Part 3
Ce portrait convient au grand nombre particulièrement aux gens de la campagne. Ceux des villes sont moins vicieux. Tous sont attachés à la religion. On voit peu de scélérats. Ils sont volages, ont trop bonne opinion d'euxmêmes, ce qui les empêche de réussir comme ils pourroient le faire dans les arts, l'agriculture et le commerce. Joignons à cela l'oisiveté à laquelle la longueur et la rigueur de l'hiver donne occasion. Ils aiment la chasse, la navigation, les voyages et n'ont point l'air grossier et rustique de nos paysans de France. Ils sont communément assez souples lorsqu'on les pique d'honneur et qu'on les gouverne avec justice, mais ils sont naturellement indociles. Il est nécessaire de fortifier de plus en plus l'exacte subordination qui doit estre dans tous les ordres, particulièrement dans les gens de la campagne. Cette partie du service a esté de tout temps la plus importante et la plus difficile à remplir. Un des moyens pour y parvenir est de choisir pour officiers dans les costes les habitans les plus sages et les plus capables de commander, et d'apporter de la part du gouvernement toute l'attention convenable pour les maintenir dans leur autorité. On ose dire que le manque de fermeté dans les gouvernemens passés a beaucoup nui à la subordination. Depuis plusieurs années les crimes ont esté punis, les désordres ont été reprimés par des châtiments proportionés. La police par rapport aux chemins publics, aux cabarets, etc., a esté mieux observée et en général les habitants ont esté plus contenus qu'ils ne l'estoient autrefois. Il y a quelques familles nobles en Canada, mais elles sont si nombreuses qu'il y a beaucoup de gentilshommes.
10. THE SUPPOSED WHITE MEN OF THE PRAIRIES (1738).
=Source.=--The Journal of the French explorer, the Sieur de La Vérendrye, describing an expedition to the Missouri in 1738-9. Printed in the _Report on Canadian Archives_, 1889.
On the 20th, the whole village set out on the march to go the seventeen leagues where the meeting-place for the Mandans had been chosen; every day they entertained us with the tale that the whites we were going to see were Frenchmen like ourselves, who said they were our descendants. All they told us gave us good hope of making a discovery which would deserve attention. Mr. de la Marque and I made plans along the road from what they were telling us, believing that to be true, from which we had to deduct much. I observed to Mr. de la Marque the good order in which the Assiniboines march to prevent surprise, marching always on the prairies, the hill-sides and valleys from the first mountain, which did not make them fatigued by mounting and descending often in their march during the day. There are magnificent plains of three or four leagues. The march of the Assiniboines, especially when they are numerous, is in three columns, having skirmishers in front, with a good rear guard; the old and lame march in the middle, forming the central column. I kept all the French together as much as possible. If the skirmishers discover herds of cattle on the road, as often happens, they raise a cry which is soon returned by the rear guard, and all the most active men in the columns join the vanguard to hem in the cattle, of which they secure a number, and each takes what flesh he wants. Since that stops the march, the vanguard marks out the encampment which is not to be passed; the women and dogs carry all the baggage, the men are burdened only with their arms; they make the dogs even carry wood to make the fires, being often obliged to encamp in the open prairie, from which the clumps of wood may be at a great distance. On the morning of the 28th, we arrived at the place selected for the meeting with the Mandans, who arrived towards evening--a chief with thirty men and the four Assiniboines. The chief having from the top of a height considered the extent of our village, which appeared of a good size, I had him brought to the hut where I was, where a place had been prepared to receive him on one side of it. He came and placed himself near me; one of his people then, on his part, presented me with a gift of Indian corn in the ear, and of their tobacco in rolls, which is not good, as they do not know how to cure it like us. It is very like ours, with this difference, that it is not cultivated and is cut green, everything being turned to account, the stalks and the leaves together. I gave him some of mine, which he thought very good. I acknowledged that I was surprised, expecting to see different people from the other Indians, especially after the account given me. There is no difference from the Assiniboines....
