was driven alongside of that containing Hon. Josiah Quincy, and Hon. Alexander H. Rice, mayor of Boston. After greetings between the parties, Professor Huntington introduced Mr. Sumner to Mr. Quincy in the following brief address.

“MR. QUINCY,--The Committee of Arrangements for welcoming the Hon. Charles Sumner to his home present him here to you, Sir, a venerated representative of the city of his birth. He comes back from his public post, where he has bravely advocated the cause of all freemen, to enjoy a freeman’s privilege and discharge a freeman’s duty. He comes, a cheerful and victorious sufferer, out of great conflicts of humanity with oppression, of ideas with ignorance, of scholarship and refinement with barbarian vulgarity, of intellectual power with desperate and brutal violence, of conscience with selfish expediency, of right with wrong. Boston does well in coming out to greet him. For that ample and lofty manhood, trained under her education and consolidated in her climate, has added new dignity to her old renown. It has joined her name more inseparably than ever with the aspirations of Christian liberty, and the honors of disinterested patriotism, throughout the earth, and through all time.”

MR. QUINCY then addressed Mr. Sumner as follows.

“MR. SUMNER,--It is with inexpressible pleasure that I address you this day as the voice of the great multitude of your fellow-citizens. In their name, and by their authority, I welcome you to your home in Massachusetts, expressing their honor and thanks for the power and fidelity with which you have fulfilled your duties as their representative in the Senate of the United States, where, ‘unshaken, unseduced, unterrified,’ you kept your love, your zeal, your loyalty to Liberty,--where neither number nor example, threat nor sneer, ‘within you wrought to swerve from truth, or change your constant mind.’ [_Applause._]

“You return to your country, Sir, after having given glorious evidences of intellectual power, which touched, as with the spear of Ithuriel, the evil spirit of our Union, causing it at once to develop in full proportions its gigantic deformity, compelling it to unveil to the Free States its malign design to make this land of the free a land of slaves. [_Voices, ‘Never! never!’_]

“You have suffered, and are still suffering, for your intrepid faithfulness. But suffering in the cause of Truth and Liberty is the heaven-laid path to win ‘the crown which Virtue gives after this mortal change to her true servants.’ [_Hearty cheers._]

“I rejoice that my life has been prolonged to this day,--that I am permitted to behold the dawnings of ancient Liberty through the broken openings of the clouds, which for more than fifty years the spirit of Slavery has extended over this Union. I thank Heaven that now, at last, the Free States are beginning to awaken to a sense of their dangers and their duties,--that, at length, they begin to realize that the Slave States have overleaped the bounds of the Constitution. The apathy of half a century may delay for a time the triumphs of Freedom, but come they will. Final success is certain. Never again will the Free States in silence acquiesce in the farther extension of slave domain. [_Loud applause, and cries of ‘Never! never!’_] Henceforth they will hear and attend to the warning voice of Washington, solemnly uttered in his Farewell Address,--‘SUBMIT NOT TO USURPATION,’--‘RESIST, WITH CARE, THE SPIRIT OF INNOVATION UPON THE PRINCIPLES OF THE CONSTITUTION.’ [_Cheers._]

“We welcome you, Sir, as the champion of Freedom [_loud cheers_], and as one to whom the deliverance which we hope may yet be destined for our country will be greatly due.”

MR. SUMNER, who had been standing in his carriage, uncovered, then spoke, in a subdued voice, and evidently under the influence of deep feeling, as follows.

MR. QUINCY,--A year has nearly run since I left Boston in the discharge of public duties. During this period, amidst important events, I have been able to do something which my fellow-citizens and neighbors, speaking by your authoritative voice, are pleased to approve. I am happy in this approbation. Especially am I happy that it is conveyed by the eloquent words of one who from my childhood has been with me an object of unaffected reverence, who was the municipal head of my native city while I was a pupil at its public schools, and who was the head of the University while I was a pupil in that ancient seat.

Boston, early in her history, set her face against Slavery. By a vote, entered upon her Town Records, as long ago as 1701, she called upon her Representatives “to put a period to negroes being slaves.” If I have done anything to deserve the greeting you now lavish, it is because I have striven to maintain those principles here declared, and to extend them to other places,--stretching the venerable shelter of Faneuil Hall even over distant Kansas. [_Loud applause._]

You have made allusion to the suffering which I have undergone. This is not small. But it has been incurred in the performance of duty; and how little is it, Sir, compared with the suffering of fellow-citizens in Kansas! How small is it, compared with that tale of woe which is perpetually coming to us from the house of bondage!

With you I hail the omens of final triumph. I ask no prophet to confirm this assurance. The future is not less secure than the past.

You are pleased to quote injunctions of Washington. If ever there was occasion to bear these, not only in memory, but in heart, the time is now, when Usurpation is the order of the day, and the Constitution is set at defiance. Beyond these precepts is also his great example, which, from first to last, teaches the constant lesson of fidelity, in standing up for the liberties of our country, in undoubting faith that the good cause cannot fail.

The rule of duty is the same for the lowly and the great; and, in the communication which I addressed to the Legislature of Massachusetts, accepting the trust which I now hold, I ventured to adopt the determination of Washington, and to avow his confidence. In both I hope to hold fast unto the end. [_Loud cheers._]

Mr. Sumner then passed from the carriage in which he had been riding into that of Mr. Quincy and Mayor Rice. Professor Huntington also took a seat in the same carriage, which was drawn by six splendid gray horses. A body-guard of marshals mounted, and of police, formed on each side of the barouche, in order to keep the multitudes in the streets from pressing up to shake hands with Mr. Sumner.

The cavalcade then proceeded onwards, amid repeated cheers of the multitudes lining the streets on both sides. In accordance with directions from his physician, Mr. Sumner acknowledged these demonstrations only by a wave of the hand.

On reaching Newton Street, on Blackstone Square, a long line of beautiful young ladies was ranged upon the pavement on the south side, each holding a bouquet, to present to Senator Sumner. Previously, however, a very interesting scene took place. Mrs. C. W. Pierce, Mrs. G. L. Goodwin, Mrs. Henry Keyes, and Miss Mary Pierce--each dressed in white, with wreaths on their heads, and wearing elegant sashes--came forward, and presented Mr. Sumner splendid bouquets, which action seemed to give him much gratification. But the receipt of another from the hands of a lovely child, carried up to the Senator in the arms of a gentleman, and a similar act in Shawmut Avenue, were peculiarly grateful to him. No previous or subsequent circumstances during the day seemed to give Mr. Sumner such true delight as these kindnesses. On proceeding forward, the ladies showered their bouquets upon him from sidewalks and windows along the street, until the carriage was pretty nigh full. As the floral burden accumulated, he laughed the more heartily, and spoke his gratitude to every one of the fair donors his voice could reach. All along Newton Street, and the west side of Blackstone Square, the procession was cheered in the most enthusiastic manner. Ladies crowded almost every window, and the scene was the most brilliant along the route.

As the procession reached the Boston Female Orphan Asylum on Washington Street, the inmates of that institution were seen ranged in front of the building, waving their handkerchiefs, and displaying on a white banner a beautiful wreath of evergreen intermingled with flowers, with the motto,--

“We weave a wreath for Charles Sumner.”