Part 1

Charles Sumner; his complete works, Volume 4 (of 20)

HENRY WILSON [Illustration: Eng^d. by A H Richie]

Statesman Edition VOL. IV

Charles Sumner

HIS COMPLETE WORKS

With Introduction

BY

HON. GEORGE FRISBIE HOAR

BOSTON LEE AND SHEPARD

MCM

COPYRIGHT, 1900, BY LEE AND SHEPARD.

Statesman Edition.

LIMITED TO ONE THOUSAND COPIES. OF WHICH THIS IS

No. 565

Norwood Press: NORWOOD, MASS., U.S.A.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME IV.

PAGE

ANDREW J. DOWNING, THE LANDSCAPE GARDENER. Speech in the Senate, in Favor of an Allowance to the Widow of the late Andrew J. Downing, August 26, 1852 1

THE PARTY OF FREEDOM: ITS NECESSITY AND PRACTICABILITY. Speech at the State Convention of the Free-Soil Party of Massachusetts, held at Lowell, September 15, 1852 3

CIVIL SUPERINTENDENTS OF ARMORIES. Speech in the Senate, on the Proposition to change the Superintendents of Armories, February 23, 1853 12

NECESSITY OF UNION TO UPHOLD FREEDOM. Letter to a Rhode Island Committee, March 26, 1853 15

AGAINST SECRECY IN PROCEEDINGS OF THE SENATE. Speech in the Senate, on the Proposition to limit the Secret Sessions of the Senate, April 6, 1853 16

THE GERMAN EMIGRANT MUST BE AGAINST SLAVERY. Letter to Lewis Tappan, Esq., May 17, 1853 19

POWERS OF THE STATE OVER THE MILITIA: EXEMPTIONS FOR CONSCIENTIOUS SCRUPLES. Speech in Convention to revise and amend the Constitution of Massachusetts, June 21, 1853 20

POWERS OF THE STATE OVER THE MILITIA: COLORED COMPANIES. Speech in Convention to revise and amend the Constitution of Massachusetts, June 22, 1853 25

THE PACIFIC RAILROAD AND THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE. Letter to the Mayor of Boston, for the Celebration of July 4, 1853 32

THE REPRESENTATIVE SYSTEM, AND ITS PROPER BASIS. Speech on the Proposition to amend the Basis of the House of Representatives of Massachusetts, in the Convention to revise and amend the Constitution of that State, July 7, 1853 33

BILLS OF RIGHTS: THEIR HISTORY AND POLICY. Speech on the Report from the Committee on the Bill of Rights, in the Convention to revise and amend the Constitution of Massachusetts, July 25, 1853 62

FINGER-POINT FROM PLYMOUTH ROCK. Speech at the Plymouth Festival in Commemoration of the Embarkation of the Pilgrims, August 1, 1853 73

IRELAND AND IRISHMEN. Letter to a Committee of Irish-born Citizens, August 2, 1853 80

THE LANDMARK OF FREEDOM: NO REPEAL OF THE MISSOURI COMPROMISE. Speech in the Senate, against the Repeal of the Missouri Prohibition of Slavery north of 36° 30´ in the Nebraska and Kansas Bill, February 21, 1854 81

WHEN WILL THE NORTH BE AROUSED? Letter to a Personal Friend, March 30, 1854 137

A LIBERTY-LOVING EMIGRATION TO GUARD KANSAS. Letter to a Massachusetts Committee, May 1, 1854 138

FINAL PROTEST, FOR HIMSELF AND THE CLERGY OF NEW ENGLAND, AGAINST SLAVERY IN NEBRASKA AND KANSAS. Speech in the Senate, on the Night of the Final Passage of the Nebraska and Kansas Bill, May 25, 1854 140

UNION OF ALL PARTIES NECESSARY AGAINST THE SLAVE POWER. Letter to a Massachusetts Committee, May 29, 1854 157

BOSTON PETITION FOR THE REPEAL OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE ACT. Speech in the Senate, on the Boston Petition for the Repeal of the Fugitive Slave Act, June 26, 1854 159

REPLY TO ASSAILANTS: OATH TO SUPPORT THE CONSTITUTION; WEAKNESS OF THE SOUTH FROM SLAVERY. Second Speech in the Senate on the Boston Petition for the Repeal of the Fugitive Slave Act, June 28, 1854 172