I marched in good order to the fort, into which I entered on the 3rd of December at four in the afternoon, escorted by all the French and Assiniboines. We were led into the hut of the head chief. It was certainly large, but not enough to hold all who wished to enter. The crowd was so great that they crushed one another, Assiniboines and Mandans. There was only the place where we were, Mr. de la Marque, his brother and my children, free of them. I asked that the crowd should retire, to leave our Frenchmen clear, and to put their baggage in a place of safety, telling them they had all time to see us. Everyone was put out, but I had been too late. The bag of goods had been stolen, in which were all my presents, through the fault of one of the hired men, in whose care I had placed it before reaching the fort. He had unloaded on entering the hut without looking out for the bag, which he had put beside him in the great crowd. I felt rather confounded, my box lost, my bag of presents, which was very necessary for the place, and there were upwards of 300 livres inside. The Assiniboines seemed greatly annoyed and at once made a strict but useless search. Their fort is full of caves, well suited for concealment. The chief of the Mandans appeared to be greatly moved at my loss, and said for my consolation that there were many rascals among them. He would do his utmost to discover something about it. Had I accepted the offer of the Assiniboines I might have had it found in a little time by force, but I preferred to lose it and to make peace about everything, as I wanted to spend a part of the winter with them to get a knowledge of the more distant country....
... The Assiniboines did not yet speak of leaving, although they had purchased all they were able to do, such as painted ox-robes, deerskin, dressed buck skin, and ornamented furs and feathers, painted feathers, and peltry, wrought garters, circlets for the head, girdles. These people dress leather better than any of the other nations, and work in furs and feathers very tastefully, which the Assiniboines are not capable of doing. They are cunning traders, cheating the Assiniboines of all they may possess, such as muskets, powder, balls, kettles, axes, knives or awls. Seeing the great consumption of food daily by the Assiniboines, and afraid that it would not last long, they set afloat a rumour that the Sioux were near and that several of their hunters had noticed them. The Assiniboines fell into the trap and made up their minds quickly to decamp, not wishing to be obliged to fight.
11. THE EXPULSION OF THE ACADIANS (1755).
=Source.=--A letter sent by Charles Lawrence, Lieut.-Governor of Nova Scotia, to the Governors of the Colonies to which the Acadians were removed: printed in Thomas C. Haliburton's _Historical and Statistical Account of Nova Scotia_. Halifax, 1829.
Halifax, Nova Scotia, 11th Aug., 1755.
Sir,
The success that has attended his Majesty's arms in driving the French out from the encroachments they had made in the Province, furnished me with a favourable opportunity of reducing the French inhabitants of this colony to a proper obedience to his Majesty's Government, or of forcing them to quit the country. These inhabitants were permitted in quiet possession of their lands, upon condition they should take the oath of allegiance to the King within one year after the treaty of Utrecht, by which this Province was ceded to Great Britain; with this condition they have ever refused to comply without having from the Governor an assurance in writing that they should not be called upon to bear arms in the defence of the Province; and with this General Philips did comply, of which steps his Majesty has disapproved, and the inhabitants therefrom pretending to be in a state of neutrality between his Majesty and his enemies, have continually furnished the French and Indians with intelligence, quarters, provisions and assistance in annoying the Government; and while one part have abetted the French encroachments by their treachery, the other have countenanced them by open rebellion; and three hundred of them were actually found in arms in the French fort at Beauséjour when it surrendered.
Notwithstanding all their former bad behaviour, as his Majesty was pleased to allow me to extend still further his royal grace to such as would return to their duty, I offered such of them as had not been openly in arms against us a continuance of the possession of their lands, if they would take the oath of allegiance unqualified with any reservation whatever. But this they have audaciously as well as unanimously refused; and if they would presume to do this when there was a large fleet of ships of war in the harbour and considerable land forces in the Province, what might not we expect from them when the approaching winter deprives us of the former, and when the troops, which are only hired from New England occasionally and for a short time, have returned home?
