Part 1

Statesman Edition VOL. VI

Charles Sumner

HIS COMPLETE WORKS

With Introduction BY HON. GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR

BOSTON LEE AND SHEPARD MCM

COPYRIGHT, 1872, BY CHARLES SUMNER.

COPYRIGHT, 1900, BY LEE AND SHEPARD.

Statesman Edition. LIMITED TO ONE THOUSAND COPIES. OF WHICH THIS IS No. 565

Norwood Press: NORWOOD, MASS., U.S.A.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME VI.

PAGE

APPEAL FOR THE REPUBLICAN CANDIDATES. Letter to the Republican Committee at Boston, June 21, 1856 1

LONGING FOR RESTORATION TO ACTIVE DUTIES, WITH APPEAL TO THE YOUNG MEN OF MASSACHUSETTS. Letter to the Committee of a Young Men’s Convention at Fitchburg, August 5, 1856 6

APPEAL TO THE REPUBLICANS OF RHODE ISLAND. Letter to a Committee, September 4, 1856 9

CONTRIBUTION FOR KANSAS. Letter to Messrs. Greeley and McElrath, of the New York Tribune, September 23, 1856 10

REGRET FOR CONTINUED DISABILITY. Letter to Hon. Lewis D. Campbell, of Ohio, September 24, 1856 11

EFFECT OF A VOTE FOR BUCHANAN: APPEAL TO THE REPUBLICANS OF ILLINOIS. Letter to a Committee of Republicans at Joliet, October 2, 1856 13

APPEAL FOR THE REPUBLICAN CAUSE. Letter to a Committee of Hudson River Counties, Poughkeepsie, New York, October 3, 1856 15

RELIEF FOR KANSAS. Letter to a Committee of the Kansas Aid Society at Boston, October 3, 1856 18

DUTY TO VOTE FOR KANSAS AND FOR BURLINGAME. Letter to a Meeting at Faneuil Hall, October 29, 1856 20

PUBLIC RECEPTION OF MR. SUMNER, ON HIS RETURN TO BOSTON: WITH THE SPEECHES: November 3, 1856 22

AID FOR KANSAS. Letter to Hon. M. F. Conway, November 17, 1856 40

CONGRATULATION ON REËLECTION OF ANSON BURLINGAME AS REPRESENTATIVE IN CONGRESS. Letter to a Banquet at Faneuil Hall, November 24, 1856 41

THE LATE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION OUR BUNKER HILL. Letter to a Committee at Worcester, November 24, 1856 43

LET MASSACHUSETTS HELP KANSAS. Letter to James Redpath, Esq., January 10, 1857 44

ACCEPTANCE OF SENATORSHIP, ON REËLECTION. Letter to the Legislature of Massachusetts, January 22, 1857 46

GRATITUDE FOR SYMPATHY OF THE PEOPLE OF VERMONT. Letter to Hon. Ryland Fletcher, Governor of Vermont, March 7, 1857 52

A LAST WORD FOR KANSAS, ON SAILING FOR EUROPE. Letter to James Redpath, Esq., March 7, 1857 54

INVITATION TO DINNER BY AMERICAN MERCHANTS IN PARIS. Letter to the American Merchants at Paris, April 20, 1857 56

OUR POLITICS SEEN FROM A DISTANCE. Letter to a Friend, dated Heidelberg, September 11, 1857 60

FAREWELL ON SAILING FOR EUROPE A SECOND TIME IN QUEST OF HEALTH. Letter to the People of Massachusetts, on Board Steamer Vanderbilt, New York Harbor, May 22, 1858 62

HONOR TO THE INVENTOR OF THE ELECTRIC TELEGRAPH. Letter to Professor Morse, in excusing himself from a Dinner at Paris, August 17, 1858 64

LONGING FOR DUTIES OF POSITION. From a Letter to a Friend, dated at Aix, Savoy, September 11, 1858 65

INDEPENDENCE AND UNITY OF ITALY. Letter to a Public Meeting at New York, February 17, 1860 67

TWO LESSONS FROM THE LIFE OF WASHINGTON. Letter to the Washington Monument Association of the First School District of Philadelphia, February 21, 1860 70