PEACEFUL OPPOSITION TO THE FUGITIVE SLAVE ACT. Letter to the Mayor of Boston, for the Celebration of July 4, 1854 228

NO PENSION FOR SERVICE IN SUPPORT OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE ACT. Minority Report to the Senate of the United States, on the Bill granting to the Widow of James Batchelder a Provision for her Future Support, July 13, 1854 230

JAMES OTIS AN EXAMPLE TO MASSACHUSETTS. Letter to the Cape Cod Association of Massachusetts, July 30, 1854 237

STRUGGLE FOR REPEAL OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE ACT. Debate in the Senate, July 31, 1854 239

DUTIES OF MASSACHUSETTS AT THE PRESENT CRISIS. FORMATION OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY. Speech before the Republican State Convention at Worcester, September 7, 1854 255

THE GOOD FARMER AND THE GOOD CITIZEN. Letter to the Norfolk Agricultural Society, September 25, 1854 280

THE FUGITIVE SLAVE ACT TO BE DISOBEYED. Letter to a Committee at Syracuse, New York, September 28, 1854 282

POSITION AND DUTIES OF THE MERCHANT, ILLUSTRATED BY THE LIFE OF GRANVILLE SHARP. Address before the Mercantile Library Association of Boston, on the Evening of November 13, 1854 283

WAGES OF SEAMEN IN CASE OF WRECK. Speech in the Senate, on introducing a Bill to secure Wages to Seamen in Case of Wreck, February 12, 1855 324

AGAINST CAPITAL PUNISHMENT. Letter to a Committee of the Massachusetts Legislature, February 12, 1855 331

THE DEMANDS OF FREEDOM: REPEAL OF THE FUGITIVE SLAVE ACT. Speech in the Senate against Mr. Toucey's Bill, and for the Repeal of the Fugitive Slave Act, February 23, 1855 333

ANDREW J. DOWNING, THE LANDSCAPE GARDENER.

SPEECH IN THE SENATE, IN FAVOR OF AN ALLOWANCE TO THE WIDOW OF THE LATE ANDREW J. DOWNING, AUGUST 26, 1852.

The Civil and Diplomatic Appropriation Bill being under consideration, Mr. Pearce, of Maryland, under instructions from the Committee on Finance, moved the following amendment:--

"For the payment of the arrears of salary due to the late Rural Architect, A. J. Downing, deceased, from the 1st of May, 1852, to the date of his death, and a further allowance to his widow, equal to the salary for one year, $2,500: _Provided_, that the said sum shall be in full of all claim for the services of the said deceased, and for all models, specifications, and drawings, designed for the benefit of the United States, which are not in its possession."

In the course of the debate which ensued, Mr. Sumner spoke as follows.

Mr. President--The laborer is worthy of his hire; and I believe at this moment there is no question of charity to the widow of the late Mr. Downing. The simple proposition is, to make compensation for services rendered to the United States by this eminent artist as superintendent of the public grounds in Washington. And since the plans he has left behind and the impulse he has given to improvements here by his remarkable genius will continue to benefit us, though he has been removed, it is thought reasonable to continue his salary to the close of the unexpired year from which it commenced. These plans alone have been valued at five thousand dollars, and we are to have the advantage of them. In pursuance of these, his successor will be able to proceed in arranging the public grounds, and in embellishing the national capital, without further expenditure for others. Thus, as I said at the outset, it is not a question of charity, but of compensation; and on this ground I doubt not the estate of the departed artist deserves the small pittance it is proposed to pay. For myself, I should be much happier to vote a larger appropriation, believing, that, over and above the services actually rendered in the discharge of his duties, these plans are amply worth it, and that we shall all feel better by such recognition of our debt.

Few men in the public service have vindicated a title to regard above Mr. Downing. At the age of thirty-seven he has passed away, "dead ere his prime,"--like Lycidas, also, "floating upon his watery bier,"[1]--leaving behind a reputation above that of any other citizen in the beautiful department of Art to which he was devoted. His labors and his example cannot be forgotten. I know of no man among us, in any sphere of life, so young as he was at his death, who has been able to perform services of such true, simple, and lasting beneficence. By wide and active superintendence of rural improvements, by labors of the pen, and by the various exercise of his genius, he has contributed essentially to the sum of human happiness. And now, Sir, by practical services here in Washington, rendered at the call of his country, he has earned, it seems to me, this small appropriation, not as a charity to his desolate widow, but as a remuneration for labor done. I hope the amendment will be agreed to.