As by this behaviour the inhabitants have forfeited all title to their lands and any further favour from the Government, I called together his Majesty's Council, at which the Hon. Vice-Admiral Boscawen and Rear-Admiral Mostyn assisted, to consider by what means we could with the greatest security and effect rid ourselves of a set of people who would for ever have been an obstruction to the intention of settling this colony, and that it was now from their refusal of the oath absolutely incumbent to remove.
As their numbers amount to near seven thousand persons, the driving them off, with leave to go whithersoever they pleased, would have doubtless strengthened Canada with so considerable a number of French inhabitants; and, as they have no cleared lands to give them at present, such as are able to bear arms must have been immediately employed in annoying this and the neighbouring Colonies. To prevent such an inconveniency, it was judged a necessary and the only practicable measure, to divide them among the Colonies, where they may be of some use, as most of them are healthy strong people, and as they cannot easily collect themselves together again, it will be out of their power to do any mischief, and they may become profitable, and it is possible in time faithful subjects.
As this step was indispensably necessary to the security of the colony, upon whose preservation from French encroachments the prosperity of North America is esteemed in a great measure dependent, I have not the least reason to doubt of your Excellency's concurrence, and that you will receive the inhabitants I now send, and dispose of them in such a manner as may best answer in preventing their re-union....
12. THE CONQUEST OF CANADA (1757-60).
=Source.=--_The Letters of Horace Walpole_: edited by Peter Cunningham. Edinburgh, 1906.
8 Sept., 1757. We had a torrent of bad news yesterday from America. Lord Loudon has found an army of twenty-one thousand French, gives over the design on Louisbourg, and retires to Halifax. Admiral Holbourn writes that they have nineteen ships to his seventeen, and he cannot attack them. It is time for England to slip her own cables and float away into some unknown ocean.
24 Aug., 1758. Our next and greatest triumph is the taking of Cape Breton, the account of which came on Friday. The French have not improved like their wines by crossing the sea; but lost their spirit at Louisbourg as much as on their own coast. The success, especially in the destruction of their fleet, is very great; the triumphs not at all disproportionate to the conquest, of which you will see all the particulars in the Gazette. Now for the chapter of cypresses. The attempt on Crownpoint has failed; Lord Howe was killed in a skirmish; and two days afterward by blunders, rashness and bad intelligence we received a great blow at Ticonderoga.... My hope is that Cape Breton may buy us Minorca and a peace.
9 Feb., 1759. The expedition, called to Quebec, departs on Tuesday next under Wolfe and George Townshend, who has thrust himself again into the service, and, as far as wrongheadedness will go, very proper for a hero. Wolfe, who was no friend of Mr. Conway last year and for whom I consequently have no affection, has great merit, spirit and alacrity, and shone extremely at Louisbourg. I am not such a Juno but I will forgive him after eleven more labours.
16 Oct., 1759. I love to prepare your countenance for every event that may happen, for an ambassador, who is nothing but an actor, should be that greatest of actors, a philosopher; and, with the leave of wise men (that is, hypocrites), philosophy I hold to be little more than presence of mind; now undoubtedly preparation is a prodigious help to presence of mind. In short, you must not be surprised that we have failed at Quebec, as we certainly shall.[2] You may say, if you please, in the style of modern politics, that your court never supposed it could be taken; the attempt was only made to draw off the Russians from the King of Prussia, and leave him at liberty to attack Daun. Two days ago came letters from Wolfe, despairing, as much as heroes can despair. The town is well victualled, Amherst is not arrived, and fifteen thousand men encamped defend it. We have lost many men by the enemy, and some by our friends--that is, we now call our nine thousand only seven thousand.