MACAULAY ON SLAVERY. Communication to the New York Tribune, March 3, 1860 71

STATUE OF HORACE MANN. Letter to Dr. Samuel G. Howe, March 5, 1860 78

USURPATION OF THE SENATE IN IMPRISONING A CITIZEN. Two Speeches, on the Imprisonment of Thaddeus Hyatt for refusing to testify in the Harper’s Ferry Investigation, in the Senate, March 12, and June 15, 1860 80

ABOLITION OF CUSTOM-HOUSE OATHS. Resolution in the Senate, March 15, 1860 95

BOSTON COMMON, AND ITS EXTENSION. Letter to George H. Snelling, Esq., of Boston, March 26, 1860 96

ATTEMPT TO KIDNAP A CITIZEN UNDER ORDER OF THE SENATE. The Case of Frank B. Sanborn, of Concord, Massachusetts, with Speeches in the Senate, April 10, 13, and 16, 1860 99

PETITIONS AGAINST SLAVERY. Speech in the Senate, April 18, 1860 106

SAFETY OF PASSENGERS IN STEAMSHIPS FOR CALIFORNIA. Resolution and Remarks in the Senate, May 21, 1860 109

CANDIDATES WHO ARE A PLATFORM. Letter to a Ratification Meeting at Buffalo, New York, May 30, 1860 111

THE BARBARISM OF SLAVERY. Speech in the Senate, on Bill for Admission of Kansas as a Free State, June 4, 1860 113

A VICTORY OF PRINCIPLE IN THE PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION. Letter to a Public Meeting at Middleborough, Massachusetts, June 11, 1860 287

REFUSAL TO COLORED PERSONS OF RIGHT OF PETITION. Notes of Undelivered Speech in the Senate, on Resolution refusing to receive Petition from Citizens of Massachusetts of African Descent, June 15, 1860 288

THE LATE HONORABLE JOHN SCHWARTZ, OF PENNSYLVANIA. Speech in the Senate, on Resolutions in Tribute to him, June 21, 1860 300

UNHESITATING ASSERTION OF OUR PRINCIPLES. Letter to the Republicans of New York City, June 27, 1860 302

THE REPUBLICAN PARTY: ITS ORIGIN, NECESSITY, AND PERMANENCE. Speech before the Young Men’s Republican Union of New York, at Cooper Institute, July 11, 1860 303

OUR CANDIDATES WILL BE ELECTED. Letter to the Lincoln and Hamlin Club of Owego, New York, July 30, 1860 342

EMANCIPATION IN THE BRITISH WEST INDIES A BLESSING, AND NOT A FAILURE. Letter to a Public Meeting at Framingham, Massachusetts, July 30, 1860 343

SLAVERY A BARBAROUS DISEASE TO BE STAYED. Letter to a Republican Meeting at the Dedication of the Republican Wigwam in New York, August 6, 1860 346

TRIBUTE TO A COLLEGE CLASSMATE. Remarks on the Late John W. Browne, August 20, 1860 348

PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES AND THE ISSUES. Speech at the State Convention of the Republican Party at Worcester, August 29, 1860 352

APPEAL FOR THE REPUBLICAN CANDIDATES.

LETTER TO THE REPUBLICAN COMMITTEE AT BOSTON, JUNE 21, 1856.

The selection of a Republican candidate for the Presidency gave rise to the customary discussion in the newspapers, in the course of which the _New York Tribune_, under date of June 6, 1856, expressed itself as follows.

“The People’s Convention, which assembles at Philadelphia on the 17th instant, will be called first to decide this question: _Can the opponents of Slavery Extension elect whomsoever they may choose to nominate?_ If, on a careful comparison of views, this question can be confidently answered in the affirmative, we have next to consider who, by early, earnest, faithful, protracted, unswerving service to the cause, has done most for the triumph of Humanity and Impartial Freedom; and in that view but three names can be seriously considered, namely, those of WILLIAM H. SEWARD, of New York, SALMON P. CHASE, of Ohio, and CHARLES SUMNER, of Massachusetts. They are all capable, reliable, and deserving, and either of them would worthily fill the highest office in the Republic. We will not weigh their respective claims, but we shall support to the utmost of our ability whichever (if either) of them shall be nominated.”