[1] Mr. Downing was accidentally drowned in the Hudson River.

THE PARTY OF FREEDOM: ITS NECESSITY AND PRACTICABILITY.

SPEECH AT THE STATE CONVENTION OF THE FREE-SOIL PARTY OF MASSACHUSETTS, HELD AT LOWELL, SEPTEMBER 15, 1852.

The annual State Convention of the Free-Soil Party of Massachusetts met at Lowell September 15, 1852. It was organized with the following officers: Hon. Stephen C. Phillips, of Salem, President,--Rodney French, of New Bedford, George B. Atwood, of Taunton, William Jackson, of Newton, George F. Williams, of Boston, Charles Beck, of Cambridge, John B. Alley, of Lynn, Benjamin F. Thompson, of Winchester, John Nesmith, of Lowell, John Edgell, of Gardner, Francis Bates, of Springfield, Calvin Marden, of Pittsfield, Vice-Presidents,--George M. Brooks, of Concord, Edmund Anthony, of New Bedford, William S. Robinson, of Lowell, Andrew J. Aiken, of Adams, Benjamin F. White, of Weymouth, Secretaries.

Eloquent speeches were made by the President, Hon. S. C. Phillips, Hon. Henry Wilson, Hon. John W. Graves, Hon. E. L. Keyes, Hon. Rodney French, Dr. Caleb Swan, Richard H. Dana, Jr., Esq., Hon. Horace Mann, Hon. Amasa Walker, Hon. Anson Burlingame, and Seth Webb, Jr., Esq. The resolutions adopted by the Convention were reported by Hon. C. F. Adams. Hon. Horace Mann was nominated as candidate for Governor, and Hon. Amasa Walker as candidate for Lieutenant-Governor.

Early in the proceedings Mr. Sumner was introduced to the audience by the President. This incident is copied from the report in the papers, as is also the speech which he made, with the interruptions.

"The President remarked, that there was one gentleman present whom the Convention would all delight to hear: he alluded to our distinguished Senator in Congress, Hon. Charles Sumner.

"The name of Mr. Sumner was received with 'three times three' rousing cheers, and the waving of hats, canes, handkerchiefs, &c.; which demonstrations of regard were renewed as he made his appearance on the platform."

Among those on the platform was Captain Drayton, called "The Hero of the Pearl," recently liberated from prison through the exertions of Mr. Sumner (_ante_, p. 49), who took his seat "amid the hearty cheers of the whole assembly."

MR. PRESIDENT, AND FELLOW-CITIZENS OF MASSACHUSETTS:--

I should be dull indeed,--dull as a weed,--were I insensible to this generous, heart-speaking welcome. After an absence of many months, I have now come home to breathe anew this invigorating Northern air [_applause_], to tread again the free soil of our native Massachusetts [_cheers_], and to enjoy the sympathy of friends and fellow-citizens. [_Renewed applause._] But, while glad in your greetings, thus bounteously lavished, I cannot accept them for myself. I do not deserve them. They belong to the cause [_applause_] which we all have at heart, and which binds us together. [_Cheers._]

Fellow-citizens, I have not come here to make a speech. The occasion requires no such effort. Weary with other labors, and desiring rest, I have little now to say,--and that little will be too much, if about myself. If, at Washington, during a long session of Congress,--my first experience of public life,--I have been able to do anything which meets your acceptance, I am happy. [_Cheers._] I have done nothing but my duty. ["_Hear! hear!_"] Passing from this, and taking advantage of the kind attention with which you honor me, let me add one word in vindication of our position as a _national party_.

We are on the eve of two important elections,--one of National officers, and the other of State officers. A President and Vice-President of the United States and members of Congress are to be chosen; also, Governor and Lieutenant-Governor of the Commonwealth, and members of the Legislature. And at these elections we are to cast our votes so as most to advance the cause of Freedom under the National Constitution. [_Cheers._] This is our peculiar object,--though associated with it are other aims, kindred in their humane and liberal character.