19 Oct. I had no occasion to be in such a hurry to prepare your ambassadorial countenance; if I had stayed but one day more, I might have left its muscles to behave as they pleased. The notification of a probable disappointment at Quebec came only to heighten the pleasure of the conquest. You may now give yourself what airs you please, you are master of East and West Indies. An ambassador is the only man in the world whom bullying becomes: I beg your pardon, but you are spies, if you are not bragadochios. All precedents are on your side: Persians, Greeks, Romans, always insulted their neighbours when they conquered Quebec....
It was a very singular affair, the generals on both sides slain, and on both sides the second in command wounded; in short, very near what battles should be, in which only the principals ought to suffer. If their army has not ammunition and spirit enough to fall again upon ours before Amherst comes up, all North America is ours.
21 Oct. Instead of the glorious and ever-memorable year 1759, as the newspapers call it, I call it this ever-warm and victorious year: one would think we had plundered East and West Indies of sunshine. Our bells are worn threadbare with ringing for victories.... Adieu! I don't know a word of news less than the conquest of America.
P.S.--You shall hear from me again if we take Mexico or China before Christmas.
20 June, 1760. Who the deuce was thinking of Quebec? America was like a book one has read and done with; or at least if one looked at the book, one just recollected that there was a supplement promised, to contain a chapter on Montreal, the starving and surrender of it--but here are we on a sudden reading our book backwards. An account came two days ago that the French on the march to besiege Quebec had been attacked by General Murray, who got into a mistake and a morass, attacked two bodies that were joined, when he hoped to come up with one of them before the junction, was enclosed, embogged and defeated. By the list of officers killed and wounded, I believe there has been a rueful slaughter,--the place, too, I suppose will be retaken. The year 1760 is not the year 1759.
28 June, 1760. Well, Quebec is come to life again. Last night I went to see the Holdernesses ... in Sion-lane. As Cibber says of the Revolution, I met the Raising of the Siege; that is, I met my Lady in a triumphal car, drawn by a Manx horse thirteen little fingers high, with Lady Emily ... they were going to see the bonfire at the alehouse at the corner. The whole procession returned with me; and from the countess's dressing-room, we saw a battery fired before the house, the mob crying, "God bless the good news!"
5 Oct., 1760. I am afraid you will turn me off from being your gazetteer. Do you know that I came to town to-day by accident, and was here four hours before I heard that Montreal was taken? The express came early this morning. I am so posthumous in my intelligence that you must not expect any intelligence from me.... All I know is, that the bonfires and squibs are drinking General Amherst's health.
13. THE SIEGE OF QUEBEC (1759).
=Source.=--A Letter from an Officer to his Friend, quoted in the _Gentleman's Magazine_ for December, 1759.
I make no doubt but your anxiety with regard to our success in this part of the world has been very great, both with respect to the navigable part (as we were all strangers and new adventurers) as also for the progress of our troops.
What the French have ever reported of this river is a mere bugbear, as there are but few dangerous spots in it, and those very easily discovered; a proof of their having acted a very politic part in keeping us so long from attempting to approach one of the finest countries and climates in the world. The river abounds with great variety and plenty of fine fish, such as salmon, sturgeon, bass, cod and all kinds of flat fish. At the place from which I date this letter the water is entirely fresh, like that of the Thames, so that we fill all our casks with it alongside the ship. Great part of the country, from the isle Bic to Montreal (which is about 25 leagues above Quebec) is well cultivated, and sowed with wheat, barley, peas, flax and almost every other kind of grain.
The isle of Orleans is an exceeding fine island, rising very gradually from the water's edge each way to the middle. It has many thousand acres of good grain now growing upon it, and the lands are parted with good paling. It produces great plenty of French beans, cabbage, turnips and other useful plants and roots. This island and Coudre the French evacuated at our approach, and left us masters both of their houses and lands; so that our men were at liberty to pick and choose among fine green peas, currants, gooseberries, apples, raspberries, cherries and, in short, everything of the like kind. This country abounds also with horned cattle, sheep, hogs and poultry; and in all the woods there is plenty of gooseberries and raspberries uncultivated. Here are numbers of churches, and all kinds of mills round the country. In short, it is a second England, and I am credibly informed the weather is very fine the greatest part of the year.