The Republican National Convention assembled at Philadelphia, June 17, 1856, and chose Henry S. Lane, of Indiana, as presiding officer. At an informal ballot for President there were 359 votes for John C. Fremont and 196 for John McLean; New York also gave two votes for Mr. Sumner and one for Mr. Seward. Mr. Fremont was thereupon nominated unanimously. At an informal ballot for Vice-President there were 259 votes for William L. Dayton, 110 for Abraham Lincoln, 46 for N. P. Banks, 43 for David Wilmot, 35 for Charles Sumner, 15 for Jacob Collamer, 9 for John A. King, 8 for S. C. Pomeroy, 7 for Thomas Ford, 5 for Henry Wilson, 4 for Cassius M. Clay, 3 for Henry C. Carey, 2 for J. R. Giddings, 2 for W. F. Johnston, and 1 for A. C. M. Pennington. On a formal ballot, Mr. Dayton was nominated unanimously.

Mr. Sumner, who was at the time a guest of Francis P. Blair, at his place near Washington, addressed the following letter to a meeting at Faneuil Hall, in Boston, for the ratification of the nominations.

SILVER SPRING (near WASHINGTON), June 21, 1856.

MY DEAR SIR,--I am not strong enough for public speaking, even if I were strong enough for a journey to Boston. Besides, my duties in the Senate have the first claim upon me, and to them I must give my first returning strength. Therefore am I constrained to decline the invitation with which you have honored me.

But I am strong enough to send from my present retreat a brief expression of cordial concurrence in the nominations made by the People’s Convention at Philadelphia, and also of the gladness with which I shall support them, by voice and vote, with mind and heart.

I have long honored Colonel Fremont for his genius in geographical enterprise, his eminent intelligence, his manly fortitude, his perfect integrity, and his easy command of men,--swaying to his own beneficent purpose even the savages of the forest, while Nature herself, in her winter fastnesses, bowed before his march. It is well, at this moment, when a Great Crime is instigated and sustained by the National Government, that such a man, with courage which will not be questioned, and with sensitiveness to right which will not rest, should be summoned to grapple with the wrong-doers. And permit me to say that I find no force in the objection that he has never been a _politician_.

Your candidate for Vice-President is worthy to enjoy the same enthusiastic support. As lawyer, as judge, and as Senator, Mr. Dayton has been conspicuous for character and ability; and I rejoice to believe that he will soon have a larger field of activity, where these can be employed for the good of our common country, while the Senate, which is the stronghold of Human Slavery, will be compelled to receive as its presiding officer a representative of Human Freedom.

But better even than the candidates is the Declaration of Principles, under which we now go forth to conquer. Such a Declaration, promulgated by such a Convention, is in itself the beginning of victory. Strong in simplicity and truthfulness, it must prevail just so soon as it is comprehended. It expresses objects which should enlist the Conservative, while they enlist the Reformer,--which should rally all who turn with respect to the example of the Fathers, while they rally all who are filled with aspirations for a brighter future on earth. It proposes to save Kansas from the revolting usurpation established in that fair Territory, and in this good work it joins issue with the Slave Oligarchy, now swaying our whole country; so that, in saving Kansas, we shall necessarily overthrow this Despotism, and save ourselves. For support, it appeals to all, without distinction of party, who love their country. It appeals to the true Democrat, whose democracy is founded on the recognition of Human Rights; it appeals to the true Whig, who is animated by that hatred of despotic power which inspired those who earliest wore the name; it appeals to the true American, who is ready to forget all other questions for the sake of union to save Liberty endangered; and it appeals to the foreign-born, who, rejoicing in the privileges of American citizens, will not hesitate to join in this holy endeavor to vindicate them against the aggressions of an Oligarchy worse than any tyranny from which they have fled. In this appeal all former differences are forgotten, while men,

“Erewhile that stood aloof, as shy to meet, Familiar mingle here, like sister streams That some rude interposing rock has split.”