Against Freedom both the old parties are banded. Opposed to each other in the contest for power, they concur in opposing every effort for the establishment of Freedom under the National Constitution. [_Applause._] Divided as parties, _they are one_ as supporters of Slavery. On this question we can have no sympathy with either, but must necessarily be against both. ["_Hear! hear!_"] They sustain Slavery in the District of Columbia: we are against it. They sustain the coastwise Slave-Trade under the National Flag: we abhor it. [_Cheers._] They sustain the policy of silence on Slavery in the Territories: we urge the voice of positive prohibition. They sustain that paragon of legislative monsters,--unconstitutional, unchristian, and infamous,--the Fugitive Slave Bill [_sensation_]: we insist on its repeal. [_Great applause._] They concede to the Slave Power new life and protection: we cannot be content except with its total destruction. [_Enthusiasm._] Such, fellow-citizens, is the difference between us.

And now, if here in Massachusetts there be any who, on grounds of policy or conscience, feel impelled to support Slavery, let them go and sink in the embrace of the old parties. [_Applause._] There they belong. On the other hand, all sincerely opposed to Slavery, who desire to act against Slavery, who seek to bear their testimony for Freedom, who long to carry into public affairs those principles of morality and Christian duty which are the rule of private life,--let them come out from both the old parties, and join us. [_Cheers._] In our organization, with the declared friends of Freedom, they will find a place in harmony with their aspirations. [_Enthusiasm._]

There is one apology, common to the supporters of both the old parties, and often in their mouths, when pressed for inconsistent persistence in adhering to these parties. It is dogmatically asserted that there can be but two parties,--that a new party is impossible, particularly in our country,--and that, therefore, all persons, however opposed to Slavery, must be content in one of the old parties. This assumption, which is without foundation in reason, is so often put forth, that it has acquired a certain currency; and many, who reason hastily, or implicitly follow others, have adopted it as the all-sufficient excuse for their conduct. Confessing their own opposition to Slavery, they yield to the domination of party, and become dumb. All this is wrong morally, and therefore must be wrong practically.

Party, in its true estate, is the natural expression and agency of different forms of opinion on important public questions, and itself assumes different forms precisely according to the prevalence of different opinions. Thus, in the early Italian republics there were for a while the factions of Guelphs and Ghibellines, rival supporters of Pope and Emperor,--also of Whites and Blacks, taking their names from the color of their respective badges,--and in England, the two factions of the White and Red Roses, in which was involved the succession to the crown. In all these cases the party came into being, died out, or changed with the objects originating it. If there be in a community only two chief antagonist opinions, then there will be but two parties embodying these opinions. But as other opinions practically prevail and seek vent, so must parties change or multiply. This is so strongly the conclusion of reason and philosophy, that it could not be doubted, even if there were no examples of such change and multiplicity. But we need only turn to the recent history of France and England, the two countries where opinion has the freest scope, to find such examples.

Thus, for instance, in France,--and I dwell on this point because I have myself observed, in conversation, that it is of practical importance,--under Louis Philippe, anterior to the late Republic, there was the party of Legitimists, supporters of the old branch of Bourbons, and the party of Orleanists, supporters of the existing throne: these two corresponding at the time, in relative rank and power, to our Whigs and Democrats. Besides these was a third party, _the small band of Republicans, represented in the Legislature by a few persons only_, but strong in principles and purposes, which in February, 1848, prevailed over both the others. [_Applause._] On the establishment of the Republic, the multiplication of parties continued, until, with the freedom of opinion and the freedom of the press, all were equally overthrown by Louis Napoleon, and their place supplied by the enforced unity of despotism.

In England, the most important measure of recent reform, the abolition of the laws imposing a protective duty on corn, was carried only by a third party. Neither of the two old parties could be brought to adopt this measure and press it to consummation. A powerful public opinion, thwarted in the regular parties, had recourse to a new one, neither Whig nor Tory, but formed from both the old ones, where Sir Robert Peel, the great Conservative leader, took his place, side by side, in honorable coalition, with Mr. Cobden, the great Liberal leader. ["_Hear! hear!_"] In this way the Corn Laws were finally overthrown. The multiplicity of parties engendered by this contest still continues in England. At the general election for the new Parliament which has just taken place, the strict lines of ancient parties seemed to be effaced, and many were returned, not as Whigs and Tories, but as Protectionists and Anti-Protectionists.