Quebec is a large city, one part very high, the other at the foot of the eminence. The lower part, containing a large cathedral and Bishop's palace with many other churches, we have reduced to rubbish. Quebec, I assure you, is not that trifling poor fishing town the French have hitherto represented it to be.
The first salutation our ships had on their approach near the town was seven fire-ships well filled with combustibles, and their rigging smeared with tar. These came burning down the river with the help of a strong current, directed on the body of our fleet. But as some such contrivance was expected by the Admiral, good provision was made for his defence by having all the boats of the squadron out, well manned and armed, with an officer in each boat and fire-grapplings. The fire-ships were instantly boarded by our men, who so fixed their grapplings and chains as to tow them clear of every ship to shore on the isle of Orleans, where they burned to ashes without doing the least damage. The next annoyance was 17 fire-rafts, well supplied with gun and pistol barrels loaded, granadoes, and combustibles of all sorts, each of them 103 feet long, and slackly chained together, so that at the least interruption they might surround whatever opposed their passage. They came burning down with the current, and one would have thought the whole river in a flame as they spread almost from shore to shore; but these were also grappled in like manner, and, being towed clear off all the ships, consumed with the loss only of one boat, and I believe all the men saved. General Wolfe, finding so great an opposition, published a placard and spread it in the French camp; but it had no effect on the Canadians; he therefore ordered all the habitations, barns, stables and corn on the lands, as soon as ripe, to be totally destroyed. The sides of the river began immediately to show a most dismal appearance of fire and smoke; and (as the troops employed on this service were the remains of those who escaped the massacre by the French at Fort William Henry, where they killed and scalped every wounded officer and common man) they spared little or nothing that came in their way. Admiral Holmes in the _Sutherland_ passed a very strong battery and went about twenty leagues above the town in order to burn some frigates and other ships that were got high up the river. The French pilots themselves were amazed at the hazards we run with ships of so great burthen, as we were all higher up the river than any French ships of equal burthen ever were, above the traverse which their ships scarce ever passed.
14. WOLFE'S DIFFICULTIES AT QUEBEC (1759).
=Source.=--Wolfe's Despatch of 2nd September, 1759, quoted in the _Gentleman's Magazine_ for October, 1759.
... The Admiral's despatches and mine would have gone eight or ten days sooner, if I had not been prevented from writing by a fever. I found myself so ill, and am still so weak, that I begged the general officers to consult together for the public utility. They are all of opinion that (as more ships and provisions have now got above the town) they should try, by conveying up a corps of 4, or 5000 men (which is nearly the whole strength of the army, after the points of Lévis and Orleans are left in a proper state of defence), to draw the enemy from their present situation and bring them to an action. I have acquiesced in their proposal, and we are preparing to put it in execution.
The Admiral and I have examined the town with a view to a general assault; but, after consulting with the chief engineer, who is well acquainted with the interior parts of it, and after viewing it with the utmost attention, we found that, though the batteries of the lower town might be easily silenced by the men-of-war, yet the business of an assault would be little advantaged by that, since the few passages that lead from the lower to the upper town are carefully entrenched; and the upper batteries cannot be affected by the ships, which must receive considerable damage from them and from the mortars. The Admiral would readily join in this or in any other measure for the public service; but I could not propose to him an undertaking of so dangerous a nature and promising so little success.
To the uncommon strength of the country, the enemy have added (for the defence of the river) a great number of floating batteries and boats. By the vigilance of these and the Indians round our different posts, it has been impossible to execute anything by surprise. We have had almost daily skirmishes with these savages, in which they are generally defeated, but not without loss on our side.