In this contest there is every motive to union, and also every motive to exertion. _Now or never! now and forever!_--such was the ancient war-cry, which, embroidered on the Irish flag, streamed from the Castle of Dublin, and resounded through the whole island, arousing a generous people to new struggle for ancient rights; and this war-cry may be fitly inscribed on our standard now. _Arise now, or an inexorable slave-driving Tyranny will be fastened upon you. Arise now, and Liberty will be secured forever._

Present my regards to your associates in the good cause, and believe me, my dear Sir,

Always faithfully yours,

CHARLES SUMNER.

SETH WEBB, JR., Esq.

LONGING FOR RESTORATION TO ACTIVE DUTIES,

WITH APPEAL TO THE YOUNG MEN OF MASSACHUSETTS.

LETTER TO THE COMMITTEE OF A YOUNG MEN’S CONVENTION AT FITCHBURG, AUGUST 5, 1856.

CRESSON, ALLEGHANY MOUNTAINS, PA., August 5, 1856.

DEAR SIR,--I wish that I could be with the young men of Massachusetts at their proposed Convention, but I am so feeble still that I am constrained to turn away from all temptations and opportunities of labor. In writing this letter I infringe a rule prescribed by my physician.

We have been told that “the duties of life are more than life”; and I assure you that the hardest part of my present lot is the enforced absence from public duties, and especially from that seat where, as a Senator from Massachusetts, it is my right, and also my strong desire at this moment, to be heard. But in the coolness of the mountain retreat where I now am, I begin to gather hope of returning strength,--if too tardily for the performance of any public duties during the session of Congress now about to close, yet in season to take part in the rally of the people for the protection of Liberty in Kansas, and for the overthrow of the oligarchical Tyranny which now degrades our Republic.

Meanwhile I commit the cause which we have at heart to the generous sympathies of the people, who will surely rise to smite the oppressor. Especially do I invoke the young. They are the natural guardians of Liberty. Thus has it been throughout all history; and never before in history did Liberty stand in greater need of their irresistible aid. It is the young who give spontaneous welcome to Truth, when she first appears an unattended stranger. It is the young who open the soul with instinctive hospitality to the noble cause. The young men of Massachusetts act under natural impulses, when they step forward as body-guard of the Republican party.

The great discoverer Harvey, on announcing the circulation of the blood, was astonished to find that no person _upward of forty_ received this important truth. The young only embraced it. More fortunate than this discovery, our cause rallies in its support alike the experience of age and the ardor of youth; but it is in the glowing embrace of the young that it finds assurance of victory.

Were I able to make myself heard throughout the land, I would say to the young men everywhere who truly love Liberty: “Your candidate has been the renowned pioneer of civilization in unsettled wastes: associate yourselves with him now as pioneers of Liberty in the National Government; help him unfurl at Washington the flag which he first unfurled on the peaks of the Rocky Mountains; and be copartners with him in the glory of redeeming our beloved country.”

Present to the young men of Massachusetts, whom you represent, the assurance of my sincere interest in their happiness and welfare, and believe me, my dear Sir, with much regard,

Faithfully yours,

CHARLES SUMNER.

GEORGE H. HOYT, Esq., of the Committee, &c.

APPEAL TO THE REPUBLICANS OF RHODE ISLAND.

LETTER TO A COMMITTEE, SEPTEMBER 4, 1856.

CRESSON, ALLEGHANY MOUNTAINS, PA., September 4, 1856.

DEAR SIR,--Were I well, I should regard your letter as a summons. But I am still in the hands of physicians, by whom I am carefully warned against all public effort. Most reluctantly, at this period of our country’s trial, do I submit.

Accept for the Convention which will assemble at Providence my best wishes. Let it apply itself with earnestness, diligence, and singleness of purpose to the rescue of our fair land from the tyranny which now degrades it. Here is room for all,--the aged and the young, the Conservative and the Reformer. Surely, Rhode Island, if not utterly disloyal to herself, if not utterly disloyal to New England civilization, if not utterly disloyal to the Republic of which she constitutes a part, will rise up as one man and insist that Kansas shall be secured to Liberty, and that the Slave Oligarchy shall be driven from its usurped foothold in the National Government. At all events, this State, first planted by the Author of Religious Freedom, will see that Human Rights do not suffer through the votes of her children.

Believe me, my dear Sir, faithfully yours,

CHARLES SUMNER.

CONTRIBUTION FOR KANSAS.