Thus by example in our own day we confirm the principle of political philosophy, that parties naturally adapt themselves in character and number to prevailing public opinion.

At the present time, in our country, there exists a deep, controlling, conscientious feeling against Slavery. [_Cheers._] You and I, Sir, and all of us, confess it. While recognizing the Constitution, we desire to do everything in our power to relieve ourselves of responsibility for this terrible wrong. ["_Yes! yes!_"] We would vindicate the Constitution, and the National Government it has established, from all participation in this outrage. [_Cheers._] Both the old political parties, forgetful of the Fathers, and of the spirit of the Constitution, not only refuse to be agents or representatives in any degree of our convictions, but expressly discourage and denounce them. Thus baffled in effort for utterance, these convictions naturally seek expression in a new agency, _the party of Freedom_. [_Cheers._] Such is the party, representing the great doctrines of Human Rights, as enunciated in our Declaration of Independence, and inspired by a truly Democratic sentiment, now assembled here under the name of the Free Democracy. [_Cheers._]

The rising public opinion against Slavery cannot flow in the old political channels. It is impeded, choked, and dammed back. But if not _through_ the old parties, then _over_ the old parties [_tremendous cheering_], this irresistible current _shall_ find its way. [_Enthusiasm._] It cannot be permanently stopped. If the old parties will not become its organs, they must become its victims. [_Cheers._] The party of Freedom will certainly prevail. [_Sensation._] It may be by entering into and possessing one of the old parties, filling it with our own strong life; or it may be by drawing to itself the good and true from both who are unwilling to continue in a political combination when it ceases to represent their convictions; but, in one way or the other, its ultimate triumph is sure. [_Great applause._] Of this let no man doubt. [_Repeated cheers._]

At this moment we are in a minority. At the last popular election in Massachusetts, there were twenty-eight thousand Free-Soilers, forty-three thousand Democrats, and sixty-four thousand Whigs. But this is no reason for discouragement. According to recent estimates, the population of the whole world amounts to about eight hundred millions. Of these only two hundred and sixty millions are Christians, while the remaining five hundred and forty millions are mainly Mahometans, Brahmins, and Idolaters. Because the Christians are in this minority, that is no reason for renouncing Christianity, and for surrendering to the false religions [_cheers_]; nor do we doubt that Christianity will yet prevail over the whole earth, as the waters cover the sea. ["_Hear! hear!_"] The friends of Freedom in Massachusetts are likewise in a minority; but they will not therefore renounce Freedom [_cheers_], nor surrender to the political Mahometans, Brahmins, and Idolaters of Baltimore ["_Never! never!_"]; nor can they doubt that their cause, like Christianity, will yet prevail. [_Enthusiastic cheers._]

Our party commends itself. But it is also commended by our candidates. [_Cheers._] In all that makes the eminent civilian or the accomplished statesman fit for the responsibilities of government, they will proudly compare with any of their competitors [_applause_], while they are dear to our hearts as able, well-tried, loyal supporters of those vital principles which we seek to establish under the Constitution of the United States. [_Applause._] In the Senate, Mr. Hale [_cheers_] is admitted to be foremost in aptitude and readiness for debate, whether in the general legislation of the country, or in constant and valiant championship of our cause. [_Applause._] His genial and sun-like nature irradiates the antagonism of political controversy [_cheers_], while his active and practical mind, richly stored with various experience, never fails to render good service. [_Great cheering._]

Of Mr. Julian, our candidate for the Vice-Presidency, ["_Hear! hear!_"] let me say simply, that, in ability and devotion to our principles, he is a worthy compeer of Mr. Hale. To vote for such men will itself be a pleasure. But it will be doubly so, when we reflect that in this way we do something to accomplish a noble work, with which the happiness, welfare, and fame of our country are indissolubly connected. [_Repeated and enthusiastic cheers._]

With such a cause and such candidates, no man can be disheartened. The tempest may blow,--but ours is a life-boat, not to be harmed by wind or wave. The Genius of Liberty sits at the helm. I hear her voice of cheer, saying, "Whoso sails with me comes to shore!"