LETTER TO MESSRS. GREELEY AND MCELRATH, OF THE NEW YORK TRIBUNE, SEPTEMBER 23, 1856.

MESSRS. GREELEY AND MCELRATH:--

I have watched with interest your generous fund for the relief and liberation of Kansas, now insulted, trodden down, torn, and enslaved by the President of the United States, acting as the tool of the tyrannical Slave Oligarchy. To other funds for this important charity I have already given according to my small means; but, as a constant reader of the “Tribune,” I cannot miss the opportunity which you afford to protest anew against an unparalleled Crime, and to contribute anew to its mitigation. Please to accept the check which I enclose for one hundred dollars. I wish it were more, when so much is needed.

Believe me, Gentlemen, your faithful servant,

CHARLES SUMNER.

PHILADELPHIA, September 23, 1856.

REGRET FOR CONTINUED DISABILITY.

LETTER TO HON. LEWIS D. CAMPBELL, OF OHIO, SEPTEMBER 24, 1856.

HAMILTON, Monday, September 29, 1856.

EDITORS OF THE CINCINNATI GAZETTE:--

Tens of thousands of the Friends of Freedom were anxious to meet Senator Sumner at this place on Friday last. Many went away disappointed. I had assured the Committee of Arrangements, that, if the state of his health permitted, he would attend the meeting.

I have just received the enclosed private letter, which I venture to hand for publication, that those who were disappointed may understand and appreciate the cause of his non-attendance. It is in answer to a letter in which I urged Mr. Sumner to spend a fortnight in the Miami Valley for recreation, and to appear at the Hamilton meeting, even if his health should not permit him to speak.

Very truly yours, &c.

LEWIS D. CAMPBELL.

* * * * *

PHILADELPHIA, Wednesday, September 24, 1856.

MY DEAR SIR,--Your letter of the 9th of September, after travelling to Boston, at last found me here, where I am still detained under medical treatment, away from my home, which I have not visited since I left it at the beginning of the late session of Congress, now ten months ago.

With sorrow inexpressible, I am still constrained to all the care and reserve of an invalid. More than four months have passed since you clasped my hand as I lay bleeding at the Senate Chamber, and my system is even now so far from the firmness of health that any departure from the prescribed rule is sure to occasion a relapse. I could not reach Ohio except by slow stages; and were I there, I should not have the sanction of my physician in exposing myself to the excitements of a public meeting, even if I said nothing. This is hard, very hard, for me to bear; for I long to do something at this critical moment for the cause. What is life without action?

For a while, at least, I must leave to others the precious satisfaction of laboring for Liberty and the redemption of our country. But I have the comfort of knowing that never before was I so little needed.

God bless Ohio for her glorious testimony already, and her more glorious promises!

Believe me, my dear Sir, very faithfully yours,

CHARLES SUMNER.

HON. LEWIS D. CAMPBELL, Hamilton, Ohio.

EFFECT OF A VOTE FOR BUCHANAN:

APPEAL TO THE REPUBLICANS OF ILLINOIS.

LETTER TO A COMMITTEE OF REPUBLICANS AT JOLIET, OCTOBER 2, 1856.

The local paper reports that this letter “was received with tremendous applause.”

PHILADELPHIA, October 2, 1856.

DEAR SIR,--I am sorry that I cannot be with the Republicans of Illinois at Joliet on the 8th of October, according to the invitation with which they have honored me; but inexorable, long-continued disability and the admonitions of medical skill keep me back still from all public effort, and even from return to my home, which I have not visited for more than ten months.

It is hard to renounce the opportunity which you offer me; for I have constantly hoped to visit Illinois during the present contest, and in plain language put to her people the questions which they are to decide by their votes. These are all involved in the Freedom of Kansas, but they are manifold in form.

Are you _against_ the extension of Slavery? If _yea_, then vote for Fremont.

Are you especially _against_ the extension of Slavery BY FORCE? If _yea_, then vote for Fremont.

Are you _against_ the erection of the Slave Oligarchy as the dominant power in our Republic? If _yea_, then vote for Fremont.

Are you _against_ the violation of the constitutional rights of American citizens? If _yea_, then vote for Fremont.